Nous considérons le cas d’un assureur qui doit indemniser une banque à la suite de pertes liées à un défaut de remboursement de ses emprunteurs. Les modèles couramment utilisés sont collectifs et ne permettent pas de prendre en compte les comportements individuels des emprunteurs. Dans une première partie nous définissons un modèle pour étudier le montant des pertes liées à ces défauts de paiement (provision) pour une période donnée. La quantité clé de notre modèle est le montant d’un défaut. Pour un emprunteur j et une date de fin de prêt Tj , ce montant vaut max(Sj Tj -Rj Tj ; 0), où Sj Tj est le montant dû par l’emprunteur et dépend de la durée et du montant du prêt, et Rj Tj est le montant de la revente du bien immobilier financé par le prêt. Rj Tj est proportionnel au montant emprunté; le coefficient de proportionnalité est modélisé par un mouvement Brownien géométrique et représente les fluctuations des prix de l’immobilier. La loi des couples (Date de fin du prêt, Durée du prêt) est modélisée par un processus ponctuel de Poisson. La provision Ph, où h est la durée maximale des contrats considérés, est alors définie comme la somme d’un nombre aléatoire de montants de défauts individuels. Nous pouvons ainsi calculer l’espérance et la variance de la provision mais aussi donner un algorithme de simulation. Il est également possible d’estimer les paramètres liés au modèle et de fournir une valeur numérique aux quantiles de la provision. Dans une deuxième partie nous nous intéresserons au besoin de solvabilité associé au risque de provisionnement (problématique imposée par la réforme européenne Solvabilité 2). La question se ramène à étudier le comportement asymptotique de Ph lorsque h ! +1. Nous montrons que Ph, convenablement normalisée, converge en loi vers une variable aléatoire qui est la somme de deux variables dont l’une est gaussienne / We consider an insurance company which has to indemnify a bank against losses related to a borrower defaulting on payments. Models normally used by insurers are collectives and do not allows to take into account the personal characteristics of borrowers. In a first part, we defined a model to evaluate potential future default amounts (provision) over a fixed period.The amount of default is the key to our model. For a borrower j and an associated maturity Tj, this amount is max(Sj Tj -Rj Tj ; 0), where Sj Tj is the outstanding amount owed by the borrower and depends on the borrowed amount and the term of the loan, and Rj Tj is the property sale amount. Rj Tj is proportionate to the borrowed amount; the proportionality coefficient is modeled by a geometric Brownian motion and represents the fluctuation price of real estate. The couples (Maturity of the loan, Term of the loan) are modeled by a Poisson point process. The provision Ph, where h is the maximum duration of the loans, is defined as the sum of the random number of individual defaults amounts. We can calculate the mean and the variance of the provision and also give an algorithm to simulate the provision. It is also possible to estimate the parameters of our model and then give a numerical value of the provision quantile. In the second part we will focus on the solvency need due to provisioning risk (topic imposed by the european Solvency 2 reform). The question will be to study the asymptotic behaviour of Ph when h ! +1. We will show that Ph, well renormalized, converges in law to a random variable which is the sum of two random variables whose one is a Gaussian

The study examines the formation and development of Chinese American populations in Augusta, Savannah, and Atlanta, Georgia from the beginnings of Chinese Exclusion period through the passage of the Immigration Act of 1965. Although people of Chinese ancestry were in an ambiguous position upon their arrival in the 1880s within the black-white dyad that defined southern race relations, they were able to negotiate this system, transforming themselves from being perceived as “outsiders” before the 1940s to being treated as “honorary whites” by the late 1960s. To explore this transition, this project analyzes generational differences between immigrants and their children. Before the 1920s, the mostly Chinese immigrant male population concerned themselves with establishing viable businesses for sending remittances back to family in China and creating social institutions that helped the men cope with decades of separation from their families. The men avoided possible conflict with Jim Crow by having their businesses and residences in black or immigrant areas. Some men cultivated better relations with whites by attending Sunday schools that catered to Chinese immigrants. The mutation from “outsider” to “honorary white” status began when prosperous Chinese men started sending for wives to join them in the 1910s, thus ushering in a new pattern of planned long-term settlement in the state. Families successfully challenged the older perception by joining white churches, enrolling their children in white schools, and building social ties with white community leaders. Second generation Chinese Americans reaped the benefits of this strategy in the 1950s and 1960s by gaining access to housing in white neighborhoods, employment opportunities in white-collar occupations, and acceptance as partners in marriages with European Americans.

