The psyche of an entire people underwent a paradigm shift during the Palestinian Period (1920-1948). Jews took a spiritual quantum leap; they left the despair of the 'wastelands' of the Diaspora and journeyed towards the Promised Land. The quest of these pioneers was to rebuild their ancestral homeland. When the pioneering Halutzim encountered the ancestral soil of their Motherland, deep impulses were revealed. Their folksongs - an important component of folklore and mythology - reflected this inner dimension of their being and of their experiences in Eretz Israel by means of archetypal transformations. Initially, an idealistic devotion to reconstruction and intimate reverence for the Land was reflected. However, in the 1930s and 1940s, opposition to Jewish settlement transformed folksongs so they became increasingly militant, reflecting a movement towards extroversion in the Jewish psyche which was consolidated in 1948. / Music / Thesis (M.A.)--University of South Africa, 1997.

Arabic literature in Israel has evaded critical attention, or has been treated as an uncomplicated part of Palestinian national culture, on a quest for unification and an identity that was devastated in 1948. This dissertation complicates that narrative through close readings of short stories by five Arab citizens of Israel—Imil Habibi, Muhammad ‘Ali Taha, Muhammad Naffa‘, Hanna Ibrahim, and Zaki Darwish—between 1967 and 1983. Focusing on the relationship between geography and fiction, I suggest that literary constructions of “place” and “space” by these authors reveal a range of cultural negotiations that break down entrenched dyads: Palestinian yet Israeli; Palestinian on the one hand, Israeli on the other; spared exile, but suffering occupation. Instead, these writers evoke the hybrid and ambivalent experiences produced in the paradoxical spaces of Israeli-Palestinian life. I develop an analytical framework that incorporates geographic and literary theory. I use the work of humanists such as Gaston Bachelard, Yi-Fu Tuan, and Edward Casey to suggest that literature mediates geography in a way that communicates belonging, alienation, or personal and collective meaning. The framework is bolstered with the work of postcolonial theorists such as Homi Bhabha, along with historical and political sources, to capture the contextual resonance of the texts. After laying out these theoretical guidelines, I offer a historical account of Arabic literature in Israel and embark on four analytical chapters. Chapter Two explores Imil Habibi’s portrayals of anxiety around post-1967 Palestinian reunions. Chapter Three focuses on the themes of Muhammad ‘Ali Taha’s Palestinian collective identity in Israel. Chapter Four takes up the theme of “the land” in the works of Muhammad Naffa‘ and Hanna Ibrahim, in the context of 1970s land expropriations. Chapter Five explores a long story by Zaki Darwish and its depiction of the body’s phenomenological relation to the homeland. Rather than portraying counter-narratives that suggest a binary of “Israeli” and “Palestinian” always at odds, these authors portray the spaces and characters in between. They disclose the anxieties of finding a sense of place in the context of a dispersed Palestinian nation, geopolitical uncertainty, social marginalization within the state, and the subtle geographies of a historic homeland that both is—and is not—one’s own.

L’objectif de ce mémoire est d’analyser les impacts et l’efficacité de la politique d’assassinats ciblés d’Israël dans le cadre du conflit israélo-palestinien. Pour ce faire, trois angles d’approches sont utilisés; militaire, légale et politique. Pour cette raison, l’hypothèse de départ soutient que la politique compromet la résolution du conflit et se divise en trois sections. Tout d’abord, les assassinats ciblés nuisent au règlement du conflit car ils engendrent un cycle de représailles contre Israël. Deuxièmement, ils représentent une violation du droit international ainsi que du droit national israélien. Finalement, ils sont un sérieux obstacle à la résolution politique du conflit dû au climat de violence et de méfiance qu’ils instaurent. Dans la conclusion, il est retenu que, bien que la politique d’assassinats ciblés ne soit pas efficace pour lutter contre les organisations terroristes, elle n’engendre cependant pas d’effet contreproductif de cycle de violence. Dans un second temps, la politique va à l’encontre de lois internationales mais elle peut cependant être justifiée par certains articles issus de ces mêmes textes alors que la Cour suprême israélienne a reconnu que certaines opérations pouvaient s’avérées légales. Troisièmement, elle nuit bel et bien à la résolution politique du conflit israélopalestinien en exacerbant les tensions de par le climat qu’elle instaure. Finalement, les nombreux impacts de celle-ci sur le conflit n’en font pas une politique efficace. / This goal of this thesis is to analyse the impact and effectiveness of the Israeli targeted killing policy within the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. To this end, three different approaches will be used; military, legal and political. Our hypothesis supports that the policy impedes the resolution to the conflict and is divided into three sections. First of all, Israeli targeted killings impede the conflict resolution because they, in turn, generate retaliations against Israel. Secondly it is a clear violation of international rights, including those of the Israelis. Finally, the policy is a serious obstacle to the settlement of the conflict due to the violent and distrustful atmosphere it arouses. In the conclusion, it is said that, although the policy does not prove to be an effective measure to fight terrorism, neither does it create an escalating cycle of violence. Secondly, the policy is a violation of the international legal system; however it can still be justified by some of the articles present in the same law texts. The Israeli Supreme Court has ruled that some of the operations could be legal. Thirdly, it is effectively detrimental to the resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict because the ambiance it creates exacerbates tensions. In conclusion, the myriad of impacts the policy has on the conflict make it ineffective.

