Submitted by Fabricia Fialho Reginato (fabriciar) on 2015-08-26T22:51:06Z No. of bitstreams: 1 MaiquelWermuth.pdf: 7322312 bytes, checksum: c58eb42687aaf1094fd4937e1a153e29 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-08-26T22:51:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MaiquelWermuth.pdf: 7322312 bytes, checksum: c58eb42687aaf1094fd4937e1a153e29 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Nenhuma / O Direito Penal, eleito como instrumento privilegiado para o enfrentamento à imigração irregular por parte dos países nos quais esse fenômeno é mais evidente – destacando-se, na presente pesquisa, o caso da Espanha –, vivencia um momento de expansão, que decorre de um sentimento de “mixofobia” ou “medo de misturar-se” oriundo da construção dos imigrantes ilegais como “sujeitos de risco”. Essa “rotulação” decorre de alguns fatores principais como: a crise do modelo de Estado de bem-estar, que transforma os imigrantes em “parasitas” dos benefícios sociais destinados aos autóctones, a influência da mídia de massa na criação de pânico/alarma social a respeito de determinados temas relacionados à segurança, e os reflexos desses discursos midiáticos na política, particularmente após os atentados terroristas ocorridos em grandes centros urbanos no início deste milênio. Isso permite afirmar que o Direito Penal espanhol, que se expande em termos quantitativos para responder com eficácia aos novos problemas sociais da contemporaneidade – dentre os quais a questão da imigração irregular assume cada vez mais relevância – experimenta um movimento de retrocesso qualitativo, uma vez que assume traços ínsitos a um modelo de Direito Penal de autor, assentado em medidas punitivas de cunho altamente repressivista e segregacionista voltadas aos imigrantes, o que resta evidenciado pela proliferação de tipos penais que preconizam a exclusão (expulsão) desse público-alvo em detrimento da sua integração, bem como pelos delitos de solidariedade. A obra de Michel Foucault e Giorgio Agamben, nesse rumo, é utilizada para a compreensão de como a vida do imigrante – particularmente aqueles que se encontram em situação irregular – se converte em vida nua em um ambiente biopolítico no qual o estado de exceção se converte em paradigma dominante de governo. Essa análise visa a compreender os (des)caminhos das políticas migratórias brasileiras. O Brasil, ao se consolidar como uma das mais importantes economias mundiais, passa a atrair a atenção dos estrangeiros – particularmente em virtude do cerramento das fronteiras europeias. No entanto, situações recentes envolvendo a imigração no país demonstram que o país também vem adotando nesse setor uma política securitarista e autoritária, responsável pela transformação do migrante em homo sacer. Nesse rumo, a experiência espanhola pode servir como paradigma “negativo” para a compreensão do tema da imigração no Brasil, de forma a evitar influências derivadas do modelo gestado a partir da mixofobia. Nesse rumo, questiona-se se a lógica dos direitos humanos que subjaz à construção dos Estados Democráticos de Direito e dos marcos regulatórios minuciosos acerca do tema da imigração funcionam efetivamente ou se são, reflexamente, a principal fonte da produção de vida nua. A proposta de profanação agambeniana é então colocada como condição de possibilidade para uma nova perspectiva de análise da questão. / The Penal Law, elected as a privileged instrument to deal with the irregular immigration on the part of countries in which such phenomenon is more evident –in the present research, the case of Spain is highlighted - , which experiences a moment of expansion, that derives from a “mix phobia” or fear of getting mixed originated from the construction of illegal immigrants as “subjects of risk”. This stereotype comes from some main factors like: the crisis on the Estate model of welfare, which transforms the immigrants into “parasites” of the social benefits designated to the autochthons, the influence of the mass media on creating the social panic regarding some topics related to security, and the reflexes of the discourse of the media in politics, particularly after the terrorist attacks occurred in large urban centers in the beginning of the millennium. It allows the affirmation that the Spanish Penal Law, that expands itself in terms of quantity to respond effectively to the new social problems of today – among which, the matter of irregular immigration assumes more and more relevance – faces a backward movement in terms of quality, once it assumes trends strongly connected to a model of Penal Law of author, based on punitive measures highly reprimanding and segregationist towards the immigrants, leaving as evidence by the diffusion of penal types that argue in favor of the exclusion (deportation) of this target audience instead of its integration , as well as by the lack of solidarity. The work of Michel Foucault and Giorgio Agamben, in this direction, is used for comprehending how the life of the immigrant - particularly those that find themselves in irregular situation – converts itself in “naked” life in a biopolitical environment in which the state of exception becomes the dominant paradigm of govern. This analysis aims at understanding the (mis)conceptions of Brazilian migratory policies. Brazil, as one of the most important economies in the world, starts attracting the attention of the foreigners – especially due to the closed European frontiers. However, recent situations involving immigration in Brazilian territory show that the country has been adopting an authoritarian safety policy, responsible for changing the immigrant into homo sacer. In this sense, the Spanish experience can work as a “negative” parameter for the comprehension of the theme of immigration in Brazil, so that, influences coming from a model of mix phobia can be avoided. Still, it is questioned if the logic of human rights subjacent to the construction of the Democratic Estates of Law and the detailed regulatory marks related to the topic of immigration effectively work, or if they reflect the main source for producing the naked life. The proposal of agambenian profanation is then brought as a condition to the possibility for a new perspective of analysis of the matter.

