La présente thèse porte sur des mobilisations citoyennes qui ont court depuis quelques années à Saint-Pétersbourg, en Russie, contre la densification urbaine. La transformation de l’espace urbain en commodité a entraîné une augmentation fulgurante des constructions et ce, tant dans les périphéries qu’au centre-ville. La redéfinition de l’espace urbain, conséquence de la chute du régime communiste, a provoqué l’érosion d’espaces considérés comme publics et de nombreux espaces verts. De nombreuses voix se sont élevées pour dénoncer ce qui est souvent qualifié de catastrophe pouvant mener à la « disparition » de Saint-Pétersbourg. Je me suis intéressée à trois aspects de la mobilisation citoyenne contre la densification urbaine : 1) l’opposition de résidents à des projets de constructions qui menacent directement leur environnement immédiat; 2) les efforts de certaines organisations citoyennes pour sauver des espaces verts menacés et; 3) la mobilisation provoquée par la démolition du patrimoine historique. J’ai tenté de comprendre pourquoi la lutte contre la densification urbaine constitue la principale cause de mobilisation à Saint-Pétersbourg en ce début de 21e siècle. Je me suis questionnée sur le sens de cette mobilisation et sur les raisons qui poussent des citoyens à se transformer momentanément en activistes. J’ai examiné l’histoire singulière de cette ville et son passé de résistance qui ont contribué à donner naissance à une identité particulière qui a perduré au fil des siècles, malgré les guerres et les bouleversements politiques. L’analyse des récits et des actions des résidents a révélé que la densification urbaine met en lumière plusieurs enjeux qui touchent la société russe contemporaine, comme le fossé grandissant entre les riches et les pauvres et la perte de confiance aux autorités. La densification urbaine représente, pour ses opposants, une perte de qualité de vie. Mais les Pétersbourgeois qui s’unissent pour préserver leur ville craignent aussi que la densification urbaine mène à la disparition de la mémoire et de la culture incarnées par tous ces lieux menacés. En exprimant leur désaccord contre les divers projets qui envahissent la ville, les résidents souhaitent aussi faire entendre leur voix et participer de manière active à l’élaboration d’une vision qui prendrait en compte les intérêts non seulement de la classe dirigeante, mais de l’ensemble de la population. En ce sens, les mobilisations contre la densification urbaine constituent une tentative de (ré)appropriation de la ville, tant sur le plan matériel que symbolique. / This thesis examines the recent mobilization of citizens against urban densification in St-Petersburg, Russia. Urban spaces have undergone major transformations following the collapse of the communist regime. The commercialization of public spaces has caused a huge increase in the number of constructions in St-Petersburg. The redefinition of urban space has led to an erosion of what had been considered public spaces and has greatly affected the city’s green space. In the past few years a great number of voices have been raised to condemn this privatization of public space. In the opinion of many, in-fill construction can lead to a catastrophe: the disappearance of St-Petersburg. I have examined three aspects of this mobilization: 1) the opposition of residents against projects threatening their immediate living space; 2) the efforts displayed by local organizations to save public spaces and; 3) the mobilization against the destruction of historical monuments. My aim was to understand why the battle against urban densification has become the number one cause around which inhabitants of St-Petersburg mobilize today. I have tried to understand the meaning of this mobilization, and looked into the reasons why residents become activists. I have investigated the history of the city and its past tradition of resistance to see if I could find insights into current anti-densification movements. Since its very foundation St-Petersburg has developed its own identity, which has been transmitted from generation to generation and has survived wars, revolutions and political changes. The stories and actions of residents involved in the battle against in-fill construction reveal many issues pertaining to contemporary Russian society, including the growing gap between the wealthy and the rest of the population, and the loss of trust in the political class. From the standpoint of its opponents, urban densification is harmful to the quality of life of residents. But the residents of St-Petersburg who unite to protect their city also fear that urban densification will lead to the vanishing of a memory and a culture held by all these threatened places. By expressing their disagreement concerning construction projects, these residents wish to have their voices heard. They also wish to participate actively in the elaboration of a vision of their city that would take into account the interests of all citizens, not only a select few. In this sense, citizen mobilization against urban densification represents an attempt at (re)appropriating the city, both on a material and symbolic level.

