The political instability of the Middle East is often perceived to be derived primarily from the interaction of Middle Eastern nations with external forces; with significant emphasis placed upon the disruptive effects of modern colonialism and Westernization. While this study does not seek to directly contest the catalytic primacy of exogenous factors, it does seek to establish the necessary causality of pre-existing internal factors. Rather than approaching the situation from a linear causal perspective, this assessment is oriented around an interdisciplinary examination of confluent factors. By examining the political history, ethno sociology, and economy of the region, the analysis investigates the underlying variables which have contributed to the instability of the Jordan, Syria, and Turkey. The primary conclusion of this analysis is that the interactions of multiple endogenous variables provide a basis of necessary causality which may be of equal causal import to that of modern colonialism and Westernization.

This study aims to examine the key aspects of the thesis on corruption and the exploitation of natural resources and their connection to conflicts and the resource curse in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Through a qualitative content analysis, a thematic approach, and with a perspective rooted in the theoretical framework of the resource curse, the study seeks to identify and discuss the complex factors that drive and sustain instability in the country. Utilizing the resource curse theory, it is explained how natural resources not only fail to promote economic development, but also exacerbate conflicts and political instability. Furthermore, it is observed how the exploitation of natural resources, political instability and structural violence contribute to and maintain a cycle of insecurity in the country. With the theoretical application of the resource curse, the study concludes that power structures and hierarchies affect the distribution of assets and opportunities in society. This curse, deeply rooted in historical injustices and discriminatory norms, continues to reproduce itself through institutional and structural mechanisms. / Denna studie ämnar undersöka de viktigaste aspekterna av uppsatsen om korruption och rovdrift på naturresurser och dess koppling till konflikter och resursförbannelsen i Demokratiska republiken Kongo. Utifrån en kvalitativ innehållsanalys, ett tematiskt tillvägagångssätt och med ett perspektiv ur det teoretiska ramverket resursförbannelsen, ämnar studien identifiera och diskutera de komplexa faktorer som driver och upprätthåller instabilitet i landet. Med hjälp av resursförbannelsen förklaras hur naturtillgångar inte bara misslyckas med att gynna ekonomisk utveckling utan också förvärrar konflikter och politisk instabilitet. Vidare konstateras det hur exploatering av naturresurser, politisk instabilitet och strukturellt våld bidrar till och upprätthåller en cykel av osäkerhet i landet. Med den teoretiska appliceringen av resursförbannelsen konstaterar studien att maktstrukturer och hierarkier påverkar fördelningen av tillgångar och möjligheter i samhället. Denna förbannelse, som rotar sig i djupt historiska orättvisor och diskriminerande normer, fortsätter att reproducera sig själv genom institutionella och strukturella mekanismer.

This dissertation examines the strategic choices of multinational enterprises (MNEs) in host countries that become engaged in war. By combining the resource-based view and resource management theory, and drawing additional insights from research on real options and foreign strategic exit, I link the costs attributable to war to the strategic responses of the MNE at the subsidiary level in a novel firm-vulnerability framework. In particular, I develop theory regarding whether a subsidiary will exit from a host country, and if so, the timing (early or late) and mode (whole or partial) of exit. I test my hypotheses on a sample of 626 subsidiaries from 386 Japanese MNEs representing 51 industries in 23 countries at war, both interstate and civil, over the period 1988 to 2006. In analyzing the exit likelihood and timing decisions with time-varying covariates, I employ an extended Cox proportional hazard model, which allows for random-effects modeling of predictor variables at the subsidiary, parent MNE, and host country levels. To determine the exit mode of subsidiaries that choose exit over staying, I use binomial logit models. To correct for potential sample selection bias, I replicate my exit mode results with a Heckman probit model. My findings suggest that iv increasing strategic flexibility can counterbalance the potential disadvantages associated with leveraging strategically salient resources in high-risk locations. In examining war as a broad-based perturbation capable of destroying not only institutionalized values, but also the physical infrastructure and human capital of firms, this dissertation empirically demonstrates how political violence influences the strategies of MNEs. Furthermore, my interdisciplinary approach in integrating theoretical lenses from climate change and natural environment sustainability with existing management literatures to examine the effect of war on firms serves to enhance our understanding of individuals and collectives in extreme conditions.