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / Advancing the peace process between Israel and the Palestinians is of great interest to the United States. To this aim, an understanding of the main factors involved in Israel's foreign policymaking is needed. This thesis shows internal pressures are most significant and assesses the influence of domestic access points to Israel's Palestinian policy. For a complete and current analysis of Israel's policymaking process three areas are discussed. First are the fundamentals that makeup Israel's political system such as the Knesset, political parties, ruling coalition, and prime minister. Second is the role of the Israeli Defense Force and the balance in civil-military relations. Third is the mixture of players that color Israel's societal landscape including subcultures, interest groups, and public opinion. The key finding is a combined ranking of the most important domestic forces driving Israel's Palestinian policy formation in all three areas. / Lieutenant Junior Grade, United States Navy

Approved for public release, distribution unlimited / Jordanian - Palestinian relations are deeply rooted in history. They date back to the first quarter of the twentieth century, to the period of British and French involvement in the region in the aftermath of World War I, and the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948. Since the early days of the British mandate, the two peoples, Jordanian and Palestinian, found themselves obliged to interact with each other due to geographic, social, economic and demographic considerations. Following the decision to unite the West Bank and Transjordan to make up the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in 1950, the West Bank and its people were in the process of integration within Jordan until war halted progress in 1967. This study presents the evolution of Jordanian - Palestinian relations through history. These relations have been both challenged by hardships and influenced by several other Arab states. The current peace process between the Israelis and Palestinians, which could bring about an independent Palestinian state, requires that Jordanians and Palestinians restructure their relations in order to be of mutual benefit. / Brigadier General, Jordanian Army

Facile de discourir sur la paix ; complexe, par contre, d’évaluer si paroles et gestes y contribuent vraiment. De manière critique, ce mémoire cherche à contextualiser l’émergence de la nation israélienne de 1881 à 1948, de même qu’un certain nombre de forces pacifistes juives, religieuses comme séculières, sionistes comme anti-sionistes, que cette société a engendrées ou provoquées de la fin du XIXe siècle à aujourd’hui. Dans un premier temps, quatre stratégies utilisées pour construire l’État juif sont explorées : la voie pratique (l’établissement de mochavot, kibboutzim et mochavim), la voie diplomatique (le lobbying de Herzl et Weizmann), la voie sociopolitique (la formation de syndicats, de l’Agence juive et du Va’ad Leoumi) et enfin la voie militaire (la mise sur pied d’organisations paramilitaires telles la Hagana, l’Irgoun, le Lehi et le Palmah). Cette exploration permet de mieux camper le problème de la légalité et de la légitimité des nations palestinienne et israélienne. Dans un deuxième temps, une approche conceptuelle et une approche empirique sont combinées pour mieux comprendre ce qu’est un camp de la paix. L’exploration conceptuelle remet en question les critères qu’utilisent certains chercheurs afin d’identifier si une organisation contribue, ou non, à la construction de la paix. L’exploration empirique trace les contours de deux camps de la paix israéliens : les militants de la gauche séculière achkenazi (un pacifisme qui a émergé dans les années 1970) et les religieux haredim (un pacifisme opposé à l’idéologie sioniste dès ses débuts). Ce survol permet de saisir que tout système de croyances peut provoquer la guerre autant que la paix. La conclusion discute des défis du dialogue intercivilisationnel, des défis tant intranationaux (l’harmonie sociale israélienne entre les juifs achkenazim, mizrahim, russes, éthiopiens, etc.) qu’internationaux (la paix entre les Palestiniens et les Israéliens). / It is easy to speak of peace, but much more difficult to evaluate to what extent one’s actions really contribute to it. This master’s thesis seeks to critically contextualize the emergence of the Israeli nation from 1881 to 1948 and highlight certain Jewish pacifist forces, religious and secular, zionist and anti-zionist, which this society has generated or compelled into being from the end of the XIXth century until today. First, four strategies used to build the Jewish state are explored: the practical path (setting up moshavot, kibbutzim and moshavim), the diplomatic path (Herzl and Weizmann’s lobbying), the sociopolitical path (establishing unions, the Jewish Agency and the Va’ad Leumi) and finally the military path (setting up paramilitary organizations such as Hagana, Irgun, Lehi and Palmach). This exploration allows the researcher to better frame the issue of the legality and legitimacy of the Palestinian and Israeli nations. Secondly, the notion of peace camp is investigated using a combined conceptual and empirical approach. The conceptual inquiry questions the criteria used by some scholars to determine whether an organization contributes or not to peacebuilding. The empirical inquiry examines two peace camps: the Ashkenazi secular left (a pacifism that emerged in the 1970s) and the religious Haredim (a pacifism opposed to the zionist ideology from the start). This overview highlights the fact that any belief system can incite war as well as peace. The conclusion discusses the challenges of intercivilizational dialogue, challenges that are both intranational (social harmony between Ashkenazim, Mizrachim, Russian, Ethiopian, etc. Israeli Jews) and international (peace between Palestinians and Israelis).