The purpose for undertaking this case study of the Shi'a in Lebanon is threefold. First, as a hypothesis-generating case study, its objective is to formulate relevant hypotheses about religious resurgence and religious terrorism. This study achieves this objective by formulating 14 general and nine special hypotheses, and testing and confirming the latter. Second, the purpose of this study is also to explore the trajectory of the Lebanese Shi'a's sectarian mobilization. This exploration permits the conceptualization of geocultural immobility and its effect upon a religious minority. It deduces that the Lebanese Shiga's geo-cultural immobility is directly related to their active religious resurgence. The third purpose is to study the changes in the objectives and tactics of a religious minority, that of the Muslim Shi'a in Lebanon. This research is able, via its primary and secondary data, to show a relationship between the Lebanese Shiga's religious resurgence and their use of religious terrorism. This study introduces the concept of geo-cultural immobility. A minority's geo-cultural immobility is identified as an imposed low geographic mobility within a nation with low cultural pluralism. It establishes the Lebanese Shi'a's geo-cultural immobility, to which it attributes their religious resurgence. This Lebanese Shi'a religious resurgence is proven in this research to produce zealots needed by religious terrorist organizations. This study also introduces and defines religious terrorism as violent acts performed by elements of a religious organization or sect, growing out of a commitment to communicate a divine message. It distinguishes between religious terrorism, secular terrorism, and fighters for religious freedom, which are based on the actors' motives, affinities, and consciousness of the maliciousness of their acts. The primary and secondary data and the quasi-experiment in this research support its special hypotheses. They indicate a statistical correlation between eight Lebanese Shi'a cultural and religious attributes: (1) age, (2) marital status, (3) extent of Shi'a Imam's militancy, (4) personal religious commitment and religious resurgence, (5) zealotry, (6) geo-cultural immobility, (7) imprisonment of family members, and (8) willingness to commit terrorism.

Ce mémoire interroge les possibilités présentes et futures d’actions concertées pour remettre en question les structures sociales d’exclusion qui affectent des groupes désignés à risque, entre autres en les rendant plus vulnérables à l’infection au VIH. En Inde, l’attention grandissante portée aux travailleuse(r)s du sexe (TS) par la santé publique dans les interventions contre le VIH contribue à façonner l’identité des groupes ciblés en les associant à l’épidémie du VIH et à sa prévention. L’acceptation et la réorganisation de cette catégorie servent de base d’organisation d’efforts collectifs pour un groupe de TS de Mysore, dans l’état du Karnataka. Les membres de ce collectif, nommé Ashodaya, déploient des actions concertées pour remettre en question les limites de catégories qui leur sont assignées (avec des tentatives pour désamorcer certaines dynamiques d’exclusion sociale -en limitant la stigmatisation), et s’imposer comme un groupe de citoyennes à part entière en s’incluant dans des sphères civiles comme citoyens, comme représentants d’une occupation et non comme individus marginalisés ou « représentants » d’une maladie. L’inclusion d’Ashodaya dans les efforts de prévention du VIH offre un accès à des ressources humaines et matérielles qui lui seraient autrement inaccessibles, mais limitent les possibilités d’actions du groupe en restreignant sa participation à la prévention. Le contexte particulier de l’engagement et du programme d’Avahan, branche indienne de la Bill and Melinda Gates souligne la fragilité des acquis de groupes comme Ashodaya. / This thesis questions the present and future possibilities for concerted actions to challenge social exclusion structures affecting social groups designated as being at risk, in part by making them more vulnerable to HIV infection. In India, the increasing attention given to sex workers (SW) by public health instances in HIV prevention contributes in shaping the identities of the targeted groups as associated to the epidemic and its prevention. The acceptance and reorganization of this label of SW act as basis for the organization of collective efforts for a SW organization in Mysore, in the state Karnataka. The members of this collective, named Ashodaya, use concerted actions to question the limits of these assigned labels (with attempts to defuse certain dynamics of social exclusion associated with stigmatization), and impose itself as a group of full-fledge citizens by including themselves in civil life as citizens representing an occupation, and not as marginalized individuals or “representative” of a disease. The inclusion of Ashodaya in the HIV prevention efforts offers an access to human and material resources that would not be otherwise available. However, it also limits its action possibilities in restricting its participation to prevention. The particular context of the engagement and the program of Avahan, Indian chapter of the Bill and Melinda Gates foundation, highlight the fragility of the work of groups like Ashodaya.

