A pesquisa desenvolvida refere-se ao processo de modernização, territorialização das relações sociais do capital, no momento atual do planejamento estatal de perspectiva territorial (Territórios de Identidade) no Médio São Francisco, mais precisamente no município de Barra (BA) comunidades rurais dos Brejos da Barra. As transformações recentes na dinâmica da reprodução do trabalho dos posseiros nessa área envolve um processo no qual o Estado, munido da perspectiva territorial da ação planejada e por meio de outras ações (envolvendo a disposição de benefícios, incentivos, subsídios e regularizações de terra), dissemina e estimula uma série de programas cada vez mais determinantes na reprodução desse posseiro. Isso não é aceito sem crítica, as quais se colocam outras propostas de territorialização, mais voltadas aos desígnios das comunidades envolvidas, mostrando, inclusive, como aquela promoção da permanência transformada do camponês posseiro na terra, mais monetarizada, é, por outro lado, tensionada, justamente pelo Estado quando este viabiliza os meios facilitadores das ações empresariais, ameaçando constantemente os territórios dessas comunidades (impulsionando a mobilização do trabalho), voltados à produção de energia, mineração e agropecuária comercial. Ambos elegem o território como cerne da prática envolvendo um duplo aspecto indissociável: o da constrição e confinamento territorial dos camponeses posseiros. Todo esse recente processo tem, no entanto, uma determinação histórica social violenta de imposição categorial, cada vez mais tornada crítica na modernização, marcada por uma dinâmica contraditória, do desdobramento e generalização das mediações sociais, como trabalho, dinheiro, e mercadoria e Estado, perpassando todos os sujeitos sociais das ações. Por isso, nesta pesquisa, nos voltamos também a sua história de imposição, discutindo a formação dessas categorias sociais, do próprio Estado e do planejamento, para outra vez retornarmos ao momento mais recente, rediscutindo os desdobramentos concretos das relações sociais. / The developed research refers to the modernization process, understood as the territorialization of capitals social relations, in the present moment of States planning within the territorial perspective (Territory of Identity Program) at the Medium São Francisco Valley, more precisely at the municipality of Barra/BA rural communities of the Brejos da Barra (Barra Swamps). Recent transformations of the labor reproduction dynamics of local smallholders unfold a process in which the State armed with the territorial perspective of planning action and by other actions involving the disposing of benefits, incentives, subsides, and land regularization disseminates and stimulates several programs more and more determining smallholders social reproduction. This has not been accepted without critics. On one hand, the current critics tend to present other proposals of territorialization, more connected to the aims of the involved communities, such as the promotion of land permanence, although more monetized. On the other, they are opposed by the very State once it makes viable the facilities to enterprise actions with plans towards energy production, mining and commercial agriculture, constantly threatening these communities territories and promoting the labor mobility. Both the State and the critics have elected the territory as the center of their practices involving a double side aspect: that of the constriction and of the territorial confining of smallholders and peasants. Nonetheless, the recent process as a whole has a social and historical violent determination of a categorical imposition, turned even more critical by the modernization, marked by a contradictory dynamics of unfolding and generalizing the social mediations, such as labor, money, commodity and the State, that pass through all the social actors of the related actions. Therefore, in this research we also turn to the history of the imposition of those social mediations, discussing their formation, in order to understand the recent moment as part of the critical concrete unfolding of social relations.

