La Tunisie est passée d’un régime autoritaire à un régime pluraliste et libéral. Pour autant, est ce que les associations tunisiennes ont changé leur rapport au politique ? A partir d’une étude monographique à Tozeur dans le sud tunisien, le présent travail de recherche appréhende les processus de politisation à travers l’action et l’engagement associatif et leur évolution après ce qu’il est commun d’appeler la « révolution ». La politisation est appréhendée à travers une triple approche. La première porte sur les trajectoires individuelles de l’engagement et les formes d’imbrication ou de rupture avec les carrières militantes de type partisan. La deuxième porte sur les modalités de participation à la construction et la production de l’action publique. La troisième sur le niveau de prise en compte des rapports sociaux de domination.En régime autoritaire, les associations représentaient soit un instrument du système clientélaire de parti unique, soit un espace politique de substitution faisant l’objet d’une politique de domestication. Dans ce contexte, les associations ont été largement absentes de la dynamique insurrectionnelle. Néanmoins, la révolution a contribué à bouleverser le cadre institutionnel. L’institutionnalisation de la participation de la société civile relève d’un processus de normalisation de la logique révolutionnaire.Les associations se retrouvent alors au centre de la gestion politico-administrative du pouvoir local en étant un vecteur essentiel de production des notabilités locales. La promotion de la société civile et l’institutionnalisation des associations conduit paradoxalement à des formes de mise sous tutelle, non plus de l’Etat mais des organisations internationales, qui laissent peu de marges de manœuvre pour une co-construction de l’action publique. Dans ce contexte, si certaines associations sont porteuses d’un discours émancipateur à l’égard de groupes sociaux, elles contribuent malgré elle à des formes de reproductions des rapports sociaux inégalitaires. / Tunisia has moved from an authoritarian to a pluralistic and liberal regime. However, have Tunisian associations changed their relationship to politics and policies? Based on a monographic study in Tozeur in southern Tunisia, the present piece studies the processes of politicization through civic engagement and action and their evolution after what is commonly called the "revolution". Politicization is apprehended through a threefold approach. The first relates to the individual trajectories of engagement and to forms of overlapping or breaking with party-oriented career. The second concerns the modalities of participation in the construction and production of public action. The third concerns the degree of consideration of forces of social domination.Under the authoritarian regime, associations were either an instrument of the single-party clientel system or an alternative political space subject to domestication policy. In this context, associations were largely absent from the insurrectionary dynamics. Nevertheless, the revolution paved the way to major changes of the institutional framework. The institutionalization of the participation of civil society is a process of normalization of revolutionary logic.The associations are then at the center of the politico-administrative management of the local power being an essential vector of production of the local notables. The promotion of civil society and the institutionalization of associations paradoxically lead to place them under the tutelage, not of the State but of the international donors, which gives little room for maneuver to co-constructing public action. In this context, while some associations hold an emancipatory discourse with regard to certain social groups, they unwillingly contribute to reproduce forces of social inequalities.

The present thesis aims to recount the current situation of the Alevi community in the urban Turkish setting. The data were collected during eight months of ethnographic field research from February 2009 to October 2009 in a complex preferred to be called as the Dikmen Alevi Community Center, in Ankara. I present different ways adopted by various groups while explaining what Alevism is and I stress the fact that there is a certain degree of fragmentalization within the community due to such diverse descriptions. Thenceforth, I emphasize the reasons behind the existence of divergent classifications and analyze Alevis&rsquo / migration from rural to urban areas during 1970s and 1980s as it relates to the changes in the institutions. After offering an evaluation of the changes accompanying migration, I accentuate the competitive sharing of the city as a religious space between Alevis and Sunnis concentrating on Alevis&rsquo / perception of religious space and providing a comparison between Sunni and Alevi perceptions regarding the places of worship. Subsequently, I attempt to show that there is a competitive sharing relationship present within the community giving the example of Dikmen Alevi Community Center after the establishment of the Alevi Institute for Research, Documentation and Application. I conclude that this kind of a relationship and the current state of affairs are the results of the struggle to adapt to a changing environment, which in turn alters the individuals themselves.