Suivant les violences du sud du Kirghizistan en 2010, plusieurs auteurs de même que des médias ont décrit les affrontements entre les Ouzbèks et les Kirghizes comme étant dûs à des manipulations de l’ethnicité par les élites de la région. Ce travail de mémoire de maîtrise analyse l’influence des élites dans la société kirghize, elle évalue la capacité de celles-ci à mobiliser les gens pour quelque chose d’aussi radical que des violences ethniques. L’emprise politique et économique des élites kirghizes et ouzbèkes sur la société est donc confrontée à des facteurs de mobilisation plus émotifs. La théorie de Scott Radnitz sur le clientélisme et sur la capacité qu’ont les élites à réunir une foule majeure pour des regroupements publics sera notamment examinée et mise en opposition à des théories qui attribuent des causes plus émotionnelles aux affrontements. Cette analyse démontre que la théorie de Scott Radnitz indique une bonne première piste à suivre pour l’étude de toute mobilisation au Kirghizistan. Cependant, pour la mobilisation menant à des violences ethniques, il faut apporter une petite nuance afin d’incorporer les aspects émotionnels à la mobilisation. / Following the ethnic violence which happened in southern Kyrgyzstan in 2010, several authors and media sources have stated that the confrontation between the Uzbeks and the Kyrgyz was due to manipulations of ethnicity by the region’s elites. This master’s dissertation analyzes the influence of elites within Kyrgyz society, it thus analyzes they’re capacity to mobilize people for something as radical as ethnic violence. The political and economic leverage which these elites have in society is thus confronted to more emotional factors of mobilisation. Scott Radnitz’s theory on clientelism and on elite’s ability to gather large crowds for public gatherings will be examined and opposed to other theories which attribute more emotional causes to confrontation. The results of this analysis indicate that Radnitz offers and excellent guide to studying any type of mobilisation in Kyrgyzstan. However, in the case of ethnic violence, the emotional aspect to mobilisation must be taken into account to fully understand the situation.

Alors que la mobilisation de la diaspora tamoule pendant la guerre civile sri lankaise (1983-2009) a été amplement discutée et analysée, peu de chercheurs se sont penchés sur la mobilisation de la diaspora tamoule après 2009. Pourtant, cette mobilisation d’après-guerre présente une rupture importante avec le discours d’indépendance du Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) prédominant pendant la guerre civile sri lankaise, rupture qui s’illustre, entre autres, par l’émergence d’un discours de reconnaissance du génocide. Comment expliquer ce changement de discours? L’objectif de ce mémoire est d’exposer le recadrage des actions collectives de la diaspora tamoule depuis 2009, pour ensuite expliquer comment et pourquoi nous l’observons. Pour ce faire, nous retraçons le discours de cinq acteurs collectifs en matière d’indépendance et de génocide, tel que rapporté par le site web diasporique, Tamilnet.com. Les acteurs collectifs à l’étude sont les suivants : le Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), le Global Tamil Forum (GTF), le Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam (TGTE), Tamils Against Genocide (TAG) et le National Council of Canadian Tamils (NCCT). Notre démarche, qui consiste en une analyse de cadrage, à la fois quantitative et qualitative, nous amène à remettre en question la relation causale entre la fenêtre d’opportunité et le recadrage. En revanche, nous démontrons que le recadrage des actions collectives de la diaspora tamoule depuis 2009 s’explique par l’émergence de nouveaux acteurs collectifs, eux-mêmes porteurs d’un nouveau discours. L’apparition de ces nouveaux acteurs collectifs médiate ainsi la relation entre la fenêtre d’opportunité et le recadrage. / While previous studies have focused on Tamil diaspora mobilization during Sri Lanka’s civil war (1983-2009), post-war Tamil mobilization within the diaspora remains largely understudied. However, this post-war mobilization is characterized by the emergence of a new discourse on the recognition of the Tamil genocide and represents a major break with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)’s discourse on Tamil Eelam independence. How can we explain this shift in discourse? This research outlines the reframing of collective actions organized within the Tamil diaspora since 2009 and provides an explanation as to why such reframing is taking place. We focus on five collective actors, namely the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), the Global Tamil Forum (GTF), the Transnational Governement of Tamil Eelam (TGTE), Tamils Against Genocide (TAG) and the National Council of Canadian Tamils (NCCT). We deconstruct their discourse pertaining to Tamil independence and Tamil genocide using Tamilnet.com, an online news portal. Using a quantitative and qualitative frame analysis approach, we challenge the causal relationship between opportunity window and reframing. Conversely, our results show that the reframing of Tamil collective actions in the diaspora since 2009 is due to the emergence of new collective actors, bearers of a new discourse on the recognition of genocide. We then suggest that the emergence of new collective actors mediates the relationship between opportunity window and reframing.