Submitted by Barbara Cavalcanti de Albuquerque Rust (barbaradealbuquerque@gmail.com ) on 2015-01-18T20:01:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_BarbaraRust_20150106.pdf: 1271095 bytes, checksum: 4ba6fe396a3128bf28b4022c9a08adca (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2015-01-19T12:42:05Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_BarbaraRust_20150106.pdf: 1271095 bytes, checksum: 4ba6fe396a3128bf28b4022c9a08adca (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2015-01-30T12:29:49Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_BarbaraRust_20150106.pdf: 1271095 bytes, checksum: 4ba6fe396a3128bf28b4022c9a08adca (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-01-30T12:30:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_BarbaraRust_20150106.pdf: 1271095 bytes, checksum: 4ba6fe396a3128bf28b4022c9a08adca (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-12-04 / In the past few years, the World witnessed several protests taking place in countries ranging from traditionally developed democracies to developing nations under dictatorships. These social movements gained ground simultaneously to a global explosion in Information and Communication Technology (ICT) over these years, notably mobile phones and the Internet (ITU, 2013; CETIC, 2013), facilitating information diffusion and bypassing traditional media. While some studies argue that different nations contexts are the true responsible for protests, others consider both the context and ICT access as relevant. The research purpose is to identify explanatory variables for protest through a panel data approach, considering its technological, social and political aspects. For this goal, World Bank, ITU and World Economic Forum data were used on a sample of 124 countries. The research results points to the proportion of Internet users as positively influencing protest occurrence, and developed countries most prone to them / Nos últimos anos, o mundo vem assistindo a um maior número de mobilizações sociais, que ocorrem em todo o espectro de regimes de governo e níveis de desenvolvimento econômico: de países tradicionalmente democráticos e desenvolvidos, a países em desenvolvimento sob regimes autoritários. Tais mobilizações vêm ocorrendo simultaneamente a uma expansão acelerada das Tecnologias da Informação e Comunicação (TIC), mais notadamente o avanço da Internet e dos telefones celulares (ITU, 2014; CETIC, 2013), tornando mais rápido e fácil o acesso e difusão de informações sem o intermédio dos meios de comunicação de massa tradicionais; há os que defendem que o contexto de cada nação é o grande responsável por tais manifestações, enquanto outros citam a importância tanto das TIC quanto dos fatores contextuais como influenciadores. O objetivo desta pesquisa é identificar as variáveis explicativas da ocorrência de protestos, considerando aspectos tecnológicos, sociais e políticos, por meio da construção de modelos utilizando dados em painel. Para tal são utilizados dados do Banco Mundial, Fórum Econômico Mundial e ITU, desenvolvendo uma amostra de 124 países. O resultado desta análise revela que o percentual de usuários de Internet influencia positivamente a ocorrência de protestos e que países desenvolvidos possuem maior a chance de apresentarem manifestações.