En dépit de la place importante qu’elles occupent dans les sociétés contemporaines, les activités physiques et sportives continuent d’occuper une place secondaire sur l’agenda politique. Pourtant, dès le début du 20e siècle, des militants ouvriers ont commencé à développer une approche particulière du sport. Après avoir rappelé quelques éléments de l’histoire de ce « sport ouvrier », et en particulier les contradictions qui le traversent, nous nous intéressons surtout ici à la manière dont ses héritiers après la Seconde guerre mondiale ont tenté d’ériger le sport en enjeu politique de première importance en France. Ce « milieu communiste du sport », site d’interactions particulier qui dépasse les frontières des organisations s’articule cependant autour d’un certain nombre de carrefours. La commission sport nationale du PCF institutionnalisée en 1959 est de ceux-là. Appuyée sur l’analyse d’archives, d’entretiens et d’une participation observante de plusieurs années au sein de ce collectif, cette enquête propose ainsi d’étudier le statut, le fonctionnement et le recrutement d’un tel groupe de travail thématique. Il s’agit en d’autres termes de chercher à comprendre ce que militer pour la cause du sport veut dire, comment certains en viennent à s’engager pour cet objet relativement illégitime dans le champ politique pour saisir enfin quel type de doctrine ils produisent. Une deuxième partie est consacrée aux appropriations elles-mêmes de cette doctrine ailleurs dans le parti, en s’intéressant aux politiques sportives de deux municipalités de la « banlieue rouge » puis à celle menée au gouvernement lorsque le portefeuille des Sports échoit pour la première fois à une communiste, consécration en trompe-l’oeil du travail de la commission. / In spite of the major attention they benefit from in contemporary societies, sport and physical activities remain a secondary matter in the political agenda. Yet, since the beginning of the 20th Century, working class activists began developing a peculiar approach of sport. After recapping a few elements on this “working class sport” and specifically its contradictions, we will focus on how its heirs have tried to make sport a first-matter subject in France after World War II. This “communist sport world” goes beyond organizations’ borders but is nevertheless made of several crossroads. Created in 1959, the French Communist Party sport commission is one of them. This inquiry is based upon various archival sources, direct interviews and above all an ethnographic immersion during several years. It aims at studying the status of such a work group in a political party or a Trade union, how it works and who are its members. In other words, it is trying to understand what it means to advocate for sport while being a communist activist and what kind of doctrine they produce given who they are and where they stand from in social space. The second part focuses on how other members of the Party appropriate themselves this doctrine by analyzing the sports policies developed in two historically communist cities and then finally the consequences of having a communist minister of Sports for the first time in the very end of the 20th Century.

Predator policy is a controversial area that includes problems with hunting and handling of wild animals. This is the reason why the government decentralized some of the work to the regions in 1998. During 2008, the Swedish government produced a proposal regarding the conduct of wildlife management delegations. The purpose of this essay is to study the relationship between politicians and officials in the wildlife management delegation with a specific focus on a polarized issue, the wolf question. We do this by studying roles and politicization. Based on the purpose, the following questions have been formulated: What is the role of officials and politicians in wildlife management delegations? How are these roles affected by how politicized the wolf issue is in the region? These delegations include politicians and officials. Based on the theory of the dichotomy between politicians and officials, politicians have a stance and biased role, while officials have a role that is about being impartial and working on the basis of the regulations. This essay consists of a comparative case essay with a content analysis and thematic analysis as a method. The material used has been collected through semi-structured interviews and printed material. This essay shows that the politicization of the wolf question to some extent affects the representatives in the wildlife management delegation.