This work is concerned with The Spiritual Teachings of St. Dorotheos of Gaza and also with Palestine monasticism of the 6th century, about the life of St. Dorotheos and his teachers and it explains his teachings and its influence in the following centuries. This work deals with the Orthodox Christian Spirituality and it presents its results using historical and hermeneutical method. St. Dorotheos belongs to the Fathers of the Desert. He lived in the sixth century and with his spiritual instructions proved himself to be a personality of exceptional greatness for all ages. He used in his works the Septuagint, Apophthegmata Patrum and The Fathers of the Church and Greek philosophers, and so on. The Spiritual Teachings of Abba Dorotheos are to be foud in monastic libraries of whole Christianity and are constantly published. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

The diploma thesis explores how the selected Czech and French media inform about the Israeli- Palestinian conflict using the operation Protective Edge, from summer 2014, as an example. Theory of the thesis is based on the relationship between power and media in society and examines reciprocal impact between political and media power. Two national daily newspapers from each country were chosen for the analysis. These two newspapers also present opposite poles of the political spectrum in each country. Media contents of the daily newspapers Mladá fronta DNES, Právo, Le Figaro and Le Monde are analysed with combination of qualitative and quantitative methods. This methodology helps to create a comprehensive image of the conflict represented by the researched media. Quantitative analysis aims to describe the balance of the coverage and differences between French and Czech media in context with the representation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The research also focuses on the impact of the foreign policy of France and the Czech Republic on media contents of the analysed media. Qualitative analysis works with smaller sample of texts and aims to present the representation of the war by the French and Czech media.