Cette thèse se compose de trois essais sur l’éducation et la cohésion sociale dans les pays en développement, et plus particulièrement en Égypte et en Indonésie. Le premier chapitre analyse les comportements des ménages en Égypte, notamment l’investissement pour l’éducation et la santé, suite à la révolution de 2011, que nous interprétons ici comme un environnement instable. Pour étudier les effets du déclenchement de la révolution Égyptienne, nous combinons l’enquête représentative des ménages avec un enregistrement statistique unique de toutes les personnes arrêtées, blessées ou tuées lors des manifestations politiques dans le pays. Nos résultats montrent que les ménages adaptent considérablement leur comportement dans un contexte politique instable. Le deuxième chapitre analyse les conséquences des tremblements de terre sur l’éducation et les mesures de santé des enfants en Indonésie. Nous constatons que les résultats en matière d’éducation et de santé des enfants sont négativement affectées lorsqu’un ménage subit un tremblement de terre, avec une certaine hétérogénéité selon l’âge et le sexe de l’enfant. Le troisième chapitre analyse les effets du favoritisme ethnique dans l’attribution des transferts gouvernementaux aux ménages suite à une catastrophe naturelle Les résultats suggèrent que bien que tous les ménages d’un même village soient affectées, les ménages les plus susceptibles de recevoir des transferts gouvernementaux sont ceux qui partagent la même origine ethnique que le leader de la communauté. Mes conclusions démontrent également que dans les villages ou le favoritisme ethnique est répandu, la confiance entre groupes ethniques s’est réduite entre 2007 et 2014. / This thesis is a collection of three independent essays in empirical development economics, with a particular focus on the study of mechanisms that impact education and social cohesion in Egypt and Indonesia. The first chapter analyses the effects of the Egyptian Revolution on education and health spendings as well as savings. We construct a new measure of revolution intensity and match a representative household panel survey data with a unique statistical record that documents the number of arrested, injured and deaths during the uprisings in Egypt. We find that households significantly adapt their behaviour in a politically unstable environment. The second chapter analyses the short and long-term effects of earthquakes on children’s education and health outcomes. Findings rely on individual-level panel data from large-scale household surveys combined with precise measures of local ground tremors obtained from a US Geological Survey database. Results suggest that children’s education and health out-comes decrease with some heterogeneity by age and gender. The third chapter identifies ethnic favouritism in the distribution of post-disaster aid at household level in the context of Indonesia. Results show that co-ethnic households are more likely to receive post-disaster relief transfers than households that were equally affected by a natural disaster, but do not share the same ethnicity as the community leader. Results also suggest that ethnic favouritism significantly reduces social cohesion measured by trust in affected communities.Keywords: Education; Health; Cognitive skills; Critical age; Post-disaster aid; Household savings; Trust; Natural disaster; Political instability; Ethnic diversity; Ethnic favouritism; Egypt; Indonesia.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / Includes bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As a wave of political uprisings swept across North Africa since January 2011, ridding the region of longstanding autocratic leaders, presidents in Sub-Saharan Africa were still imprisoning opposition leaders, deploying military and police to clamp down on protest, and promising their citizens change - all this in a bid to avoid being ousted by their own people. Leadership has long been the main constraint on political and economic progress in Africa. This study analyses African leadership and especially the role of the presidency as a cause of conflict and instability in Africa. The modern-day African president might no longer be the absolute autocrat from yesteryear, but he still rules with awesome power and vast state resources at his disposal. African leaders have assumed an imperial character; many regard themselves as largely above the law; accountable to no one and entitled to remain in power or to pass the sceptre to their offspring. Due to this rather imperial character, conflict has been inevitable in Africa. As a theoretical basis the study proposes a framework for analysing leaders’ behavioural patterns that contribute to conflict and instability domestically as well as regionally. Six relevant behavioural patterns are identified: political deprivation, patronage and clientelism, personalisation of power, use of the military, staying to office, underdevelopment and conflict. Additionally, and as a case study, this framework is applied to Uganda’s president Yoweri Museveni. Each of the six behavioural patterns are analysed and evaluated in relation to Museveni’s rule of the past 25 years. Applying the framework demonstrates how Museveni contributed to conflict across the region in Somalia, Sudan, Kenya and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Museveni is found to be a power point man in