A evolução do Estado ao longo da história acompanhou as necessidades da sociedade diante de novas relações. Também a postura dos Tribunais diante de situações concretas modificou-se com o tempo. O surgimento de novos litígios e a concepção de direitos de grupo influenciou um novo tipo de relação processual: a tutela coletiva. O advento de diplomas legais regulando o tema no ordenamento brasileiro teve grande mérito no tratamento da questão, mas o dinamismo social mostrou-se mais rápido que as alterações legislativas. Para lidar com situações concretas e sensíveis, os Tribunais passaram a apreciar questões que originariamente não lhe seriam afetas: surge a judicialização. O debate acerca desta nova postura do julgador cresce, principalmente no campo das políticas públicas, onde o Estado administrador por vezes atua dentro de sua margem de discricionariedade. Ao mesmo tempo, o crescimento do estudo dos direitos fundamentais põe em lados distintos uma suposta falta de legitimidade democrática do Estado-juiz, e a premente necessidade social de intervenção jurisdicional em situações limite, onde a própria dignidade da pessoa humana se coloca em risco. Temas como o direito à saúde, educação e meio ambiente ilustram a dramaticidade do debate, e fomentam a reflexão sobre a efetividade dos instrumentos processuais à disposição da tutela coletiva, e a legitimidade e os limites que tangenciam a implementação de políticas públicas. / The evolution of the State along history accompanied the necessities of the society ahead new relations. Also the position of the Courts ahead of concrete situations was modified during the time. The sprouting of new litigations and the conception of group rights influenced a new type of procedural relation: the collective guardianship. The advent of statutes regulating the subject in the Brazilian order had great merit in the treatment of the question, but the social dynamism was revealed faster that the legislative modifications. To deal with concrete and sensitive situations, the Courts had started to appreciate questions that originatingly would not be affect to it: the judicialization appears. The debate concerning this new position of the judge grows, mainly in the field of the public policies, where the State administrator sometimes acts inside of its margin of discricionarity. At the same time, the growth of the study of the fundamental rights puts in distinct sides a supposed lack of democratic legitimacy of the State-judge, e the pressing social necessity of jurisdictional intervention in limits situations, where the proper dignity of the human person is placed at risk. Subjects as the right to health, education and environment illustrate the dramatic face of the debate, and foment the reflection on the effectivity of the procedural instruments to the disposal of the collective guardianship, as well as the legitimacy and the limits that involve the implementation of public policies.

A evolução do Estado ao longo da história acompanhou as necessidades da sociedade diante de novas relações. Também a postura dos Tribunais diante de situações concretas modificou-se com o tempo. O surgimento de novos litígios e a concepção de direitos de grupo influenciou um novo tipo de relação processual: a tutela coletiva. O advento de diplomas legais regulando o tema no ordenamento brasileiro teve grande mérito no tratamento da questão, mas o dinamismo social mostrou-se mais rápido que as alterações legislativas. Para lidar com situações concretas e sensíveis, os Tribunais passaram a apreciar questões que originariamente não lhe seriam afetas: surge a judicialização. O debate acerca desta nova postura do julgador cresce, principalmente no campo das políticas públicas, onde o Estado administrador por vezes atua dentro de sua margem de discricionariedade. Ao mesmo tempo, o crescimento do estudo dos direitos fundamentais põe em lados distintos uma suposta falta de legitimidade democrática do Estado-juiz, e a premente necessidade social de intervenção jurisdicional em situações limite, onde a própria dignidade da pessoa humana se coloca em risco. Temas como o direito à saúde, educação e meio ambiente ilustram a dramaticidade do debate, e fomentam a reflexão sobre a efetividade dos instrumentos processuais à disposição da tutela coletiva, e a legitimidade e os limites que tangenciam a implementação de políticas públicas. / The evolution of the State along history accompanied the necessities of the society ahead new relations. Also the position of the Courts ahead of concrete situations was modified during the time. The sprouting of new litigations and the conception of group rights influenced a new type of procedural relation: the collective guardianship. The advent of statutes regulating the subject in the Brazilian order had great merit in the treatment of the question, but the social dynamism was revealed faster that the legislative modifications. To deal with concrete and sensitive situations, the Courts had started to appreciate questions that originatingly would not be affect to it: the judicialization appears. The debate concerning this new position of the judge grows, mainly in the field of the public policies, where the State administrator sometimes acts inside of its margin of discricionarity. At the same time, the growth of the study of the fundamental rights puts in distinct sides a supposed lack of democratic legitimacy of the State-judge, e the pressing social necessity of jurisdictional intervention in limits situations, where the proper dignity of the human person is placed at risk. Subjects as the right to health, education and environment illustrate the dramatic face of the debate, and foment the reflection on the effectivity of the procedural instruments to the disposal of the collective guardianship, as well as the legitimacy and the limits that involve the implementation of public policies.