Submitted by Mariana Dornelles Vargas (marianadv) on 2015-05-07T14:23:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 discurso_sobre.pdf: 1178903 bytes, checksum: 9721b32cf6e300e08ad274d26ba13dde (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-07T14:23:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 discurso_sobre.pdf: 1178903 bytes, checksum: 9721b32cf6e300e08ad274d26ba13dde (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-11-21 / Nenhuma / A inevitável globalização acarretou mudanças de ordem ideológica, científica, tecnológica e, sobretudo, social. Como reflexo destas transformações, o Direito Penal vem sofrendo um processo de expansão em suas bases e estruturas. Processo este, necessário, mas que origina um forte conflito com o modelo penal clássico. Assim, a sociedade hodierna, que clama pela solução dessas novas demandas, exige do Estado uma ação enérgica e célere para conter a moderna problemática. E para atender a essa sociedade, o Estado lança mão da proteção de novos bens jurídicos, configurando um caráter expansivo de antecipação da tutela penal. Desta feita, o Direito Penal, que deveria ser um instrumento de garantia do cidadão frente ao poder punitivo, encontra-se em um caminho inverso, ampliando seu âmbito de atuação, antecipando a intervenção punitiva, reduzindo ou até mesmo suprimindo as formalidades e garantias penais e processuais penais, como no denominado modelo proposto por Günther Jakobs Direito Penal do Inimigo. De tal modo, no presente trabalho será abordada a base jus-filosófica do denominado Direito Penal do Inimigo, principalmente no que tange à influência das mais importantes teorias contratualistas como a de Rousseau, Fichte, Hobbes e Kant. Ainda, far-se-á uma análise normativa da aludida teoria, em seus principais aspectos, tecendo considerações críticas a respeito de sua aplicabilidade no Direito Penal contemporâneo. / The inevitable globalization has brought about ideological, scientific, technological and, above all, social changes. Reflecting all these changes, the Penal Law has been going through an expanding process of its bases and structures. A necessary process, but that leads to a hard conflict with the classic penal model. Thus, todays society, claims for these new demands solution, requiring from the State an energetic and prompt action to refrain the modern problematic. And, in order to meet to the societys claim, the State does not look into the legal protection of new goods, setting up an expansive character of Penal supervision anticipation. From this, the Penal Law, which should be one of the means of guarantee the citizens have against the punitive power, is now on the reverse way, expanding its action scope, anticipating the punitive intervention, reducing or even eliminating the formalities and penal and penal procedure guarantees, known from the model proposed by Günther Jakobs Penal Law of the Enemy. In this way, the present paper will look into the legal philosophical basis of the called Penal Law of the Enemy, mainly regarding the influence of the most important Contractual theories, as Rousseauss, Fichtes, Hobbes?s and Kants. Still, a normative analysis will be made on the aforementioned theory, in its main aspects, making critical considerations about its applicability in contemporary Penal Law.