the region and his imperial nature is likely to contribute to future instability and conflict in Uganda and the Great Lakes region. The study also addresses the genesis of the imperial African leader and investigates why, despite waves of democratisation and the expulsion of a few autocratic rulers in Africa in the late 1990s, the imperial character still persist today. Constitutional limitations are found to be one of the major reasons why absolute powers end up being vested in the hands of the president. Lack of proper separation of powers, and a culture conducive to suppressing the legislature and parliamentary role, provides additional reasons for this phenomenon. Furthermore, both internationally and locally, the leadership deficit in Africa is drawing continuing attention and even funding. However, in order for Africa to make progress in eradicating poor and unaccountable leadership, local initiatives should be further encouraged. The African Union Peer Review Mechanism and the African Charter on Elections, Democracy and Governance are discussed as two African initiatives; also the Mo Ibrahim Index and Prize are evaluated. Although all three these initiatives are admirable in theory, they have failed to deliver because real commitment to action is lacking in most African countries. A speedy and conclusive solution to the problem seems unlikely because of the complex nature of humans and their environment. Thus, the aim of this study is to make a contribution to the scholarly body of work regarding the causes of African conflict, focusing on the African presidency as one cause of such conflict in Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Vanaf Januarie 2011 het ’n vlaag politieke opstande Noord-Afrika getref waartydens weggedoen is met langdurige outokratiese leiers. In Afrika Suid van die Sahara het heersers egter steeds opposisieleiers opgesluit en militêre- en polisiemagte ontplooi om opstande die hoof te bied, terwyl vae beloftes aan die bevolking gemaak word oor moontlike veranderinge. Swak Afrika-leierskap word dikwels beskou as ‘n belangrike faktor wat politieke en ekonomiese vooruitgang op die vasteland strem. Hierdie studie analiseer leierskap in Afrika, veral die rol wat die president speel in die skepping van konflik en onstabiliteit. Die hedendaagse Afrika-leier mag dalk nie meer voorkom as die absolutistiese outokraat van die verlede nie, maar hy regeer steeds met oorweldigende mag en ekstensiewe staatshulpbronne tot sy beskikking. Dit is duidelik dat die Afrika-leier dikwels ‘n imperiale karakter aanneem en homself verhewe ag bo die wet. In welke geval hy dus geen verantwoording hoef te doen aan enige ander party nie. Die hoofdoelwit blyk dikwels te wees om beheer te behou. Die gevolgtrekking wat gemaak kan word, is dat die imperiale karakter van die Afrika-president tot konflik kan lei. Die teoretiese basis van hierdie studie bied ’n raamwerk om die leiers van Afrika se gedragspatrone te bestudeer wat aanleiding kon gee tot onstabilitiet asook interne-en streekskonflik. Ses gedragspatrone is geïdentifiseer om hierdie proefskrif te illustreer: politieke vervreemding; beskermheerskap en kliëntilisme; personalisering van mag; gebruik van militêre mag om aan bewind te bly; gebrek aan ontwikkeling en konflik. In besonder word hierdie raamwerk toegepas op die president van Uganda, Yoweri Museveni, as ‘n gevallestudie. Hierdeur word aangedui hoe Museveni bygedra het tot konflik, nie net in Uganda nie, maar inderwaarheid ook in Somalië, Sudan, Kenia en die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo (DRK) tydens sy bewind van die afgelope 25 jaar. Museveni word allerweë beskou as die “sterkman” in die streek en sy imperiale karakter sal heel waarskynlik ook in die toekoms bydra tot onstabiliteit en konflik in Uganda en die Groot- Merestreek. Hierdie studie spreek ook die oorsprong van die imperiale Afrika-leier aan en ondersoek waarom, ten spyte van die sterk strewe na demokrasie en die omverwerping van outokratiese leiers in Afrika in die laat 1990s, die imperiale karakter van sodanige leiers steeds kan voortbestaan. Konstitusionele beperkings word beskou as een van die hoofredes waarom totale mag in die hande van ‘n president beland. Gebrek aan behoorlike verdeling van mag en ‘n kultuur bevorderlik vir die onderdrukking van die wetgewende en parlementêre funksies, is bydraende redes vir hierdie verskynsel. Verder ontlok die tekortkominge van Afrikaleierskap plaaslik en internasionaal heelwat aandag en selfs befondsing. Die ideaal sou egter wees dat Afrika aangemoedig moet word om tot ‘n groter hoogte plaaslike inisiatiewe te gebruik om swak en onbevoegde leierskap te verwerp. Die African Union Peer Review Mechanism en die African Charter on Elections, Democracy and Governance word gesien as twee nuttige Afrikainisiatiewe. Ook die Mo Ibrahim Index and Prize word geëvalueer. Alhoewel al drie inisiatiewe in teorie goed blyk te wees, het dit misluk as gevolg daarvan dat ‘n verbintenis tot aksie ontbreek in die meeste Afrika lande. Waarskynlik is geen spoedige of permanente oplossing vir die konflik moontlik nie – grotendeels weens die kompleksiteit van mense en hulle omgewing. Dus is die doel van hierdie studie om ‘n bydrae te maak tot akademiese navorsing betreffende die oorsake van konflik in Afrika en dan spesifiek hoe die institusionele aard van leierskap in Afrika fungeer as ‘n bydraende oorsaak.

