The transnationalisation of economic relations and the emergence of supranational sites of policy-making and governance have been of concern both to 'affected publics' subject to the remote decisionmaking that such developments entail (and who have mobilised extensively to demonstrate their opposition to these bodies), and scholars keen to locate the possibilities for a democratic politics in the context of the state's subsequent diminishment (O'Brien et al., 2000; Scholte, 2001; Patomäki and Teivainen, 2004; Rittberger et al., 2008). One such group of scholars are public sphere theorists, who, taking up an ongoing concern with the conditions for, and criteria of, effective democratic participation in politically authoritative policy debates, and responding to these new dynamics, have begun to define a new research agenda in search of 'transnational public spheres' (Habermas, 1989; Fraser, 1991; Fraser 2007). That is, they have begun to look to the transnational for sites in which those affected by the exercise (or, indeed, absence) of political authority at this level strive to engage that authority in policy debate. In this thesis, I argue for the existence of one such transnational public sphere, which, being both provoked and constituted by the transnational peasant and small farmers social movement La Via Campesina, promises to be institutionally realised by the recently reformed United Nations Committee on World Food Security (CFS). Identifying and exploring key dynamics relevant to the CFS's aspirations for political centrality, inclusivity, and policy debate, moreover, I lay bare the challenges that confront the attainment of this promise.

A pesquisa tem como objetivo geral defender uma interpretação específica do valor da igualdade. Contra teorias que não reconhecem a igualdade como um valor moral intrínseco - como as teorias libertarianas, instrumentalistas e suficientaristas da justiça -, e contra a visão distributivista da igualdade - encontrada, por exemplo, no chamado igualitarismo de fortuna - a tese formula e avalia com base em argumentos normativos uma interpretação relacional do valor da igualdade denominada de igualitarismo social. A especificidade do igualitarismo social encontra-se em seu fundamento: um ideal de respeito mútuo responsável por governar as relações interpessoais entre pessoas livres e iguais. Ao defender a plausibilidade de concepções relacionais de igualdade, espera-se demonstrar que a igualdade social é capaz fornecer uma base (i) coerente, (ii) moralmente relevante, e (iii) distributivamente determinada para a justiça igualitária. Para isso, a tese argumenta, em primeiro lugar, que o uso da coerção coletiva entre iguais em autoridade demanda uma forma especifica de justificação intrapessoal uma atitude que denominarei de respeito deliberativo. Com base na noção de respeito deliberativo é possível ressaltar a existência de um tipo determinado de desrespeito igualitário, qual seja: o desrespeito performativo na reivindicação de direitos. A ideia de respeito deliberativo pode ser formulada com base nas contribuições filosóficas recentes de uma moralidade de segunda de pessoa, tal como formulada por Stephen Darwall, isto é, como um tipo de justificação normativa fundada na responsabilização mútua entre agentes morais. Finalmente, a tese argumenta que o igualitarismo social é compatível com princípios gerais de justiça social. Dois desses princípios são apresentados e analisados: (i) o princípio de mínimo cívico e (ii) o princípio de participação na riqueza social. De um ponto de vista igualitário, atender às exigências de ambos os princípios deve ser compreendido como uma condição de necessidade para uma cidadania democrática justa. / The work holds that the value of equality is best understood in a determined way. Against nonegalitarian theories such as libertarian, instrumentalist and sufficentarian theories - on one side, and distributive-based theories such as the luck egalitarianism - on the other, the thesis offers and evaluate, based on normative arguments, a relational interpretation of egalitarianism to be called social egalitarianism. What makes social egalitarianism a distinctive type of theory is its normative foundation: an ideal of mutual respect responsible for governing the interpersonal relations between free and equal persons. The work intends to show that a relational interpretation of equality is able to provide the basis for a (i) coherent, (ii) morally relevant, and (iii) distributive determined ground for egalitarian theories of justice. In order to stablish all that, it shows, first, how the legitimate exercise of political coercion among equals in authority brings about a particular kind of interpersonal attitude, called deliberative respect. Next, it is argued that the notion of deliberative respect allows us to conceptualize a particular instance of disrespect among equals, namely, the performative disrespect against a right-holder, and showing why respectful relations among equals in authority should be framed in a secondperson standpoint morality a morality according to each people are mutually accountable to each other - as the idea has been developed by Stephen Darwall. Finally, the work argues for the conceptual compatibility between social egalitarianism, on one hand, and distributive principles of justice, on the other. Two principles of justice are considered: (i) the principle of the civic minimum and (ii) the principle of participation in social wealth. From an egalitarian standpoint, both principles are required in order to bring about a just democratic citizenship.

