The study, as explained in the Prologue, was begun with the aim of compiling and analysing the problems of translating Malay verse into English. However, because the tradition is little known outside its birthplace. Chapters I and II trace the birth and perpetuation of the Malayo-English tradition of verse translation, giving examples of the translations carried out. and drawing attention to the problems encountered. These chapters also seek to identify the reasons for translating. The anomalous practice of translating into a language which is not the translator's native language-- which is rampant in the tradition studied-as well as the variety of modes encountered, necessitate a search for a theoretical framework which would accomodate such facts of the tradition. Chapter III elaborates on the theoretical considerations made out and the methodology adopted. The theoretical considerations show that such a framework could be provided by a working definition, if it is rigorous enough to differentiate translation from its kindred activities, such as parody, yet flexible enough to accomodate the various acceptable modes of translation. A pro-tern working definition of the translation process is proposed in Chapter IV. The practical implications of this definition are discussed in Chapters V and VI. Chapter V discusses the effects of the independent variables on the actual translating process; i.e., how each of the independent variables identified in the definition of the process could give rise to a spectrum of translation pathways, and thereby to a variety of translation products. It is realised at this juncture that to enable a descriptive analysis of the translation process/products, these modes have not only to be identified but also to be systematically named. Chapter VI describes the translation spectrum and proposes a system of labelling the components of the translation spectrum. Chapter VII attempts an objective reviewal of the study, assessing its contribution to knowledge, whilst making clear its limitations and its dependence on earlier works. The study closes with an Epilogue.

La recherche archéologique au sujet du Complexe Culturel Lapita, qui se développa en Océanie il y a environ 3200-2800 ans BP, a considérablement évolué ces dernières décennies. Le propos de la thèse présentée ici est de montrer que l’étude des décorations des poteries lapita peut être particulièrement utile pour la compréhension de des populations lapita. Après avoir rappelé l’historique de la recherche autour du lapita, et l’état de la recherche actuelle, nous présentons dans un second temps une étude très détaillée des décors céramiques : comment ceux-ci étaient réalisés, comment les différentes frises et les motifs s’organisaient entre eux. Enfin, quelles sont les différences et les répartitions spatiales et temporelles de tous ces motifs et de leurs variantes. Cette première étape permet de dresser un bilan exhaustif du mode de représentation graphique des Lapita et d’insister sur son importance dans notre connaissance de la société au tournant des IIème et Ier millénaires avant notre ère. Dans un troisième temps, les observations et les résultats obtenus sont mis en relation avec les autres données archéologiques, ainsi que celles issues de la linguistique historique et de l’ethnologie pour tenter de montrer que les décors lapita peuvent sans doute être considérés comme les reflets de certains aspects immatériels –principalement sociaux- des Lapita : de la parenté à l’organisation des groupes lapita dans le vaste territoire compris entre la Nouvelle-Guinée et les îles Samoa, en passant par les îles Salomon, le Vanuatu, la Nouvelle-Calédonie, les îles Fidji et les archipels de Tonga et de Wallis et Futuna. Ce type d’étude permet une ouverture de la recherche océanienne vers des hypothèses de reconstitutions sociales ouvrant de nouvelles perspectives pour la compréhension des sociétés dites « à tradition orale. » / Archaeological research on the Lapita Cultural Complex, which developed in Oceania about 3200-2800 years Before Present, has evolved considerably in recent decades. The purpose of the thesis presented here is to show that the study of Lapita pottery decoration can be particularly useful for the understanding of the Lapita people. After having remembered the history of research about Lapita, and the state of current research, we present in a second time a very detailed study of ceramic decorations : how they were made, how the various friezes and motifs organize themselves. Finally, what are the differences, spatial and temporal distributions of all these patterns and their variants. This first step allows a comprehensive review of the mode of graphical representation of the Lapita and emphasize its importance in our understanding of society at the turn of second and first millennia BC. In a third step, observations and results are linked with other archaeological data, as well as those from historical linguistics and ethnology in an attempt to show that Lapita decorations can probably be seen as the reflections of intangible aspects -mainly social- of Lapita: the relationship to the organization of Lapita groups in the vast territory between New Guinea and Samoa, through the Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, New Caledonia, Fiji and the archipelagos of Tonga and Wallis and Futuna. This type of study allows an opening for the Pacific Research into social assumptions reconstructions opening new perspectives for understanding the cultures so-called "oral tradition."