Cette recherche porte sur la migration de citoyens de pays du Nord dans les Territoires Palestiniens Occupés (TPO). Elle vise à analyser les trajectoires sociales et migratoires de ces individus, désignés localement « internationaux », ainsi qu'à montrer comment ils sont des acteurs dans la situation locale au travers de leurs mobilités, leurs emplois et leurs engagements. Cette problématique de recherche s'inscrit au croisement de deux phénomènes : d'une part, la diversification et l'accroissement des migrations internationales, et plus spécifiquement celles allant du Nord vers le Sud, et, d'autre part, l'émergence de conditions matérielles et professionnelles favorables à l'arrivée de citoyens étrangers dans un pays en conflit, sous l'effet de l'afflux massif de l'aide internationale depuis les années 1990. L'étude des profils sociaux des « internationaux » résidant dans les TPO révèle une forte homogénéité sociale et culturelle : on observe ainsi une migration de jeunes hautement diplômés, issus de familles de classes moyennes supérieures d'Europe ou d'Amérique du Nord, et particulièrement dotés en capitaux culturels. Toutefois, l'analyse des trajectoires souligne une certaine diversité des parcours migratoires et des liens entretenus à la Palestine. La seconde partie de cette thèse s'intéresse à la place politique et sociale des « internationaux » dans l'espace israélo-palestinien. La question des mobilités est cruciale pour saisir la position inédite de cette population migrante. Sa présence dans les TPO fait l'objet d'un contrôle important et croissant de la part des autorités israéliennes qui cherchent à la limiter et à la surveiller. Dans le même temps, à l'intérieur de l'espace israélo-palestinien, les « internationaux » bénéficient de droits à la mobilité dont sont privés les Palestiniens. L'étude des privilèges et des tensions qui en ressortent permet d'interroger les positionnements et le rôle de ces étrangers. Enfin, deux autres thématiques sont explorées : leur participation au système de l'aide internationale et leur engagements politiques vis-à-vis de la cause palestinienne. Tour à tour, pris dans les dynamiques sociopolitiques locales et partie prenante de ces mêmes dynamiques, les citoyens étrangers résidant dans les TPO représentent pour la recherche une entrée heuristique pour penser les circulations Nord-Sud comme la situation palestinienne actuelle. / This PhD research studies the current migration of nationals from northern countries to the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt). It aims to analyze the social and migratory trajectories of those called "internationals" and attempts to highlight how, through their mobility practices, work and political engagements, they can be considered a new group of actors in the oPt. This core question falls within two global and regional phenomena: first, the increase and diversification of international migration, especially North to South flows, and secondly, the vast rate of international assistance to the oPt since the 1990s, which has resulted in the emergence of tangible conditions conducive to the migration of foreign citizens to a conflict zone. By examining their social features, a strong social and cultural homogeneity of an apparently divers group of individuals becomes apparent; it is a migration of relatively young, affluent people from the upper middle classes of Europe or North America, endowed with cultural and international capital. However, the study of the trajectories that led them to oPt reveals a diversity of migratory paths and links to Palestine. The second part of my PhD thesis tackles the social and political role and position of "internationals". Mobility rights and practices are a relevant and challenging angle to discuss the atypical position of such migrants. Indeed, Israeli authorities seek to monitor, control and limit foreign presence in the oPt (through a variety of measures), transforming privileged people into suspected and unwanted individuals. Yet inside the Israeli-Palestinian space, they are granted mobility privileges which allow them to circulate freely while Palestinians are rendered immobile in their homeland. The study of these privileges and the resulting tension calls into question internationals' position in Palestinian society. Finally, internationals' participation in the aid regime and the political actions taken by some migrants on the Palestinian cause are addressed. Through the political and socio-economic implications of their presence, western citizens living in the oPt are an heuristic point of entry to contribute to the fields of North-South migration studies and Palestinian studies.

Cette thèse analyse les relations de pouvoir qui se jouent autour des enjeux environnementaux (gestion de l'eau et changement climatique) dans le processus de construction étatique de l'Autorité palestinienne, entité gouvernementale sous régime d'aide et marquée par l'occupation israélienne. Elle mobilise la sociologie de l'action publique, la political ecology et les science and technology studies afin d'étudier les processus multi-échelles de co-construction de l'ordre social et de l'environnement à travers les savoirs, la définition des problèmes et les politiques adoptées pour y répondre. Cette recherche analyse les liens entre l'aide internationale, le développement, l'environnement et la volonté de consolidation du pouvoir de l'Autorité palestinienne. Elle se penche sur la circulation et l'hybridation des savoirs et des solutions d'action publique. En dehors de l'action des décideurs nationaux et internationaux, d'autres acteurs (ONG, organisations humanitaires) interviennent et mobilisent d'autres représentations des problèmes environnementaux et des solutions à apporter en interactions avec leurs représentations du territoire et du conflit. Cette thèse se fonde sur une série d'entretiens et de discussions informelles, la littérature grise sur le sujet et de nombreuses observations participantes. / This thesis analyses the power relations involved in environmental issues (water management and climate change) and the process of state building of the Palestinian Authority, an entity dependent on international aid and under israeli occupation. This thesis mobilises sociology of public action, political ecology and science and technology studies in order to examine the multi-level processes of co-construction of social order and environment through knowledges, problems definition and public policies adopted to tackle them. This research analyses the interactions between international aid, development and environment and the objective of empowerment of the Palestinian Authority. It focuses on the circulation and hybridisation of knowledge and public policy solutions. Beyond national and international decision makers, other actors such as NGOs or humanitarian organisations participate and mobilise other representations of environmental problems and solutions in relation with their representations of the territory and the conflict. This thesis is based on a series of interviews, informal discussions, grey literature dealing with the subject and observational work.