The transnationalisation of economic relations and the emergence of supranational sites of policy-making and governance have been of concern both to ¿affected publics¿ subject to the remote decisionmaking that such developments entail (and who have mobilised extensively to demonstrate their opposition to these bodies), and scholars keen to locate the possibilities for a democratic politics in the context of the state¿s subsequent diminishment (O¿Brien et al., 2000; Scholte, 2001; Patomäki and Teivainen, 2004; Rittberger et al., 2008). One such group of scholars are public sphere theorists, who, taking up an ongoing concern with the conditions for, and criteria of, effective democratic participation in politically authoritative policy debates, and responding to these new dynamics, have begun to define a new research agenda in search of ¿transnational public spheres¿ (Habermas, 1989; Fraser, 1991; Fraser 2007). That is, they have begun to look to the transnational for sites in which those affected by the exercise (or, indeed, absence) of political authority at this level strive to engage that authority in policy debate. In this thesis, I argue for the existence of one such transnational public sphere, which, being both provoked and constituted by the transnational peasant and small farmers social movement La Via Campesina, promises to be institutionally realised by the recently reformed United Nations Committee on World Food Security (CFS). Identifying and exploring key dynamics relevant to the CFS¿s aspirations for political centrality, inclusivity, and policy debate, moreover, I lay bare the challenges that confront the attainment of this promise.

Compelling research in international relations and international political economy on global warming suggests that one part of any meaningful effort to radically reverse current trends of increasing green house gas (GHG) emissions is shared policies among states that generate costs for such emissions in many if not most of the world’s regions. Effectively employing such policies involves gaining much more extensive global commitments and developing much stronger compliance mechanism than those currently found in the Kyoto Protocol. In other words, global warming raises the prospect that we need a global form of political authority that could coordinate the actions of states in order to address this environmental threat. This in turn suggests that any serious effort to mitigate climate change will entail new limits on the sovereignty of states. In this book I focus on the normative question of whether or not we have clear moral reasons to bind ourselves together in such a supranational form of political association. I argue that one can employ familiar liberal arguments for the moral legitimacy of political order at the state level to show that we do have a duty to support such a global political project. Even if one adopts the premises employed by the most influential forms of liberal scepticism to the ideas of global political and distributive justice, such as those advanced by John Rawls and Thomas Nagel, it is clear that the threat of global warming has expanded the scope of justice. We now have a global and demanding duty of justice to create the political conditions that would allow us to collectively address our impact on the Earth’s atmosphere.

This thesis studies three major reforms in the public sector of Norway. The sectors studied are the police, higher education, and primary schools. The main motive for studying these reforms are of a theoretical nature, the reason to study them is to produce general knowledge about reforms. The study aims to answer two main questions. One is about the possibilities and limitations contained in using reforms to change organizations. The second is about how organizations can promote the ideals of representative democracy. In its efforts to attain answers to these questions the thesis blends empirically-oriented research with aspects of organization theory and political theory. The thesis is divided into four different parts. First, there is a descriptive presentation of the three reforms. Secondly, there is a discussion of various theories of reforms and organizations. The primary aim of this analysis is to illuminate and explain the empirical data, but this discussion should also provide its own answers to the main questions asked in the thesis. Thirdly, these theories are applied to analyze data from the three reforms. And finally, the study concludes with a summary of what general insights about the reforms we are left with after studying the Quality Reform, The Police Reform 2000, and the Knowledge Reform. The study shows that reforms have both policy and content aspects, and that it is important to distinguish between the two in order to analyse and understand them. The policy aspect is that reforms are a strategy for change - they are tools for implementing change in organizations. The content aspect is that reforms have a specific content - they have certain objectives that they want to realize. The study concludes that in order to understand this complex and fascinating phenomenon, we need to understand reforms both as instrumental tools, institutional adaptations and symbols.