Cette thèse étudie la stabilité et l’instabilité politique des régimes hybrides. Elle pose la question suivante : dans quelles conditions l’autorité des élites au pouvoir est-elle reconnue ou contestée? Notre réponse s’articule en lien avec le caractère inclusif ou exclusif de la coalition dirigeante : c’est-à-dire, l’alliance stratégique des élites dirigeantes avec les groupes sociaux dominants. L’inclusion de ces derniers favorise le consentement et la stabilité; leur exclusion entraîne l’affrontement et l’instabilité politique. Sa composition dépend (i) du degré de violence organisée extra-légale et (ii) du degré de pénétration de l’État sur le territoire et dans l’économie. La première variable permet d’identifier quel groupe social au sein de l’État (militaires) ou du régime (partis d’opposition) est dominant et influence les formes de communication politique avec les élites dirigeantes. La deuxième variable permet d’identifier quel groupe social au sein de l’État (fonctionnaires) ou de la société (chefs locaux) est dominant et oriente les rapports entre les régions et le pouvoir central. L’apport de la recherche est d’approfondir notre compréhension des institutions politiques dans les régimes hybrides en mettant l’accent sur l’identité des groupes sociaux dominants dans un contexte donné. La thèse propose un modèle simple, flexible et original permettant d’appréhender des relations causales autrement contre-intuitives. En ce sens, la stabilité politique est également possible dans un pays où l’État est faible et/ou aux prises avec des mouvements de rébellion; et l’instabilité dans un contexte inverse. Tout dépend de la composition de la coalition dirigeante. Afin d’illustrer les liens logiques formulés et d’exposer les nuances de notre théorie, nous employons une analyse historique comparative de la coalition dirigeante en Malaisie (1957-2010), en Indonésie (1945-1998), au Sénégal (1960-2010) et au Paraguay (1945-2008). La principale conclusion est que les deux variables sont incontournables. L’une sans l’autre offre nécessairement une explication incomplète des alliances politiques qui forgent les conditions de stabilité et d'instabilité dans les régimes hybrides. / The thesis studies stability and instability in hybrid regimes. The research question is: under which conditions the authority of the elites in power is recognized or contested? Our answer rests on the inclusive or exclusive dimension of the ruling coalition: that is, the strategic alliance between the ruling elites and dominant social groups. Inclusion favors consent and stability whereas exclusion favors contention and instability. The composition of the ruling coalition depends on (i) the degree of extra-legal organized violence and (ii) the degree of state penetration over the territory and in the economy. The first variable identifies which social group in the state (military officers) or in the regime (opposition parties) is dominant and influences the forms of political communication with the ruling elites. The second variable identifies which social group in the state (bureaucrats) or in society (local leaders) is dominant and shapes the relation between regions and the center. The thesis contribution is to deepen our understanding of political institutions in hybrid regimes by focusing on the identity of dominant social groups according to a given context. It offers a simple, flexible and original model that allow us to grasp causal relations that would otherwise be counter-intuitive. Hence, political stability is also possible in a country where the state is weak and/or rebellion movements exist; and instability in the opposite context. It all comes down to the composition of the ruling coalition. In order to illustrate the line of reasoning and unfold the richness of our framework, a comparative historical analysis of the ruling coalition in Malaysia (1957-2010), Indonesia (1945-1998), Senegal (1960-2010) and Paraguay (1945-2008) is used. The main conclusion is that the two variables are key. One without the other necessarily amounts to an incomplete explanation of political alliances at stake when dealing with conditions of stability and instability in hybrid regimes.