La préoccupation majeure de tout État moderne est d’assurer son développement économique et social. Chaque État définit ses stratégies de développement en fonction de ses réalités. C’est le cas de la République centrafricaine (RCA). L’économie du pays est fragile et demeure marquée par une faible capacité à générer des revenus. En dépit d’un potentiel naturel très important, la RCA pâtit de son enclavement qui pèse sur le développement économique du pays. Or, l’un des problèmes-clés du développement économique est celui de son financement endogène. Si les capacités contributives font défaut, il est impossible d’assurer un développement harmonieux. En effet, le financement du développement d’un État reste tributaire de la performance des ressources fiscales et douanières. La politique fiscale a un rôle important à jouer dans le développement économique d’un pays. En Centrafrique, comme dans les pays en développement, la politique fiscale est la locomotive du développement. Car, l’outil essentiel de toute politique de mobilisation de ressources et de financement adéquat du développement est la fiscalité, véritable instrument de politique économique et sociale. La fiscalité est à ce titre la carte maîtresse des programmes économiques de ce pays qui, non seulement, est enclavé mais doit relever le défi de la reconstruction à la suite des troubles politiques qui l’ont secoué durant des décades. Ainsi, la question du financement endogène du développement en Centrafrique se situe dans un contexte nouveau et doit prendre en compte plusieurs paramètres, en vue d’améliorer la mobilisation des ressources financières nationales permettant d’assurer le financement du développement / The major concern of every modern State is to ensure its economic and social development. Since living conditions are not the same, each State sets its development strategies according to its realities. This is the case of the Central African Republic (CAR). The economy remains fragile and is marked by a low capacity to generate income. Despite its huge natural potential (dense water network, large forest, vast mineral resources, extensive arable land etc.), CAR suffers from its hemmed-in position which weighs on the country's economic development. Yet, one of the key problems of economic development is endogenous funding. If the contributory capacities of citizens are limited, it is impossible to ensure a harmonious development. Indeed, the funding of any State development remains dependent on the performance of tax and customs resources. Thus, fiscal policy has an important role to play in the economic development of a country. In Central Africa, as in developing countries, fiscal policy is the locomotive of development. Since the essential tool of all resource mobilisation and adequate development funding policy is taxation, which is the real instrument of economic and social policy. Taxation is as such the trump card of economic programs of this country which, not only is landlocked but must face the challenge of rebuilding following the political unrest that shook it for more than two decades. In this sense, the question of endogenous financing of Central Africa’s development lies within a new context and must take into account several factors in order to improve the mobilization of domestic financial resources to ensure development growth

Deconditioning occurs in critically ill patients as early as 4 days after entering the intensive care unit (ICU) resulting in a loss of up to 25% peripheral muscle tone and 18% body weight by the time the patient is discharged. Early mobility (EM) has been shown to reduce complications such as neuromuscular weakness, muscle wasting, pneumonia, and the effects of prolonged periods of time on the ventilator. No formal education on EM had been provided to nurses at the clinical site. The purpose of this project was to develop an educational program on EM to promote early ambulation of critically ill ICU patients. The theory of knowledge to action was used to guide the development of the educational program. The practice-focused question addressed whether an educational program would improve nurses' perceptions of their knowledge of EM and if they would promote the use of EM among ICU patients. After a literature review to identify evidence-based practices and a protocol on EM, an educational program was developed that included a 25-item Likert-style pretest and posttest to measure percent agreement with perceptions of knowledge gained and likelihood of behavior change related to the practice of EM. Participants included 60 ICU nurses. Results demonstrated improvement in perceptions of knowledge of EM (from 74% before education to 88% after) and in likelihood of behavior change related to EM (from 69% before education to 91% after). Findings may be used to integrate EM into the ICU setting to reduce complications such as neuromuscular weakness, muscle wasting, and pneumonia. Results may also include improved patient outcomes, reduced length of stay, and increased quality of life for patients and their families, and thereby promote positive social change.