O objetivo desta dissertação é expor as características centrais da teoria do filósofo norte-americano Ronald Dworkin sobre a natureza dos direitos fundamentais ou morais. A referida teoria é aqui compreendida como uma defesa da noção de direitos fundamentais, tal como aparece no sistema constitucional norte-americano, contra os ataques do utilitarismo e do juspositivismo. A concepção dworkiniana dos direitos fundamentais como razões de justiça (ou princípios) que operam como trunfos contra a utilidade geral é contrastada com duas teses adversárias: a concepção utilitarista dos direitos morais de John Stuart Mill e a tese juspositivista das fontes sociais. A famosa querela entre Ronald Dworkin e os juspositivistas é analisada em um enfoque normativo, como uma disputa sobre o conceito de autoridade política: Dworkin compreende os direitos fundamentais como a fonte última da autoridade jurídica, enquanto os positivistas sustentam que uma das funções da autoridade jurídica é precisamente estabelecer quais são os direitos das pessoas. / The purpose of this research is to expound the main characteristics of Ronald Dworkins theory of fundamental (or moral) rights. Dworkins theory is herein considered as a defense of the idea of fundamental rights, as it appears in the United States Constitutional System, against the attacks advanced by the doctrines of utilitarianism and legal positivism. Dworkins conception of fundamental rights as reasons of justice (or principles) that function as trumps against the general utility is contrasted with two defiant theories: John Stuart Mills utilitarian conception of moral rights and the positivist social sources thesis. The well-known debate between Ronald Dworkin and the legal positivists is approached as a normative dispute concerning the concept of political authority: Dworkin regards fundamental rights as the ultimate source of legal authority, whereas legal positivists argue that one of laws main functions is precisely to settle peoples rights.

中共於2013年11月召開十八屆三中全會，並發佈《中共中央關於全面深化改革若干重大問題的決定》這份16個改革方向和60個改革要點的決議中，有關司法改革部分以「法院去地方化、去行政化」受到高度關注。2014年10月中共的十八屆四中全會以依法治國作為主軸，並具體化「法院去地方化、去行政化」的改革路徑，提出「推動省以下地方法院人財物統一管理；探索建立與行政區劃適當分離的司法管轄制度。」此次司法改革議題是針對中國法院體制提出結構性的變革，改變了以往程序技術性的改革。目前，綜觀臺灣學界，以「現行中國法院體制之沿革與弊端；中國歷次司法改革之改革核心要點」兩大互動關係作為分析，較為罕見。本研究旨在廓清「中國推動依法治國下之法院體制改革核心」，內容以「憲法－法律－司法政策」作為分析架構，研究中國法院的人事與財政制度，透過法條解析與最高人民法院歷屆的《五年改革綱要》，了解中國法院的結構性弊端成因與進入高度成熟市場經濟的司法改革關注重點。以透析中國司法制度在現行法律規範的框架下，法院人財物與法官管理體制所呈現出嚴格屬地化原則的運行模式，進一步檢視中共十八大三中與四中全會所提出的法院去地方化、去行政化之改革路徑與核心。主要研究成果，發現以下訊息：以省級高等法院作為跨行政區劃管轄制度的基礎才是法院去地方化的改革關鍵。然而，中國所選擇的北京市與上海市的跨行政區劃的法院管轄之試點改革，仍然局限在一個省級框架內部，新設置在直轄市的中級法院仍舊是「同級黨政機關決定法院的財政人事」制度模式。若能作到省級高等法院切斷與省級人大人財物的供給，將觸及到中共十八大三中與四中全會所提出結構性司法改革之真正核心。 / The Third and Fourth Plenum of 18th CPC Central Committee passed the Decision on Major Issues of comprehensively Deepening Reform and Decision on Major Issues of comprehensively promoting the Rule of Law. The most important proposals concerning China’s judicial system reform is centered on the Court independence from localized political authority and bureaucratized. The current situations that Court’s independence and judge’s independence seem difficult in China is partly due to administration and localization. Up to now, it’s one very pressing issue in judicial reform is to properly deal with the multiple relations related with judicial system, under the Constitution of PROC. The relations include the external relations with CPC , power authority , administrative authority and citizen. The internal relations contain power allocation , supervision and restriction and personnel administration with the Court. This study aims to clarify the orientation of judicial system reform under China’s deepening the Rule of Law and it will focus on how the China’s Court to be apart from localized political authority and bureaucratized.