Cette thèse étudie la stabilité et l’instabilité politique des régimes hybrides. Elle pose la question suivante : dans quelles conditions l’autorité des élites au pouvoir est-elle reconnue ou contestée? Notre réponse s’articule en lien avec le caractère inclusif ou exclusif de la coalition dirigeante : c’est-à-dire, l’alliance stratégique des élites dirigeantes avec les groupes sociaux dominants. L’inclusion de ces derniers favorise le consentement et la stabilité; leur exclusion entraîne l’affrontement et l’instabilité politique. Sa composition dépend (i) du degré de violence organisée extra-légale et (ii) du degré de pénétration de l’État sur le territoire et dans l’économie. La première variable permet d’identifier quel groupe social au sein de l’État (militaires) ou du régime (partis d’opposition) est dominant et influence les formes de communication politique avec les élites dirigeantes. La deuxième variable permet d’identifier quel groupe social au sein de l’État (fonctionnaires) ou de la société (chefs locaux) est dominant et oriente les rapports entre les régions et le pouvoir central. L’apport de la recherche est d’approfondir notre compréhension des institutions politiques dans les régimes hybrides en mettant l’accent sur l’identité des groupes sociaux dominants dans un contexte donné. La thèse propose un modèle simple, flexible et original permettant d’appréhender des relations causales autrement contre-intuitives. En ce sens, la stabilité politique est également possible dans un pays où l’État est faible et/ou aux prises avec des mouvements de rébellion; et l’instabilité dans un contexte inverse. Tout dépend de la composition de la coalition dirigeante. Afin d’illustrer les liens logiques formulés et d’exposer les nuances de notre théorie, nous employons une analyse historique comparative de la coalition dirigeante en Malaisie (1957-2010), en Indonésie (1945-1998), au Sénégal (1960-2010) et au Paraguay (1945-2008). La principale conclusion est que les deux variables sont incontournables. L’une sans l’autre offre nécessairement une explication incomplète des alliances politiques qui forgent les conditions de stabilité et d'instabilité dans les régimes hybrides. / The thesis studies stability and instability in hybrid regimes. The research question is: under which conditions the authority of the elites in power is recognized or contested? Our answer rests on the inclusive or exclusive dimension of the ruling coalition: that is, the strategic alliance between the ruling elites and dominant social groups. Inclusion favors consent and stability whereas exclusion favors contention and instability. The composition of the ruling coalition depends on (i) the degree of extra-legal organized violence and (ii) the degree of state penetration over the territory and in the economy. The first variable identifies which social group in the state (military officers) or in the regime (opposition parties) is dominant and influences the forms of political communication with the ruling elites. The second variable identifies which social group in the state (bureaucrats) or in society (local leaders) is dominant and shapes the relation between regions and the center. The thesis contribution is to deepen our understanding of political institutions in hybrid regimes by focusing on the identity of dominant social groups according to a given context. It offers a simple, flexible and original model that allow us to grasp causal relations that would otherwise be counter-intuitive. Hence, political stability is also possible in a country where the state is weak and/or rebellion movements exist; and instability in the opposite context. It all comes down to the composition of the ruling coalition. In order to illustrate the line of reasoning and unfold the richness of our framework, a comparative historical analysis of the ruling coalition in Malaysia (1957-2010), Indonesia (1945-1998), Senegal (1960-2010) and Paraguay (1945-2008) is used. The main conclusion is that the two variables are key. One without the other necessarily amounts to an incomplete explanation of political alliances at stake when dealing with conditions of stability and instability in hybrid regimes.