This is a study of hudud - Islamic 'fixed penalties' - as they appear in Iranian law and courts. It first presents the codified laws and underlying elements from Twelver Shi‘i law (as interpreted by the Iranian legal community) governing the penalties of stoning for adultery, amputation of four fingers for theft, and execution for sodomy and certain variants of fornication (illicit carnal congress between unmarried males and females). It subsequently observes how these laws and concepts are used in practice by analysing previously unavailable court documents pertaining to theft, sodomy, fornication and adultery trials. It thereby seeks to discover opportunities for avoiding these hadd (singular of hudud) penalties, which are termed ‘irreversible’ because they change the condemned irrevocably by killing or maiming them. The material collected suggests several patterns characterising the application of hudud in Iran. The law itself provides so many opportunities for lenience that in most cases, irreversible penalties could theoretically be avoided. However, the law is often so vague that judges have enormous discretion about how to interpret and apply it. This is exacerbated by the fact that the codified law is underlain by Shi‘i texts which jurists, judges and lawyers acknowledge as the true and authoritative source of law. The law’s vagueness necessitates recourse to these texts, but different texts and interpretations thereof can be used in court, leading to unpredictable sentencing. Furthermore, in the cases analysed it was commonplace for laws to be contravened outright. Socioeconomic forces also affected, or were revealed by, some of the cases. As well as many opportunities for lenience, the law contains fundamental obstacles to it, many of which are difficult to abrogate in an ‘Islamic Republic’ because they originate from authoritative Shi‘i texts. Some jurists suggest ways to overcome even these, one being Khomeini’s doctrine whereby state interests can override Islamic orthodoxy to protect the Muslim community and hence Islam itself. The project serves as a ‘handbook’ of codified Iranian hadd law in light of its underlying Shi‘i concepts as understood by Iranian legal specialists. Through a systematic analysis of hadd cases, it shows how these ideas are applied in practice, and could also have practical applicability in the field of human rights.

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Esta dissertação discute a relação entre a medicina, a psiquiatria, a psicologia, o poder punitivo e o Direito Penal, bem como a influência que o discurso de uma produziu no outro, e vice versa. Defende a idéia de que a medicina é um espetáculo de poder que, acasalado com o poder punitivo, e interagindo com, e sobre, o indivíduo, invade e se apropria do seu corpo para, usando-o como instrumento de dominação política, discipliná-lo de acordo com a conveniência, sobretudo, da higiene e, naquela sua relação espúria com o poder punitivo, diferenciá-lo e controlá-lo social e penalmente. Sustenta, ainda, que, malgrado o acasalamento não tenha sido intencional, o Estado via na medicina o instrumento para reforçar o seu poder, enquanto essa via naquele o apoio para o seu espraiamento, embora Medicina e Estado tenham convergido, mas também divergido, por vezes tática e estrategicamente, porquanto nem sempre os dois poderes reconheceram o valor da aliança que haviam estabelecido. Então, defende a tese de que o Estado acatou a medicalização das suas ações políticas e admitiu o valor político das ações da medicina, e com vantagens para ambos que, dividindo o poder, conquistaram. É que, a medicina, mais rápida e mais adequada aos problemas salutares apresentados, ajudava-o a se imiscuir no corpo para a permanência parasitária daquela. E, para manter seu direito ao discurso, sustenta que a medicina reinventou constantemente uma necessidade para, diante dela, apresentar-se como única solução, tendo conseguido isso mediante a apresentação de uma retórica dominial eloquente, mas, sobretudo, tecnificada, é dizer, inacessível ao dominado. Com isso, a disciplina, o controle e a repressão do indivíduo, penal e medicamente, estavam prontas, pois, Direito e Medicina, aquele com a lei, esta com o remédio, juntos, dominaram e dominam os destinos do indivíduo, e da coletividade. Demonstrou, ainda, que os higienistas nunca se desocuparam de suas funções. E, por fim, que os princípios penais devem, independente da qualificação que se os dê, sempre refrear o poder punitivo. / This dissertation discusses the relationship between the medicine, the psychiatry, the punitive power and the Penal Law, as well the influence that the ones speech produces in the other, and vice versa. Argues the idea that the medicine is an spectacule of power that, with the punitive power, and interacting with it, and above, the individual, invades and apropriates of their body for, using it as instrument of political domination, disciplin it according with the convenience, mainly, of the hygiene and, in that spurious relationship with the punitive power, diferenciating and controlling it social and criminally. Maintains, even, that, despite the union not have been intentional, the State saw in medicine an instrument to enforce its own power, while medicine saw in State the suport for its propagation, despite Medicine and State have converged, but also diverged, sometimes, tactically and strategically, because not allways the both powers recognized the value of the alliance that they have just established. So, defends