Today many Middle Eastern states are experiencing political violence, either in the form of foreign occupation, civil war, revolution or coup d’état. This regional violence is not dissociated from international politics. In fact many foreign states are directly involved through influencing, financing or manipulating the situation, and have subsequently been the target of violent attacks themselves. Responding to this situation, a plethora of academic and artistic output concerning Middle Eastern terrorism has emerged from the West. These efforts, especially in English-language fiction, have been mainly reductive and simplistic and have contributed to furthering an atmosphere of mistrust and Islamophobia that emerged after 9/11. Yet in the decade following 9/11 little attention has been given to Middle Eastern writers who have been treating the subject of political violence in their own fiction and whose works are available in a variety of languages. This thesis analyzes five Middle Eastern novels that depict major regional conflict zones. Alaa Al-Aswany, Orhan Pamuk, Assaf Gavron, Yasmina Khadra, and Mohsin Hamid’s novels describe the nuances of their respective contexts: Egypt, Turkey, Israel/Palestine, Iraq and Pakistan. The following analyses highlight the complexity of Middle Eastern political violence and shed light on how these authors perceive or respond to Terrorism discourse in their fictions.

Doctor of Philosophy / Department of History / Marsha L. Frey / Donald J. Mrozek / Jesuits presented evidence in both French and Chinese to defend Christianity by citation of legal and historical precedents in favor of the "Teaching of the Lord of Heaven" (Catholicism) even after the Yongzheng Emperor's 1724 imperial edict proscribed the religion as a heterodox cult. The Jesuits' strategy is traceable to Matteo Ricci's early missionary approach of accommodation to Chinese culture, which aimed to prove grounds for a Confucian-Christian synthesis based upon complementary points between Christian theology and their interpretation of Yuanru (Original Literati Teaching). Their synthesis involved both written and oral rhetorical techniques that ranged from attempts to show compatibility between different religious values, to the manipulation of texts, and to outright deceit. Personal witness, observation, and interpretation played a key role in Jesuit group translation projects. French and Chinese apologetic texts composed to prove grounds for the repeal of the 1724 proscription edict contain these approaches. The Lettres edifantes et curieuses ecrite par des missionnaires jesuites (1702-1776) contain examples of this approach, as well as the Ruijianlu (1735-1737). Memorials in the Ruijianlu cited favorable legal precedents and imperial patronage rendered to Xiyangren (Men from the West). Jesuits presented their case for toleration of Christianity in the Ruijianlu in terms of Chinese notions of hospitality, diplomacy, and defense found in texts from as early as the Zhou dynasty. They cited an enduring Chinese defensive notion of "welcoming men from afar" (rouyuanren), but the court refused to return to this soft policy. The Qianlong Emperor rejected the Kangxi era policy of "welcoming men from afar" regarding established missions. In 1735 the imperial Board of Punishments re-enforced the proscription order against Christianity in military units and also ruled that baptism of abandoned infants by a Chinese convert constituted religious heterodoxy based on the Qing Code (Article 162). The twenty-one Jesuits (not expelled in 1724) remained in imperial service and at liberty to practice their religion among themselves. Officials pursued a severe policy of punishing any cult deemed heterodox according to statutes of the Code. Persecution of Christians increased throughout the eighteenth century, but abated during the reign of the Daoguang Emperor (1821-1851) when most anti-Christian edicts were rescinded and a subsequent imperial edict pardoned those Christians who practiced the faith for moral perfection.