Marseille, été 2004, un conflit éclate entre des locataires et leur nouveau propriétaire, un fonds d’investissement international, venant d’acheter sur la rue de la République plus d’un millier de logements et 50 000 m2 de surface commerciale. Le propriétaire exige que tous ses locataires, modestes, quittent leur appartement alors que le quartier fait l'objet d'une requalification soutenue par la puissance publique dans le cadre de l'Opération d'Intérêt National Euroméditerranée. Une mobilisation prend alors forme et accompagne l'émergence du problème de la rue de la République... La rue de la République constitue alors ce genre d'intervalle où il est possible d'observer un moment de ressaisie collective attenant à la confection d'un problème public. Parler de problème public situe en effet un processus dynamique porté par une enquête, cet "art" de créer et de résoudre des problèmes. A travers une ethnographie fine, cette thèse entend explorer les lignes de fragilité du public, conduisant à réinscrire l'enquête dans une continuité affectant toute appréhension globale, ferme ou définitive du problème et de ses horizons de régulation. / At Marseilles, in Summer 2004, a struggle emerged between the tenants and their new owner, an international investment fund, which bought about a thousand of apartments and 50.000 m2 of commercial area on the République Street. Although the district was subject to a redevelopment project supported by public authorities in the frame of the National Interest Euroméditerranée Project, the owner required that all the tenants, most of them in poverty, leave their apartments. This struggle led to the emergence of what is publicly called the République Street Problem. The République Street is then a place where it is possible to observe a moment of collective effervescence contributing to build a public issue. Talking about public problem is to refer to a dynamic process supported by an inquiry, taken as an "art" in creating and solving problems. Through a fine tune, this thesis aims to consider the fragility of the public, leading to a continuous inquiry that can destabilize the understanding and the definition of the problem and its issues.

O Recôncavo Baiano é uma área na qual diversas manifestações populares de matriz cultural afro-brasileira estão preservadas, como é o caso do samba de roda, do maculêlê e da capoeira. A capoeira possui um discurso político de resistência que sustenta tal identidade cultural. Esta pesquisa se inicia perseguindo uma linhagem de capoeira angola remetida ao Recôncavo Baiano, em especial à cidade de Santo Amaro. Buscando articular igualmente os planos da história e da experiência narradas por essa linhagem, se deparou com uma capoeira diferenciável. Em seus resultados compreende que o que é atualmente conhecido por capoeira se desenvolveu a partir de processos históricos. Para compreendê-los recorremos ao universo carioca do início do século XIX, quando os primeiros documentos sobre capoeiras aparecem. Entendemos esse contexto enquanto uma determinada forma de reprodução das relações sociais, comprometidas com o escravismo, resultando numa mobilização do trabalho particularmente experimentada pelos capoeiras, por meio da perseguição e prisão empreendidas pelo nascente Estado nacional. Num comparativo com o Rio de Janeiro, analisamos o Recôncavo Baiano das relações de produção canavieira, e o seu desenvolvimento no pós-abolição, implicadas em particulares formas de controle sobre os trabalhadores. A criminalização da capoeiragem em 1890 seria então um momento em que esses contextos particulares foram articulados. Essa análise apontou que por meio da capoeira é possível discutir criticamente o processo de formação das relações de trabalho no Brasil, tendo como anteparo a própria constituição do Estado nacional, culminando com o reconhecimento da capoeira e sua descriminalização a partir da década de 1930. Tais aspectos são representativos para compreender o lugar que o capoeira, em sua transformação em capoeirista, vai experimentar. / The Recôncavo Baiano is an area in which diverse popular expressions of Afro- Brazilian cultural origin are preserved, as is the case for samba de roda, maculêlê and capoeira. Capoeira has a political discourse of resistance that supports such cultural identity. This