the thesis that the State accepted the medicalization of its public actions and admitted the political value of the medicine actions, and with the advantage for both that, sharing the power, they won. It means that, the medicine, more fast and more appropriate to the relevant problems presented, helped the State to interfere in the body, insofar the State, with its hegemonical power, opened gaps into its own body to the remaining parasitic of the other onte. And, for keeping its right of speech, argues that the medicine reinvented frequentlly a necessity for present itself as the only solution, getting it by the presentation of one dominial eloquent rhetoric, but, mainlly, technified, or, inaccessible to the dominated. With it, the discipline, the control and the repression of the individual, penal and medically, were ready, because, Law and Medicine, that one with legislation, and this one with drugs, together, dominated and still dominate the destinys of the individual, and collectivity. Demonstrate, more, that the hygienists never stopped their functions. And, finally, the penal principles must, independently of the given qualification, allways stops the punitive power.

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Esta dissertação discute a relação entre a medicina, a psiquiatria, a psicologia, o poder punitivo e o Direito Penal, bem como a influência que o discurso de uma produziu no outro, e vice versa. Defende a idéia de que a medicina é um espetáculo de poder que, acasalado com o poder punitivo, e interagindo com, e sobre, o indivíduo, invade e se apropria do seu corpo para, usando-o como instrumento de dominação política, discipliná-lo de acordo com a conveniência, sobretudo, da higiene e, naquela sua relação espúria com o poder punitivo, diferenciá-lo e controlá-lo social e penalmente. Sustenta, ainda, que, malgrado o acasalamento não tenha sido intencional, o Estado via na medicina o instrumento para reforçar o seu poder, enquanto essa via naquele o apoio para o seu espraiamento, embora Medicina e Estado tenham convergido, mas também divergido, por vezes tática e estrategicamente, porquanto nem sempre os dois poderes reconheceram o valor da aliança que haviam estabelecido. Então, defende a tese de que o Estado acatou a medicalização das suas ações políticas e admitiu o valor político das ações da medicina, e com vantagens para ambos que, dividindo o poder, conquistaram. É que, a medicina, mais rápida e mais adequada aos problemas salutares apresentados, ajudava-o a se imiscuir no corpo para a permanência parasitária daquela. E, para manter seu direito ao discurso, sustenta que a medicina reinventou constantemente uma necessidade para, diante dela, apresentar-se como única solução, tendo conseguido isso mediante a apresentação de uma retórica dominial eloquente, mas, sobretudo, tecnificada, é dizer, inacessível ao dominado. Com isso, a disciplina, o controle e a repressão do indivíduo, penal e medicamente, estavam prontas, pois, Direito e Medicina, aquele com a lei, esta com o remédio, juntos, dominaram e dominam os destinos do indivíduo, e da coletividade. Demonstrou, ainda, que os higienistas nunca se desocuparam de suas funções. E, por fim, que os princípios penais devem, independente da qualificação que se os dê, sempre refrear o poder punitivo. / This dissertation discusses the relationship between the medicine, the psychiatry, the punitive power and the Penal Law, as well the influence that the ones speech produces in the other, and vice versa. Argues the idea that the medicine is an spectacule of power that, with the punitive power, and interacting with it, and above, the individual, invades and apropriates of their body for, using it as instrument of political domination, disciplin it according with the convenience, mainly, of the hygiene and, in that spurious relationship with the punitive power, diferenciating and controlling it social and criminally. Maintains, even, that, despite the union not have been intentional, the State saw in medicine an instrument to enforce its own power, while medicine saw in State the suport for its propagation, despite Medicine and State have converged, but also diverged, sometimes, tactically and strategically, because not allways the both powers recognized the value of the alliance that they have just established. So, defends the thesis that the State accepted the medicalization of its public actions and admitted the political value of the medicine actions, and with the advantage for both that, sharing the power, they won. It means that, the medicine, more fast and more appropriate to the relevant problems presented, helped the State to interfere in the body, insofar the State, with its hegemonical power, opened gaps into its own body to the remaining parasitic of the other onte. And, for keeping its right of speech, argues that the medicine reinvented frequentlly a necessity for present itself as the only solution, getting it by the presentation of one dominial eloquent rhetoric, but, mainlly, technified, or, inaccessible to the dominated. With it, the discipline, the control and the repression of the individual, penal and medically, were ready, because, Law and Medicine, that one with legislation, and this one with drugs, together, dominated and still dominate the destinys of the individual, and collectivity. Demonstrate, more, that the hygienists never stopped their functions. And, finally, the penal principles must, independently of the given qualification, allways stops the punitive power.