O objetivo desta dissertação é expor as características centrais da teoria do filósofo norte-americano Ronald Dworkin sobre a natureza dos direitos fundamentais ou morais. A referida teoria é aqui compreendida como uma defesa da noção de direitos fundamentais, tal como aparece no sistema constitucional norte-americano, contra os ataques do utilitarismo e do juspositivismo. A concepção dworkiniana dos direitos fundamentais como razões de justiça (ou princípios) que operam como trunfos contra a utilidade geral é contrastada com duas teses adversárias: a concepção utilitarista dos direitos morais de John Stuart Mill e a tese juspositivista das fontes sociais. A famosa querela entre Ronald Dworkin e os juspositivistas é analisada em um enfoque normativo, como uma disputa sobre o conceito de autoridade política: Dworkin compreende os direitos fundamentais como a fonte última da autoridade jurídica, enquanto os positivistas sustentam que uma das funções da autoridade jurídica é precisamente estabelecer quais são os direitos das pessoas. / The purpose of this research is to expound the main characteristics of Ronald Dworkins theory of fundamental (or moral) rights. Dworkins theory is herein considered as a defense of the idea of fundamental rights, as it appears in the United States Constitutional System, against the attacks advanced by the doctrines of utilitarianism and legal positivism. Dworkins conception of fundamental rights as reasons of justice (or principles) that function as trumps against the general utility is contrasted with two defiant theories: John Stuart Mills utilitarian conception of moral rights and the positivist social sources thesis. The well-known debate between Ronald Dworkin and the legal positivists is approached as a normative dispute concerning the concept of political authority: Dworkin regards fundamental rights as the ultimate source of legal authority, whereas legal positivists argue that one of laws main functions is precisely to settle peoples rights.

Cette thèse postule qu’il est plus heuristique pour les Relations internationales (RI) de conceptualiser les relations patron-client interétatiques comme des hiérarchies internationales fondées sur des dettes de gratitude. Elle soutient plus précisément que les théoriciens des RI peuvent attester de la présence d’une hiérarchie patron-client lorsque trois conditions sont remplies. D’abord, une dette de gratitude, contractée par l’État subalterne, doit exister au sein de la relation bilatérale. Ensuite, la puissance patronale doit faire appel à ladite dette de gratitude pour exercer de l’autorité politique sur l’État subalterne. Finalement, ce dernier doit se subordonner à l’autorité politique de la puissance patronale en guise de gratitude pour un quelconque bénéfice reçu au cours de la relation bilatérale. Plus précisément, cette thèse soutient que l’émotion de gratitude est la force impérative qui, derrière l’échange de bénéfices internationaux, légitime, d’une part, l’autorité politique exercée par la puissance patronale et, d’autre part, oblige l’État subalterne à offrir sa subordination en guise de contredon international. Les cas de Cuba-États-Unis (1898-1902) et de Cuba-URSS (1959-1963) sont utilisés pour illustrer la validité heuristique de cette proposition théorique. Ce faisant, nous invitons les théoriciens des RI à dépasser le modèle patron-client (MPC) au profit d’une conceptualisation des relations patron-client qui insère la recherche sur le patronage interétatique au sein de deux tournants théoriques de la discipline des RI : les tournants hiérarchique et émotionnel. Cette thèse fait donc une contribution à chacun des tournants précités et établit un dialogue direct entre deux programmes de recherche qui travaillent jusqu’alors en silo. / This thesis argues that it is more heuristic for International Relations (IR) to conceptualize interstate patron-client relationships as international hierarchies built on debts of gratitude. It postulates that IR theorists can attest to the presence of a patron-client hierarchy when three conditions are met. First, a debt of gratitude, incurred by the subordinate state, must exist within the bilateral relationship. Then, the patronal power must appeal to said debt of gratitude to exercise political authority. Finally, the client state must subordinate itself to the political authority of the patronal power in gratitude for any benefit received during the bilateral relationship. The emotion of gratitude is therefore the imperative force which, behind the exchange of international benefits, legitimizes, on the one hand, the political authority exercised by the patronal power and, on the other hand, obliges the client state to offer its subordination as an international gift. The cases of Cuba-USA (1898-1902) and Cuba-USSR (1959-1963) are used to show the value of this theoretical proposition. In doing so, this thesis invites IR theorists to go beyond the patron-client model (PCM) and to favor a conceptualization that inserts research on interstate patronage within two theoretical turns in IR: the hierarchical and emotional turns. It not only contributes to each of the above-mentioned theoretical turns, but also establishes a direct dialogue between two research programs that have hitherto worked in silos.