La politisation reste un défi majeur pour la réalisation universelle des droits de l'homme. Ce processus est inévitable dans l'enceinte des Nations-Unies. La politisation trouve en effet ses fondements dans la Charte même de l'Organisation, ainsi que dans la configuration institutionnelle de l'ONU qui se veut antagonique, mettant en scène des acteurs étatiques et des entités non gouvernementales. Cependant si elle est incontournable, elle ne saurait être acceptée pour autant. L'instrumentalisation politique des droits de l'homme qui conduit à une interprétation et une mise en œuvre politicienne du droit international des droits de l'homme, au détriment de la promotion et protection des droits de l'homme, et de leur universalité, constitue un frein à leur avancement et un obstacle à la coopération internationale dans ce domaine. Elle doit par conséquent être rejetée, d'autant qu'elle peut aboutir comme on l'a démontré à une érosion profonde des droits de l'homme les plus fondamentaux et de la dignité humaine. Le processus de marginalisation universelle des droits de l'homme qui a eu lieu au nom de la sécurité nationale, en exécution du programme de détentions secrètes de la CIA, est caractéristique d'une politisation particulièrement dangereuse et sans précédent, qui confirme que l'universalité des droits de l'homme doit plus que jamais être consolidée. Il est donc important que l'ONU développe un véritable projet politique commun, qui aurait pour assise l'universalité des droits de l'homme et la participation renforcée de tous les acteurs, y compris les experts indépendants et les ONG qui sont des partenaires indispensables à une mise en œuvre effective et impartiale des droits de l'homme. / Politicization remains a major challenge to the universal implementation of human rights. Politicization originates from the tensions between article 1 and article 2 of the UN Charter. It also derives from the difference in nature between States actors and non-governmental entities acting within the UN, including NGOs, experts, and the OHCHR. Tensions between both category of actors are therefore inevitable and lead to politicization. While, politicization is unavoidable, it cannot be accepted. Indeed, the political instrumentalization of human rights leads to a hierarchy between the different rights, and to the marginalization of individuals, including groups. There is no doubt that politicization represents an obstacle to the international cooperation in the field of human rights within the UN. The UN should develop a proper human rights policy, truly enshrined in the principle of universality in order to tackle politicization, which effects become more and more prejudicial to human rights, as the deep erosion of the most basic human rights, including the prohibition of torture, in the name of national security while countering terrorism has demonstrated it.