Syftet med uppsatsen har varit att undersöka om Turkiets nuvarande politiska situation påverkar svensk-turkars vilja att åka till sitt ursprungsland. Den metod som har använts i denna undersökning är både en kvalitativ och en kvantitativ metod. De teorier som författarna har använt inkluderar bland annat Maslows behovspyramid, Hsu et al.s Hierarchy of destination selection model och Simpson och Siguaws teorier om turism och risk.   En enkätundersökning har genomförts med trettio svensk-turkar samt med representanter från Ving och TUI. Frågorna som ställdes till svensk-turkarna handlade om varför de valde eller inte valde att resa till Turkiet med tanke på landets politiska instabilitet. Vi frågade också om bristen på säkerhet i Turkiet är något som oroar dem eller betyder något när de väljer resmål. Författarna undrade också om informanternas etniska bakgrund påverkat valet att resa till Turkiet. Den analys som utförts är byggd på fem teman som hittats i den empiriska studien. De har kopplats till de teoretiska utgångspunkterna med syfte att undersöka hur det senaste politiska kaoset i Turkiet har påverkat svensk-turkars resvanor till landet.   Vi har kunnat konstatera att våra svensk-turkiska respondenters resvanor till Turkiet inte har påverkats så mycket av den politiska instabiliteten. De flesta har i någon mån, på grund av den politiska instabiliteten, börjat tänka mer på vilka delar av Turkiet de reser till men har inte minskat frekvensen på sina resor i någon större utsträckning. Det var endast nio av trettio respondenter som helt slutat åka till Turkiet på grund av den politiska instabiliteten i landet. En av respondenterna skrev att anledningen till att han slutat åka till Turkiet beror på att han inte vill bidra ekonomiskt till landet eftersom han är emot dess regerings politik. Åtta av trettio svenskturkar i vår undersökning tycker att media på ett alltför negativt sätt skildrat den politiska instabiliteten i Turkiet och att de därför inte låtit det påverka sina resvanor. / The purpose of this thesis has been to investigate whether Turkey's current political situation affects swedish-turks willingness to travel to their country of origin. A qualitative and a quantitative method have been used in this study. The theories used include, among others, B. Maslow's hierarchy of needs pyramid, Hsu et al.s Hierarchy of destination selection model and Simpson and Siguaw's theories about tourism and risk.  Surveys sent by e-mail have been carried out with thirty swedish-turks and representatives from Ving and TUI. Some of the questions that were asked to the swedish-turks regarded if they still chose to travel to Turkey even though they are aware of the country's political instability. We also asked if the lack of security in Turkey is something that concerns them or matters when choosing a destination. The authors also wondered if their ethnic background influenced the choice to travel to Turkey. The analytical part of the thesis is based on five themes found in the empirical study linked to the theoretical starting points with the purpose of investigating how the latest political chaos in Turkey has affected the swedish-turks travel habits.  We have found that the swedish-turks travel habits to Turkey have not been affected in a greater scale by the political instability. Although because of the political instability, some of them have begun to be more careful about which parts of Turkey they visit but they have not reduced the frequency of their travels to any significant extent. Only nine out of thirty swedish-turks have completely ceased to travel to Turkey and one of the survey respondents mentioned that the reason he stopped traveling there is because he does not want to contribute financially to the Turkish government as he is against their policies. Eight out of thirty of the swedish-turks found that the media portrayed the political instability in Turkey in an excessively negative way and therefore they have not let this affect their travel habits.