Drug Related Crimes Thesis - Natálie Váchová - abstract Drug trade spreads throughout every country in the world and thus constitutes one of our society's global problems. As a result, countries try to fight the trade and usage of drugs on the national as well as international levels. Drugs affect various aspects of drug addicts' life - whether this be their health or their social and financial well-being. There are also many crimes that are connected to drugs - illicit production, distribution or possession of drugs (the so called "drug-related crimes"), crimes committed in order to raise funds for the purchase of drugs (i.e. criminal act of theft) or crimes committed under the influence of drugs. The topic of crimes related to substance abuse is very diverse, which is why this thesis will only be focused on the so called "drug-related crimes". The main aim of this thesis is to define "drug-related crimes" in more detail, closely analyse the different interpretations of the term "quantity larger than small" in the case of narcotic and psychotropic substances invoked over time and finally to compare the Czech regulation with the German one. The First Chapter introduces the reader to the issues surrounding drugs by describing the history of usage of drugs and the process of national and international...

En dévoilant les violences sexuelles qu’elles subissent, les femmes exposent les droits que les hommes auteurs de ces violences, s’arrogent sur leur personne et les pouvoirs dont ils disposent. L’intervention du droit pénal dans ce domaine implique donc un positionnement du législateur puis des magistrat.es quant à ces droits et pouvoirs. L’objet de cette recherche est d’une part d’analyser, dans une perspective critique féministe, comment le droit pénal et les institutions judiciaires appréhendent des violences sexuelles masculines telles que le viol, l’agression sexuelle et le harcèlement sexuel. Puis, d’autre part, en s’appuyant sur le droit international et sur une approche comparatiste, de réfléchir aux changements légaux et de politique pénale nécessaires afin que les femmes victimes de violences sexuelles masculines puissent compter sur un droit pénal plus juste. / By disclosing the sexual violence they endure, women expose the rights that perpetrators claim and the power they wield. Penal law dealing with sexual violence therefore requires that legislators and judges take a stand as to those rights and power. This research analyzes, from a feminist perspective, how penal law and the legal system comprehend sexual violence such as rape, sexual assault and sexual harassment. Relying on international law and a comparative approach, it considers how our legal system could be changed to provide justice for women.

The aim of this dissertation work is to analyze the progress of recodification works during the so-called two-year legal plan, this being illustrated on preparations of the Criminal Procedure Code. The conclusions can be applied to contemporary efforts of recodification of the Criminal Procedure Code - especially from the organisational and material point of view. The first part of the paper deals with the state of criminal procedure law in Czechoslovakia before the commencement of the two-year legal plan and with the recodification attempts between 1918 and 1947. The next chapter describes the two-year legal plan, its announcement, development, organisation of work and results. It is followed by a chapter devoted to the preparation of the Criminal Procedure Code itself. This part analysis the activities of the Ministry of Justice in this respect, the codification department of the Ministry of Justice, its codification committee and subcommittees. In 1949 the subcommittees drafted a fundamental bill that served as a basis for the preparation of the outline of the Criminal Procedure Code elaborated at the beginning of 1950. This dissertation also provides a detailed analysis of the legislative process and an overview of influences of the organs of the communist party on the final version of the...