The study examines the formation and development of Chinese American populations in Augusta, Savannah, and Atlanta, Georgia from the beginnings of Chinese Exclusion period through the passage of the Immigration Act of 1965. Although people of Chinese ancestry were in an ambiguous position upon their arrival in the 1880s within the black-white dyad that defined southern race relations, they were able to negotiate this system, transforming themselves from being perceived as “outsiders” before the 1940s to being treated as “honorary whites” by the late 1960s. To explore this transition, this project analyzes generational differences between immigrants and their children. Before the 1920s, the mostly Chinese immigrant male population concerned themselves with establishing viable businesses for sending remittances back to family in China and creating social institutions that helped the men cope with decades of separation from their families. The men avoided possible conflict with Jim Crow by having their businesses and residences in black or immigrant areas. Some men cultivated better relations with whites by attending Sunday schools that catered to Chinese immigrants. The mutation from “outsider” to “honorary white” status began when prosperous Chinese men started sending for wives to join them in the 1910s, thus ushering in a new pattern of planned long-term settlement in the state. Families successfully challenged the older perception by joining white churches, enrolling their children in white schools, and building social ties with white community leaders. Second generation Chinese Americans reaped the benefits of this strategy in the 1950s and 1960s by gaining access to housing in white neighborhoods, employment opportunities in white-collar occupations, and acceptance as partners in marriages with European Americans.

The first purpose of this study is to examine if democratic aid is a statistically and/or substantially significant determinant of democratic development among semi-democratic states. The second purpose is to discuss the effects of democratic aid in light of the theory of ‘democratic peace’, and the debate on whether exogenous or endogenous factors are primary for democratic development. The research question is: how much, if at all, has democratic aid contributed to democratic development among semi-democratic states from 2000 to 2004? The thesis is delimited to observing the total population of states that were semi-democratic in the year 1999, i.e. 56 countries. Moreover, it only detects the potential impact of democratic aid over one five-year period, namely 2000-2004. Data from the Freedom House Index (FHI) has been used to distinguish states with semi-democratic regimes from states with other regime-types, and, moreover, to construct two indicators of the dependent variable. The utilized dataset on democratic aid is provided by the Creditor Reporting System (CRS), issued by the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). Furthermore, in order to assess the effects of democratic aid, a multiple regression model is employed that controls for nine other variables which have been found to have significant impacts on democratic development in relevant previous research. The conclusion is that democratic aid neither had a statistically nor a substantially significant impact on democratic development of semi-democratic states from 2000 to 2004. Thus, it does not strengthen the ‘exogenous standpoint’ for democratic development, and it does not appear to contribute to an expansion of ‘democratic peace’. However, due to a number of factors, it is acknowledged that more research is required in order to assess the effects of democratic aid more adequately.

Le droit pénal français est marqué par une volonté de prévenir la récidive. Ce souhait se concrétise par l’introduction de mesures de sûreté dont la rétention de sûreté. Toutefois, la rétention de sûreté n’est pas une mesure de sûreté comme les autres, ce qui a conduit à de nombreux débats qui, en réalité, reprennent d’anciennes et récurrentes controverses. Cette mesure part en effet du postulat que les criminels sexuels et/ou violents présentent une maladie, maladie qui laisse présumer un risque de récidive. En les traitants comme des malades, le législateur considère ainsi qu’ils sont curables. En conséquence, il convient de mettre en œuvre des soins, seule solution pour prévenir une récidive. Cependant, cette même maladie conduit souvent le patient à refuser les soins pourtant nécessaires au regard de cette maladie. Dans ces circonstances, le soin est contraint, mais non imposé, par la menace, puis la mise en œuvre effective, d’une mesure privative de liberté qu’est la rétention de sûreté, ce qui constitue une menace pour les libertés individuelles. Le mécanisme même de la rétention de sûreté fait ainsi apparaître de nombreux problèmes criminologiques, psychologiques, constitutionnels, conventionnels que le droit français ne peut ignorer. Il est nécessaire de les prendre en compte pour éviter que la rétention de sûreté ne devienne une mesure purement éliminatrice au détriment de son principal objectif, qui reflète le fondement même du droit pénal français, à savoir prévenir la récidive tout en permettant à terme la réinsertion des criminels dans la société. / The French criminal law is characterised by a willingness to prevent recidivism. To give concrete expression to this will, security measures are implemented among which the secure detention. However, the secure detention is not an ordinary measure and gives rises to many debates which, in fact, take up old and recurrent controversies. This measure is based on the assumption that sexual and/or violent criminals show a disease which may suggest a risk of a second offence. As a result, by considering them as sick persons, the legislator asserts that they can be treated. Accordingly, medical care is advised as the only solution to prevent a second offence. However, this disease itself often induces the patient to refuse cares even if it is required for this disease. Under these circumstances, care is constrained by law but not imposed by threat. Yet, if the attempt fails, a measure which deprives of liberties will be effective, such as the secure detention, what threatens individual freedoms. The secure detention process raises many criminological, psychological, constitutional and conventional problems than the French law can’t ignore. It’s necessary to take them into account to prevent the secure detention turning into a phase-out measure to the detriment of its mains objective, which reflects the cause itself of the criminal French law, i. e. to prevent the second offence while helping criminals in the long run to become reintegrated in society.