research begins by pursuing a capoeira angola lineage referred to the Recôncavo Baiano, especially to the city of Santo Amaro. Seeking to articulate equally the plans of history and experience, narrated by this lineage, a differentiable capoeira came across this work. In its results, we understand that what is currently known as capoeira has developed from a historical process. To understand it we used the context of Rio de Janeiro in the early nineteenth century, when the first documents about capoeiras appear. We understand this context as a certain form of reproduction of social relations, committed to slavery, resulting in a labor mobilization particularly experienced by capoeiras, through the persecution and arrest undertaken by the nascent national state. In a comparison with Rio de Janeiro, we analyze the Recôncavo Baiano of the relations of sugarcane production, and its development in post-abolition, implied in particular forms of control over workers. So, the criminalization of capoeira in 1890 would be a time when these particular contexts were articulated. This analysis pointed out that through capoeira it is possible to critically discuss the process of the formation of labor relations in Brazil, having as a shield the constitution of the national State itself, ending in the recognition of capoeira and its decriminalization on the 1930s. Such aspects are representative to understand the place that capoeiras, in their transformation into capoeiristas, will experience.

Nesta dissertação analisamos as dinâmicas de ação coletiva dos grupos negros na Colômbia, desde a abolição da escravidão a meados do século XIX até a Colômbia contemporânea. Este foco sócio-histórico tem como objetivo observar as mudanças nas oportunidades políticas que permitem, ou não, a ação coletiva de um grupo social. Na medida em que as oportunidades políticas oferecidas pelo Estado são favoráveis para a mobilização, nos interessamos em compreender as estratégias de mobilização e os recursos usados pelos ativistas, assim como as alianças e a especialização do ativismo. A dinâmica da organização do Movimento Afro-Colombiano mudou na ultima década do século XX, quando promulgada a nova Constituição Política nacional e mais uma vez na primeira década do século XXI, quando a população negra colombiana se torna alvo do conflito armado que vive o país. / In this dissertation we analyze the dynamics of collective action of Colombian black groups, since the abolition of slave trade in 1851, until contemporary Colombia. This sociohistorical focus has the intuition to observe how changes in political opportunities aloud collective action of a social group. In so far as political opportunities given by the State are positive for mobilization, we are interested in the comprehension of which strategies are chosen for groups to mobilize, as well as the usage of resources by activists. Also we are interested in understanding the alliances and specialization of the activism in certain political regimes. The dynamic of organization of Afro-Colombian Movement changed during the last decade of the 20th century, when a new constitution was adopted. And has changed once again during the first decade of the 21st century, when Colombian black population became the main victims of the armed conflict in the country.

O ferro é um importante elemento em reações catalíticas no meio ambiente, pois possui a capacidade de ser reduzido ou oxidado. Duas espécies de ferro solúvel podem estar presentes em amostras ambientais, o Fe (II) e o Fe (III). Métodos analíticos capazes de diferenciar e quantificar estas duas espécies de ferro são muito importantes para a compreensão dos processos metabólicos dos diversos microrganismos, e também para entender a atuação destes microrganismos na remobilização do coagulante utilizado em estações de tratamento de esgotos (ETEs), nas quais é possível utilizar como coagulante o FeCl3. Porém não há trabalhos publicados que recuperam o ferro coagulado utilizando bactérias redutoras de ferro. Os objetivos deste trabalho são: 1) avaliar o método colorimétrico de fenantrolina para quantificação de Fe (II) e os principais interferentes nessas análises; e 2) avaliar o potencial do Fe (II) gerado via metabolismo das bactérias redutoras de ferro como coagulante de matéria