This paper considers the efforts of the Russian government to counter the growth of China’s soft power in the Russian Far East in the context of the dramatic rise in trade between the two nations in the 15 years of the “Putin Era,” from 2000 to 2015. The Amur (or “Black Dragon”) River watershed forms the core of the Russian Far East, Russia’s last territorial acquisition from the former Chinese empire and the key to Moscow’s efforts to connect with the burgeoning Asia-Pacific economies. This study investigates which federal- and provincial-level policies the Russian government has implemented to counter the growth of Beijing’s influence in the Russian Far East, and analyzes the effectiveness of these policies in the area’s three most populous sub-regions: Amur Oblast, Khabarovsk Krai, and Primorsky Krai. Though initially hypothesizing that the Russian government had no coordinated strategy to counter China’s soft power in the region, this study concluded that policymakers in both the Kremlin and the Russian Far East have successfully discouraged a large-scale Chinese demographic or economic footprint along the Russian side of the Amur. However, Moscow’s failure to both encourage sufficient ethnic Russian immigration to the Far East and to effectively stimulate local economies in need of Chinese labor and investment has paradoxically strengthened Beijing’s regional soft power. Russia’s citizens in the Far East increasingly look south across the Black Dragon River towards China for a brighter future.

The aim of this sociolinguistically-oriented study is to determine the elements of a suitable English Language syllabus for university students in Libya. The syllabuses currently being used to teach English Language in the Libyan Higher Education sector were originally designed back in the 1980s. In view of the sweeping changes which have taken place both in the role of English in the world and also in Libya itself since that decade, and in view of concurrent developments in language teaching practice, this thesis starts from the presumption that these syllabuses and the materials used to implement them are unlikely to be adequate. It attempts to achieve its aim by three means. Firstly, using observational accounts and fieldwork, it seeks to provide a sociolinguistic profile of this major world language in Libya in order to ascertain the domains in which it is used and the role which it currently plays in Libyan society (and therefore what it is that Libyan university students might need to be able to do with it). Secondly, using an attitudinal questionnaire, it investigates the attitude of Libyan students in higher education towards learning English, the English language, and towards those who speak it as their mother tongue since research suggests that attitude can be of crucial importance in the language learning process. Thirdly, it conducts a critical evaluation of the English language syllabus and teaching materials presently in use at one university in order to identify the extent to which they follow current recommended practice in EFL course design and match the needs of learners. Findings suggest that although English does not enjoy any official status in Libya and its use in some domains remains restricted, it is currently expanding at an unprecedented rate and has already acquired the status of a second language in some domains. Questionnaire results indicate that Libyan university students hold favourable attitudes towards English, native speakers of this language and learning EFL. Crucially, many view a good level of English as a prerequisite for success in their chosen career. The evaluation of current EFL teaching materials and course syllabus reveals that these materials no longer reflect the current role of English in Libya or the needs of university learners. In addition, in methodological terms, they are out-dated, following the traditional grammar-based syllabus rather than the contemporary emphasis on the communicative approach. The thesis concludes by recommending that an integrated syllabus approach could be used to address the problems with the existing syllabus and proposes a multi- or integrated syllabus which aims to integrate grammatical components and linguistic skills to meet the needs of the learners and to address the language needs of Libyan society.