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome (AIDS), as it would later be known, began to appear in the United States in 1981. Medical professionals from around the country began to track a mysterious set of illnesses that were affecting previously healthy people, most of who were homosexual men. As the disease spread, it was clear that homosexual men were being most affected. There was no cure to this illness which was quickly killing those infected. In October 1981, the Indianapolis Bag Ladies, a group of gay men, began as a simple Halloween Bus Tour around the city. Coby Palmer, Gary Johnson, and Ed Walsh teamed up by renting three charter busses for their new “Bag Ladies Bus.” Their campy drag involved multiple costume changes that required them to tote bags around, thus earning their name. By 1982, the Bag Ladies knew they needed to do more than have a party. The second bus tour was all about collecting money and creating a “war chest” for the gay community of Indianapolis in case AIDS made its way to the city. In doing this, they became one of the first grassroots HIV/AIDS support groups in the United States. After over 38 years of continued efforts, the Indianapolis Bag Ladies have impacted the Indianapolis LGBTQ communities through a variety of programs that expanded beyond the original bus tour. This thesis explores and analyzes these efforts which include Nurse Safe Sexx, a safe sex campaign; the Damien Center, a HIV/AIDS health clinic; and the Buddy House and Buddy Support Program, two programs connecting people with AIDS to support programs. The final chapter of this thesis expands on the discussion through a public program hosted by the Indiana Historical Society and demonstrates how programs surrounding these topics can be successful for museums and participants.

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No description available.

<p>Past theory and research have documented several stereotypes that explain why biases against Asian Americans (AAs) in U.S. organizations can occur, such as the Model Minority Stereotype (MMS) and Perpetual Foreigner Syndrome (PFS). The current project expands on past work by proposing a new perspective of stereotypes driving (mis)treatment of AAs: Mechanistic dehumanization. Specifically, I argue that AAs are seen as more robot-like compared to other racial groups in the U.S., which may explain some of the negative workplace treatments they face. To test this phenomenon, I conducted a set of five pre-registered studies to examine the extent to which AAs tend to be more mechanistically dehumanized than other racial groups in the U.S., and its workplace implications. In a pilot study (N = 1,003), the results revealed that East, South, and Southeast AAs tended to be mechanistically dehumanized and internalized this dehumanization more than other groups. In Study 1 (Study 1a, N= 255; Study 1b, N = 427), a survey and experimental study provided support that AA coworkers are more mechanistically dehumanized than White American coworkers, and this mediated the relationship between coworker race and negative work outcomes (e.g., less perceived leadership potential, more exploitative treatment, and less workplace friendship). In another survey study, Study 2 (N = 473) found that mechanistic dehumanization exhibited incremental validity in predicting negative work outcomes for AAs, above and beyond MMS and PFS. Finally, in Study 3 (N = 477), an all-Asian sample found that AAs’ internalization of mechanistic dehumanization predicted more negative work outcomes (e.g., increased burnout, less workplace friendship), above and beyond MMS and PFS. Altogether, the current work supports a mechanistic dehumanization account of bias against AAs, reveals racial subgroup differences, and provides a novel explanation for why AAs experience certain workplace inequities. </p>