orgânica e inorgânica de águas residuárias. Os resultados para o método colorimétrico de fenantrolina são confiáveis somente para leituras de amostras que contenham Fe (II), mas não diferencia e quantifica corretamente espécies de Fe (III) em todos os valores de pH. A separação das diferentes espécies de ferro foi feita utilizando membrana de acetato de celulose com porosidade de 0,2 m e ajustando o valor do pH para valores entre 4 e 5. Para obtenção das concentrações de Fe (II) e Fe (III), é necessário realizar a leitura em amostras filtradas e não filtradas, pois o Fe (II) passa pela membrana e o Fe (III) fica retido. Desta forma, é possível realizar a distinção das espécies de ferro, e em seguida realizar a quantificação com testes colorimétricos, seja em campo ou em laboratório. A diferenciação das espécies de ferro se mostrou importante para quantificar corretamente o Fe (III) e o Fe (II) durante o tratamento de águas residuárias utilizando Fe (III) como coagulante na forma de FeCl3. Na comparação com a recuperação ácida, a biológica se mostrou mais eficiente por não apresentar metais pesados remobilizados na fração líquida, recuperando 58% do ferro quando adicionado o glicerol como fonte de carbono. Durante a remobilização do ferro houve a produção do metano, gás de interesse econômico. A escolha do coagulante e da concentração foi determinada pela remoção da turbidez, sendo o melhor coagulante para água residuária do CRUSP o FeCl3 na concentração de 60 mg/ L de Fe, pois removeu 99% da turbidez, 98% do fosfato, 85% dos carboidratos e 100% de proteínas presentes na água residuária. Aplicando-se o coagulante remobilizado (400 mg/L), foi possível remover 85% da turbidez. O ferro recuperado servirá novamente como coagulante, favorecendo a redução dos custos com o tratamento de água residuária. / Iron is an important element in catalytical action in the environment as it has an ability to be filtered or oxidized. Soluble iron species may be present in environmental samples, Fe (II) and Fe (III). Analytical methods capable of differentiating and quantifying these two iron species are very important for the remobilization of coagulation in sewage treatment plants (ETEs), in which FeCl3 can be used as a coagulant. It is not a job that recovers coagulated iron with iron reducing units. The objectives of this work are: 1) to evaluate the colorimetric method of phenanthroline for quantification of Fe (II) and the main interferents in these analyzes; and 2) to evaluate the potential of Fe (II) through the metabolism of iron-reducing bacteria as a coagulant of organic and inorganic wastewater. The results for the colorimetric method of phenanthroline are only for the readings of samples containing Fe (II), but do not differentiate and quantify the Fe (III) species at all pH values. The separation of the fish fiber species was left to the cellulose acetate test with the porosity of 0.2 m and adjusting the pH value to values between 4 and 5. For the concentration of Fe (II) and Fe (III), it is necessary to read in filtered and unfiltered samples, as Fe (II) passes through the membrane and Fe (III) is retained. In this way, it is possible to perform an analysis of the iron species, and then perform quantification with colorimetric tests, either in the field or in the laboratory. Differentiation of iron species has become important in correctly quantifying Fe (III) and Fe (II) during wastewater treatment using Fe (III) as a coagulant in the form of FeCl3. In comparison with an acid replica, a biological recovery is done through large amounts of remobilized in the liquid fraction, recovering 58% of the iron when the glycerol as carbon source. During the remobilization of the iron there was a production of methane, gas of economic interest. The choice of the coagulant and the capacity was determined by the removal of the turbidity, being the best coagulant for the residual water of the CRUSP the FeCl3 in the concentration of 60 mg/L of Fe, since it removed 99% of the turbidity, 98% of the phosphate, 85% of carbohydrates and 100% of proteins present in the wastewater. Applying the remobilized coagulant (400 mg/L), it was 85% turbidity remover. The recovered iron will again serve as a coagulant, favoring the reduction of costs with the treatment of wastewater.