Au travers d'une approche de génétique des populations et de phylogéographie, basée sur la comparaison des patrons de diversité chloroplastiques et nucléaires, cette étude s'attache à retracer les processus qui ont façonné la diversité de la patate douce depuis sa domestication en Amérique tropicale jusqu'à son introduction et sa diffusion en Océanie. Dans un premier temps, cette étude s'intéresse à l'histoire de la domestication et à l'identification de l'origine botanique et géographique de la patate douce dans son aire d'origine - l'Amérique tropicale. La patate douce est un taxon hexaploïde pour lequel les différents contributeurs sauvages n'ont pas encore été clairement identifiés. Deux hypothèses sont classiquement invoquées: 1) une origine autopolyploide à partir d'un taxon sauvage diploide I. tridida et 2) une origine allopolyploide ayant impliqué l'hybridation de deux espèces distinctes I. trifida et I. triloba. Nos résultats génétiques viennent corroborer le scénario auto-polyploïde. Néanmoins, contrairement à ce qui était avancé auparavant, I. trifida ne peut être considérée comme l'ancêtre sauvage de la patate douce. Des formes sauvages de I. batatas existent, populations à partir desquelles les formes cultivées ont été domestiquées. Par ailleurs, nous révélons l'existence de deux lignées chloroplastiques distinctes au sein des cultivars de patate douce, ce qui laisse penser que plusieurs parents sauvages, différenciés génétiquement mais probablement conspécifiques, sont impliqués dans la formation du génome de I. batatas. Deux scénarios (non exclusifs) peuvent alors être envisagés: i) I. batatas résulte de l'hybridation de plusieurs lignées distinctes (conspécifiques ou proches); ii) I. batatas est un complexe autopolyploïde avec une origine multiple. La caractérisation génétique des cultivars de patate douce met en lumière l'existence de deux groupes génétiques différenciés et géographiquement structurés: l'un correspond aux variétés d'Amérique centrale et caribéenne et l'autre aux variétés de la région du Pérou et de l'Equateur. Ce patron de diversité suggère fortement une domestication multi-locale - en Amérique centrale et en Amérique du Sud - et renforce l'hypothèse d'une origine autopolyploïde multiple dans ces deux régions. Dans un deuxième temps, notre étude nous conduit en Océanie, une aire d'introduction de la patate douce. La distribution de la patate douce dans le Pacifique s'explique par une (des) introduction(s) pré-historique(s) en Polynésie en provenance d'Amérique du Sud (par les polynésiens eux-mêmes) et des introductions historiques dans le Pacifique Ouest, en provenance du Mexique et des Caraïbes. Il s'agit là d'une hypothèse élaborée par des linguistes, ethnobotanistes et archéologues, mais qui à ce jour manquait de preuves génétiques. En combinant un échantillonnage de variétés traditionnelles contemporaines et des spécimens d'herbiers datant du 18ième au début du 20ième siècle, nous avons pu retracer l'évolution temporelle et spatiale de la diversité dans le Pacifique. Nous montrons que les variétés de patate douce présentes jusqu'au début du 20ième siècle en Polynésie ont clairement une signature génétique sud-américaine, c'est-à-dire qu'elles dérivent directement des variétés de la région Pérou-Equateur. Ainsi nos données génétiques apportent une preuve supplémentaire à l'existence d'au moins une connexion préhistorique entre la Polynésie et l'Amérique du Sud. A l'Ouest du Pacifique, les cultivars de patate douce ont une origine principalement centraméricaine. Nous montrons également qu'il y a eu un remaniement de la base génétique au fil des nouvelles introductions, effaçant progressivement la signature des introductions d'origine. En revanche, les phénotypes reconnus par les cultivateurs et les noms associés - c'est-à-dire les déterminants « culturels » des variétés - ont probablement été maintenus. La patate douce est essentiellement propagée par voie clonale par les cultivateurs. / Following a population genetics and phylogeography approach, based on the comparison of chloroplastic and nuclear diversity patterns, this study aims at describing the processes which built sweet potato diversity from its domestication in tropical America to its introduction and diffusion into Oceania. We first studied the history of sweet potato domestication and identified its botanic and geographic origin in the area from which it originates - tropical America. Sweet potato is a hexaploid taxa of which the wild parents still remain to be identified. Two hypothesis are classically refered to: 1) an autopolyploid origin deriving from a wild diploid I. tridida and 2) an allopolyploid origin implying the hybridization between I. trifida et I. triloba. Our genetic results corroborate the autopolyploid scenario. However, in contrast to what was previously anticipated, I. trifida cannot be considered the wild ancestor of sweet potato. Wild forms of I. batatas do exist, these are populations from which cultivated forms were domesticated. In addition, we highlighted the existence of two distinct chloroplastic lineages within sweet potato cultivars, suggesting that several wild parents, genetically differenciated but probably conspecifics are involved in the formation of the I. batatas genome.Two scenari (non exclusive) are to be envisaged: i) I. batatas would result from the hybridization of several independent lines (conspecific or near); ii) I. batatas is an autoploid complex with multiple origin. The genetic characterization of sweet potato cultivars highlight the existence of two genetically differentiated and geographically structured groups: one includes central american and caribbean varieties while the other is made of varieties from Peru and Equador region. This diversity pattern is strongly suggestive of multilocal domestication events - in Central America and in South America - and strengthens the hypothesis of a multiple autopolyloid origin in these two regions.Next, we investigated Oceania as area of introduction of sweet potato. The sweet potato distribution in the Pacific can be explained by pre-historic introductions in Polynesia originating from South America (brought by Polynesians), and historical introductions in West-Pacific originating from Mexico and the Caribbean islands.This is a hypothesis originally proposed by linguists, ethnobotanists and archeologists, but which was lacking until now of genetic proves. Combining the sampling of contemporary traditional varieties and herbarium specimens dating from the 18th to the early 20st century, we were able to refine the temporal and spatial evolution of sweet potato diversity in the Pacific. We demonstrate that sweet potato varieties present until the early 20th century in Polynesia clearly harbor a south-american genetic signature, indicating that they directly derive from varieties found in the Peru-Ecuador area. Thus our genetic data provide an additional prove to the existence of at least one prehistoric connection between Polynesia and South America. On the west side of Pacific, sweet potato cultivars mainly display a central-american origin. We also demonstrate that a reshuffling of the genetic base happened in line with the occurrence of new introductions, progressively erasing the signature of original introductions. In contrast, phenotypes and associated names known by farmers, i.e. cultural determinants of these varieties - were probably maintained over time. Sweet potato is essentially propagated clonally by farmers. However, it also maintained active sexual reproduction. Our genetic data demonstrate that the impressive numbers of cultivars found nowadays in Oceania mainly derive from independent recombination events and from the local selection of true-seed plants. In some regions, this diversification process even lead to the emergence of secondary diversity centers, as exemplified by New Guinea highlands.