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:30:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodney Charles Muller Martins.pdf: 1309392 bytes, checksum: e37d46085e71914063dba40b1ac75196 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-06-08 / This paper examines the unintentional traffic crimes and their punishments and checks whether these legal features are efficient in fighting the high rate of accidents involving motor vehicles, a consequence of the needed speedy transportation demanded by the global societies members. Along the first lines, intentional and unintentional crimes are explained and differentiated along with a detailed approach of their historic evolution. Another type of crime, actually this paper s main theme, demanded a special chapter, where its historic origins are fully discussed before the world s main cultures and also the most relevant theories which explain why they are in fact punished and all the needed elements to appropriately characterize them. Along the traffic crimes' analysis and comments were presented their specific criminal types and the focus has been upon the unintentional kind and all the related enforcement measures, legal and non-legal. Regarding the presented chapters, this study intends to offer solutions which can help to diminish it or, at least, prevent its increase between the limits of the present legislation / Este trabalho examina os crimes culposos de trânsito e respectivas punibilidades, verificando se são eficientes no combate aos índices crescentes de acidentes com veículos automotores, reflexo da necessidade da rapidez de locomoção da sociedade moderna. No início, são conceituados e distinguidos os crimes dolosos dos culposos, fazendo-se, para ambos, a sua evolução histórica. Para a segunda modalidade de crime, objeto da pesquisa, foi dedicado um capítulo perquirindo suas origens históricas perante as principais civilizações e as teorias mais relevantes que explicam a razão de sua punibilidade, bem como os elementos necessários para compor a sua tipicidade. Na análise e comentários sobre os crimes de trânsito também foram especificadas suas modalidades criminais e, no destaque da espécie culposa, seus meios preventivos e punitivos: penais e administrativos. Diante destes capítulos apresentados, este estudo pretende demonstrar soluções que possam contribuir para a diminuição do alto índice de sua prática criminal, ou pelo menos impedir o seu aumento diante do contexto legislativo atual

No contexto dos processos de democratização do continente latino-americano, que ocorreram paralelamente a uma crise do sistema judicial e ao aumento da criminalidade, Brasil e Argentina promoveram significativas alterações legislativas no âmbito da justiça penal, com a criminalização de novas condutas, a criação de mecanismos informais para o processamento de delitos de menor potencial ofensivo e o aumento das penas e a relativização de garantias processuais para determinados delitos. O presente trabalho visa identificar nesse conjunto de movimentos de política criminal a emergência de um novo modelo de controle penal em países situados no contexto da modernidade periférica. Pretendeu-se realizar um estudo das reformas legislativas em matéria penal que tiveram lugar no Brasil e na Argentina durante a última década, a fim de compor um panorama dos movimentos de política criminal que estiveram por trás do contedo das reformas legais mais significativas' identificar sua especificidade em relação a períodos anteriores e apontar os aspectos mais relevantes que indicassem o sentido dos movimentos de reforma em curso. Constatou-se, entre outras, uma tendencia à expansão e à desformalização do direito penal, como recurso na maioria das vezes meramente simbólico para o enfrentamento de problemas sociais cada vez mais complexos e desafiadores para as estruturas do Estado moderno. / In the context of the processes of democratization of the Latin-American continent, that happened parallel to a crisis of the judicial system and the increase of the criminality, Brazil and Argentina promoted significant legislative alterations in the extent of the penal justice, with the criminalization of new conducts, the creation of informal mechanisms for the processing of offensive potential minor crimes and the increase of the feathers and the relativization of procedural warranties for certain crimes. The present work seeks to identify in that group of movements of criminal politics the emergency of a new model of penal control in located countries in the context of the outlying modernity. It intended to accomplish a study of the legislative reforms in penal matter that had room in Brazil and in Argentina during the last decade, in order to compose a framework of the movements of criminal politics that were behind the content of the more significant legal reforms, to identify its especificity in relation to previous periods and to point the most relevant aspects that indicated the sense of the reform movements in course. It was verified, among other, a tendency to the expansion and the deformalization of the penal law, as a resource most of the time merely symbolic for face up to the social problems more and more complex and challenging for the structures of the modern State.