Régulièrement décrite comme le fruit d'un conflit identitaire déclenché par des interventions extérieures, la guerre civile irakienne est d'abord le résultat d'une intense compétition partisane. À travers une enquête de terrain menée de 2010 à 2017 au sein du gouvernorat de Kirkouk, cette thèse montre la manière dont les partis irakiens pénètrent l'État et produisent la société. En particulier, notre travail interroge la manière dont les partis captent les ressources étatiques qui leur permettent la mise en place de politiques d'ingénieries démographiques, la violence étant par ailleurs une modalité d'action centrale du jeu politique. En conséquence, une nouvelle hiérarchie communautaire s'installe qui modifie les structures socio-économiques et la vie quotidienne de la population. À partir de 2011, les inégalités qui résultent de ces transformations encouragent des protestations unanimistes (et non communautaires), mais la violence interdit le développement de ce mouvement et la marginalisation des Arabes sunnites facilitera finalement l'émergence de l'État islamique. Entre 2014 et 2017, la guerre contre l'EI radicalise encore les projets politiques de l'ensemble des partis, mais aboutit paradoxalement à un renforcement de l'État qui revient par le biais d'une politique de décharge milicienne et parvient à reprendre Kirkouk aux partis kurdes irakiens en octobre 2017. / Regularly described as the result of an identity conflict triggered by external interventions, the Iraqi civil war is first and foremost the result of intense partisan competition. Through an investigation conducted from 2010 to 2017 in the Kirkuk governorate, this thesis demonstrates how Iraqi parties penetrate the state and produce society. In particular, my work questions how parties capture the state resources that enable them to implement demographic engineering policies, violence being also a central modality of action in the political game. As a result, a new identity hierarchy is emerging that is changing the socio-economic structures and daily lives of the population. From 2011, the inequalities resulting from these transformations will encourage unanimous (and not sectarian) protests, but violence ultimately prohibits the development of this movement and the marginalization of Sunni Arabs will ultimately facilitate the emergence of the Islamic State. Between 2014 and 2017, the war against lS further radicalizes the political projects of all political parties, but paradoxically leads to a strengthening of the State, which returns through a devolution of power in favor of militias and, in October 2017, manages to take Kirkuk back from the Iraqi Kurdish parties.

L’image de l’enfant constitue un élément fondamental de la communication de l’UNICEF. L’utilisation de cette image a fait l’objet d’un certain nombre d’interrogations traitées dans cette étude en Sciences de l’Information et de la Communication. Ainsi, afin d’approfondir suffisamment les différents aspects de cette utilisation, nous avons choisi de nous baser sur une approche comparative. / The image of the child takes a central place in the communication of the UNICEF. The use of this image has been a subject of a number of questions that we addressed during this interdisciplinary study. In order to do an in-depth evaluation of the different aspects of the use of this image, we have chosen to base our study on a comparative approach.

本論文旨在探討台灣地方派系與選舉之關係，並以雲林縣作為個案，分別探討雲林地方派系的形成及發展及權力結構、派系與選舉提名、派系與選舉動員、派系與選舉結果等問題。文分六章，各章重點如下： 　　第一章：除說明研究動機外，並以文獻探討及訪談等作為主要研究方法；而就理論架構方面，主要以派系理論及恩庇侍從(patron-client）理論為基礎，探討威權體制下，派系如何經由恩庇侍從關係的連結，而得以在選舉中發揮巨大影響力。 　　第二章：首先就社會文化及政治經濟的角度，說明台灣地方派系形成的背景因素，從而進一步描繪雲林縣地方派系的形成發展及權力結構。 　　第三章：本章分二大部分，第一部份敘述四十餘年來國民黨提名政策的演變；其次，並以雲林縣十餘年來省級以上民意代表及縣長選舉為例，探討國民黨在歷次選舉的提名策略，以及派系競爭提名的衝突過程；從而進一步補充了前述之雲林縣地方派系的形成及發展部分。 　　第四章旨在探討派系與選舉動員；第一節敘述派系的動員基礎，包括農會、水利會、信用合作社、學校、行政系統、黨務系統等動員網路；其次，在第二節中，本文則探討在此動員基礎下，派系與樁腳的互動關係；第三節以二屆國大代表及二屆立法委員選舉為例，說明各候選人的動員基礎及派系網路。 　　第五章旨在以雲林縣歷年來省級以上民意代表選舉的開票結果作基礎，探討地方派系與得票率，當選率及投票率的關係。 　　第六章結論。