O conceito de \"Príncipe\" surgiu com Nicolau Maquiavel, no início do século XVI, para descrever o governante das monarquias e repúblicas. Em Antonio Gramsci, na metade do século XX, o lugar do Príncipe passou a ser ocupado pelo partido político, aparecendo assim o conceito de \"Moderno Príncipe\". Mais tarde, no fim do século XX, o pesquisador brasileiro Octavio Ianni revisita as duas obras e propõe o \"Príncipe Eletrônico\". Ele constatou que os meios de comunicação de massa passaram a exercer as funções sociais de Príncipe. Em Octávio Ianni, o rádio e, principalmente, a televisão são os lugares, por excelência, de poder, hegemonia e liderança, não sozinhos, mas com o suporte e apoio dos grandes grupos econômicos e políticos. O objetivo desta tese é levar adiante a teoria criada por Ianni e explorar a hipótese da existência de um novo Príncipe no século XXI, que chamamos de Príncipe Digital. Sem prejuízo do que foi descrito por Ianni, essa nova figura não é necessariamente um intelectual, não nasce das mídias tradicionais de massa (rádio e TV) e não se alinha direta e necessariamente com os grupos, econômicos e políticos, hegemônicos, mas é tão ou mais influente e eficaz. O conceito de Príncipe Digital, como variante da categoria criada por Ianni, ilumina a forma como, na era das redes digitais, estão estruturadas as categorias: poder, hegemonia e liderança, pilares de todos os modelos teóricos de príncipes existentes até então. Essa compreensão pode nos levar a entender melhor os fenômenos deste tempo, como as grandes manifestações sociais e os tipos de relações existente nas redes sociais. Para chegar a esse modelo teórico, este trabalho usou como aporte metodológico a Grounded Theory (GT). A GT possibilita uma perspectiva mais real sobre o fenômeno, pois a própria população envolvida aponta os dados, por meio de pesquisas empíricas de natureza quantitativa e qualitativa. Para essa parte empírica, esta pesquisa contou com análise de 74 manifestações sociais, 601 entrevistados e observações acerca de 354 Líderes de Opinião. Analisamos, teórica e empiricamente, manifestações populares que ocorreram no Brasil entre os anos de 2013 e 2015. Os questionários foram divididos em duas fases de aplicações, a primeira, na qual ficaram disponíveis entre março e junho de 2015 e, a segunda, no mês de agosto de 2015. Os principais autores que dão sustentação à tese são: Maquiavel, Gramsci e Ianni, pelas razões já expostas. Lazarsfeld e Toro, com reflexões sobre a recepção de ideias e a mobilização social; Glaser, Tarozzi e Charmaz, com o suporte metodológico da GT. Hardt, Negri e Castells, com argumentos teóricos sobre multidão, redes sociais, internet e processos de mobilização online. / The concept of \"Prince\" came up with Niccolo Machiavelli, in the early sixteenth century to describe the ruler of monarchies and republics. In Antonio Gramsci, the midtwentieth century, the place of the Prince was occupied by political party, thus appearing the concept of \"Modern Prince\". Later, in the late twentieth century, the Brazilian researcher Octavio Ianni revisits the two works and proposes the \"Electronic Prince.\" He found that the mass media took over the social functions of Prince. In Octavio Ianni, radio and especially television are the places par excellence, power, hegemony and leadership, not alone, but with the support and backing of major economic and political groups. The aim of this thesis is to carry forward the theory created by Ianni and explore the hypothesis of a new Prince in the twenty-first century, we call \"Digital Prince.\" Without prejudice to what has been described by Ianni, this new figure is not necessarily an intellectual, not born through the mass traditional media (radio and TV) and does not line up directly and necessarily to the groups, economic and political hegemony, but it is so or more influential and effective. Digital Prince of concept, as a variant of the category created by Ianni, illuminates the way that, in the era of digital networks, the categories are structured: power, hegemony and leadership, pillars of all existing theoretical models of Princes before. This understanding can lead us to better understand the phenomena of this time, as the major social manifestations and types of existing relationships on Social Networks. To get to that theoretical model, this work used as a methodological contribution to Grounded Theory (GT). The GT enables a more realistic perspective on the phenomenon, for the very people involved point data through empirical research of quantitative and qualitative nature. For this empirical part of this research involved analysis of 74 social demonstrations, 601 respondents and observations about 354 leaders of opinion. We analyze, theoretically and empirically, popular demonstrations that took place in Brazil between 2013 and 2015. The questionnaires were divided into two phases of applications, the first, which became available between March and June 2015 and the second, in august of 2015. The main authors that support the thesis are: Machiavelli, Gramsci and Ianni, the reasons given above. Lazarsfeld and Toro, with reflections on the reception of ideas and social mobilization. Glaser, Tarozzi and Charmaz, with the methodological support of the GT. Hardt, Negri and Castells with theoretical arguments about the crowd, social networking, internet and online mobilization processes.