The rise of postcolonial theories in the 1970s did not yield much influence in the then practice of humanities computing, but following the mass-scale digitisations of cultural heritage materials over the past thirty years questions of Indigenous agency and the colonial roots of the digital cultural record have become more urgent than ever. This thesis operates within the area of postcolonial digital humanities and seeks to explore three questions. The first regards the socioethical concerns associated with the digitisation of Indigenous cultural heritage materials originating in Oceania, a geographic region which is peripheral on digital humanities maps but at the same time paradigmatic for exploration due to its cultural, political and linguistic diversity and multiple histories of colonial plundering. The second question investigates the extent to which global cultural heritage institutions digitise collections originating in Oceania in a culturally responsive manner, whereas the third focuses on the actions that digitising institutions can take in order to improve their websites from a decolonising perspective. The analysis that has been conducted on relevant literature and digitisation websites has resulted in an outline of theoretical concerns that should be taken into consideration prior to digitisation, as well as an assessment of existing digitisation activities and recommendations for improvement.

No description available.

The history of the United States' occupation and administration of the Philippines is a premiere example of the evolution of the American military's civil administrative approach as it evolved from simple Army security in 1898, through an evolving ‘whole-of-government' method, to what was practically the full military administration of the country by March 1945. The second liberation and subsequent administration of the Philippines by the United States Army was unique, not simply because of the physical characteristics of the operations, but more so because of the theater commander, General Douglas MacArthur. MacArthur used a rather self-reliant approach that rejected much of the direction from various authorities in Washington and adopted independently authored local solutions, but he took advantage of external resources when necessary. Ultimately the United States Army Forces in the Far East (USAFFE) under his command had to accept external direction to gain external resources. The Army's civil administrative planning and execution in the Philippines in 1944-1945 was the direct result of the social, political, economic, and military relationships between Americans and Filipinos from 1898 to 1944, much of which involved MacArthur, and the institutional changes that developed from these interactions. The result was civil administration that met the local and immediate requirements suitable for the conditions at hand. By August 1945 the Army ended civil affairs operations and transferred responsibility to the Commonwealth government of the Philippines and the Foreign Economic Administration (FEA).