任何國家在面對安全威脅時，其關鍵在於強盛的國防軍力，現代戰爭已由「單純武力戰」轉為「全民總體戰」，而且台海一旦發生戰事，其作戰縱深短淺，已沒有前方和後方的分別，囿於國際情勢使武器外購受限，國防工業發展成為關鍵因素，我們應發展「小而精、小而強、小而巧」的國防武力，並建立全民國防理念與全民防衛動員機制，運用軍民一體的力量，共同來防衛我們的國土。本文將從「綜合性安全」的角度，以文獻分析法，透過國家安全的觀點，探討我國全民國防的建構、運用與軍備發展，並從中華民國國家安全遭受的威脅及全民防衛動員與軍備發展所面臨的挑戰，探討「全民國防」與「軍備發展」之涵義與重要性，並區分政策面、執行面兩個構面加以說明。在「政策面」的層次分析在「全民防衛動員準備法」的基礎上，闡述「全民國防的理念」與「軍備發展」；在「執行面」上，則針對塑造軍民共用之「國防工業發展」，以為「全民國防軍備體系」之實行方向等，說明全民國防與軍備發展的關係。俾整合全國產、學、研資源，推動國防和民生合一，釋出國防科技轉為民用，並藉由民生產業技術的提升，戰時能支持國防的需求，支援軍事作戰。達成「平時國防支持經建」、「戰時經建支持國防」的國家戰略目標。 / First of all whenever a country faces a threat security, the decisive point relies on the strength of its national power. This critical element has evolved over time from tangible arms forces into spiritual “All -out Defense”. Secondly due to our country’s long and narrow geography , as long as hostility breaks out across the straits, short battlefield depth makes no distinct from the area to frontline. Furthermore our foreign procurement for military we apons is subject to the international circumstance. Apparently “small but precise and strong” defense capability and All-out Defense Mechanism should be more suitable as the determining guidelines towards our defense industry. This study aims for the upcoming threats and challenges when it comes to our national security and is divided into 2 aspects: policy guidance and execution. The former focuses on the analysis of All-out Defense and Mobilization Law and sets forth concept and development tendency of the military preparedness. The latter direct at the relationship and interaction between the All -out defense and armament development. In the long term, we hope to consolidate efforts of the private sectors to develop defense technology industries, the public and civilian assets can be merged into a single whole; such combination can prompt the private sectors to support military missions in wartime and vice versa.

Synaptic transmission alters the strength of the postsynaptic potential, through a process called short-term synaptic plasticity (STP). In this study, endplate potentials (EPPs) from the frog neuromuscular junction were used to resolve and quantify the presynaptic components involved in enhancement and depression of transmitter release during repetitive stimulation under normal quantal release conditions (2 mM Ca2+, 1mM Mg2+). During trains of stimulation given between 10 - 200 Hz, the amplitude of the EPPs first increased then decreased; a maximum increase of 77% was produced after 2-4 stimuli. EPP amplitudes began to increase at ~ 20 Hz, were maximal at ~ 55 Hz, and thereafter, decreased as the rate of stimulation increased. The integrated total release after 25 stimuli was little changed across frequencies between 10 - 100 Hz. EPPs ran down in two phases: a fast phase, attributed to the depletion of a readily releasable pool (RRP) of synaptic vesicles, followed by a slow phase, attributed to the depletion of vesicles from a depot pool (DP). Depletion of the readily releasable pool of synaptic vesicles (RRP) was determined by quantifying release under the fast and slow time rundowns and subtracting the number of vesicles associated with mobilization to the RRP from the total number of vesicles released during stimulation trains of 50 impulses. Impulses were delivered at 12 different rates ranging from 50 to 200 /s. Estimates of the number of vesicles released from the RRP increased with frequency of stimulation until maximal depletion levels of 5500 - 6000 vesicles were reached at stimulation rates between 90-130/s, assuming a control quantal content of 200 vesicles released per impulse. Depletion was less at lower frequencies when the number of stimuli delivered was identical. When the RRP maximally depleted, release was inversely related to stimulation rate, as would be expected if mobilization from the depot pool was the sole determinate of release during the slow phase. An equation constructed from four known components of enhancement and two components of depression - the depletion of vesicles from a readily releasable pool (RRP) and from the depot pool (DP) that refills the RRP, was used to fit and then simulate EPPs obtained during trains using different patterns of stimulation and varying amounts of extracellular Ca2+; the decay time constant parameters of enhancement, numerically derived from the observed data, were fixed at tau ~ 46, 220, 1600, and 20000 ms. The number of components of enhancement necessary to approximate the data decreased, from four in low (0.14 - 0.2mM) extracellular Ca2+, to one (tau ~ 46 ms) in 2.0 mM extracellular Ca2+, but four components of enhancement were necessary to fit the data when the amplitude of the EPP was not depressed below the control amplitude. This model was able to predict within ~ 3 % EPP amplitudes over a 10-fold range of frequency and Ca2+ concentration.

This dissertation uses social movement theory to analyze the emergence, activities and development of subcultures and small groups. The manuscript is comprised of an Introduction followed by three journal articles and one book chapter.  The introduction discusses: 1) the concept of theoretical extension whereby a theory developed for one purpose is adapted to another; 2) it identifies the social movement theories used to analyze subcultures and small groups; 3) it describes the data used in the analyses included here. The data for this work derives from two distinct research projects conducted by the author between 2002 and 2012 and relies on multiple sources of qualitative data. Data collection techniques used include fieldwork, archival research, and secondary data. Paper I uses resource mobilization (RM) theory to analyze the origin, development, and function of White Power music in relation to the broader White Power Movement (WPM). The research identifies three roles played by White Power music: (1) recruit new adherents, (2) frame issues and ideology for the construction of collective identity, (3) obtain financial resources. Paper II gives an overview of the subculture of Freestyle BMX, discussing its origins and developments—both internationally as a wider subcultural phenomenon, and locally, through a three-year ethnographic case study of a subcultural BMX scene known as “Pro Town USA.” Paper III conceptualizes BMX as a social movement using RM theory to identify and explain three different forms of commercialization within this lifestyle sport in “Pro Town.” The work sheds light on the complex process of commercialization within lifestyle sports by identifying three distinct forms of commercialization: paraphernalia, movement, and mass market, and analyses different impacts that each had on the on the development of the local scene.  Findings reveal that lifestyle-sport insiders actively collaborate in each form of commercialization, especially movement commercialization which has the potential to build alternative lifestyle-sport institutions and resist adverse commercial influences. Paper IV refines the small group theory of collaborative circles by: (1) further clarifying its concepts and relationships, (2) integrating the concepts of flow and idioculture, and (3) introducing a more nuanced concept of resources from RM. The paper concludes by demonstrating that circle development was aided by specific locational, human, moral, and material resources as well as by complementary social-psychological characteristics of its members.

Swedish political parties are characterized by their markedly different support across geographical space. In most cases, the sources of these regional variations date back to the time of the founding of the parties. Moreover, the regional strongholds and the areas of weak support for the parties have survived major societal changes such as the transition from the agrarian to the industrial society, emigration, and urbanization. Why is it that a certain area evolves a political tradition that sets it apart from neighboring areas? This study addresses itself to this and similar topics with empirical emphasis on the Swedish Social Democratic Party (the SAP).The study is based on the conviction that the regional imbalance in the SAP vote originates in the interaction/competition between various social and political movements in the local environment. The initial model used to explain these imbalances comprises three different factors that influence the party's vote: the socio-economic structure, the local organizational environment and the effect of local party organizational efforts.In order to test the importance of these factors three different areas were selected; one strong, one weak, and one unstable in terms of the Social Democratic vote.The findings show that no single factor alone accounts for the variance in the regional support of the SAP. Rather, what is decisive are the interactions within the structural and social properties of a context.By way of conclusion, this study lends support to the following conclusions of the prospects for the SAP to mobilize the electorate: to establish itself in the local setting the party needs an organizational culture, a local party organization and the absence of strong local opinion against the party's activities and organizational efforts. The party also seems to be favored by a high level of political mobilization (participation), whereas there is nothing to suggest that the SAP's prospects of becoming successful are hampered by competition from the left-wing parties. / digitalisering@umu