This work has for subject the examination of concrete mediations through which certain members of the clergy were conducted to live theirs work as directly political and socially engaged, taking as analysis s reference an empirical space represented by Maranhão, from the second half of the twentieth century. It investigates, in particular, the practical contexts, the institutional settings and both individual and collective logic that favored the transgression of rules and transits between spheres of activity, promoted by certain agents who challenged the definitions and legitimate limits of Catholic religious action. The choice of an institutional component distant to Rome and centers of national decision of the Catholic Church served the purpose of analyzing, below a located, procedural and microscopic perspective, the concrete and contingent arrangements of transaction between religious and political phenomena, noting the historical, social and institutional settings, including individual itineraries and discourses produced by a small fraction of the ecclesial métier that defied most noticeably those boundaries. The advancement in the reconstitution of the processes of institutional transformation of the Church through this small component objectified then led to identify three important dimensions of analysis to make intelligible the politicization of religious engagement of priests in theirs context of possibility. In the first, to reconstitute the genesis of this peripheral component of the Church, it was analyzed how this church was continually being shaped by social relations established in its territory, the evolution of effective and its institutional framework, as well as its growing links to new Catholic guidelines for pastoral, doctrinal and / or liturgical matter (first chapter). Moreover, analyzing various factors of renewal institutional of Catholicism in international, national and regional level, the second level of observation places the accent either on the effects of redefining the imposed boundaries that separate the clergy from the laity over the management of religious property, much about the conditions that led the church to become a powerful moral and organizational supporter of mobilizations and social movements in Maranhão (second chapter). On a third level of analysis, this work focuses on the exploration of the various effects of closer ties of the Catholic Church of Maranhão to the transnational networks, especially through the denationalization of clerical effective charge of taking care of their reproduction (corresponding to the third and fourth chapters). In particular, in this plan explores the effects of globalization on the development of new forms of exercising religious role in missionary territory in question, as the understanding of their mission as a place of interpenetration stories, of identity restoration and reinvention established practice. This study thus highlights the diversity of conditions by which some religious they felt allowed both assume the role of spokesmen and interpreters of their professional environment, as to play the role of intermediaries primordial of discontent of the population and values and ideals that transcended his metier. / O presente trabalho tem por objeto o exame das mediações concretas por meio das quais certos membros do corpo clerical foram conduzidos a viver sua atividade profissional como diretamente política e socialmente engajada, tendo como referencial de análise um espaço empírico representado pelo Maranhão, a partir da segunda metade do século XX. Trata-se de investigar, mais particularmente, os contextos práticos, as configurações institucionais e as lógicas simultaneamente coletivas e individuais que favoreceram a transgressão de regras e os trânsitos de lógicas entre esferas de atividade, promovidos por determinados agentes que desafiaram as definições e os limites legítimos da ação religiosa católica. A escolha de um componente institucional distante de Roma e dos centros de decisão nacional da Igreja católica serviu então ao propósito de analisar, de uma perspectiva processual, localizada e microscópica, as modalidades concretas e contingentes de transação entre os fenômenos religiosos e políticos, atentando para as configurações históricas, sociais e institucionais particulares e, inclusive, os itinerários individuais e os discursos produzidos por uma pequena fração do métier eclesial que afrontou mais visivelmente essas fronteiras. O avanço na reconstituição dos processos de transformação institucional da Igreja através desse pequeno componente objetivado levou então a identificar três dimensões de análise importantes para tornar inteligível a politização do engajamento religioso de padres em seu contexto de possibilidade. Na primeira, ao reconstituir a gênese desse componente periférico da Igreja, tratou-se de analisar como essa Igreja foi sendo moldada continuamente pelas relações sociais estabelecidas em seu território, pela evolução dos efetivos e do seu arcabouço institucional, bem como pela sua crescente vinculação às novas orientações católicas em matéria pastoral, doutrinária e/ou litúrgica (primeiro capítulo). Por outro lado, analisando diversos fatores de renovação institucional do catolicismo em nível internacional, nacional e regional, o segundo nível de observação coloca o acento tanto sobre os efeitos da redefinição das fronteiras instituídas que separavam o clero dos leigos sobre a gestão dos bens religiosos, quanto sobre as condições que levaram a Igreja a se tornar um poderoso apoiador moral e organizacional de mobilizações e movimentos sociais no Maranhão (segundo capítulo). Em um terceiro nível de análise, o trabalho se concentra sobre a exploração dos efeitos diversos do estreitamento de vínculos da Igreja maranhense às redes transnacionais católicas, sobretudo através da desnacionalização dos efetivos clericais encarregados de cuidar da sua reprodução (correspondente ao terceiro e quarto capítulos). Em particular, nesse plano exploram-se tanto os efeitos dessa internacionalização sobre a valorização de novas formas de exercício do papel religioso no território missionário em pauta, quanto a compreensão da própria missão como um lugar de interpenetração de histórias, de recomposição identitária e de reinvenção prática do instituído. Esse estudo evidencia, assim, a diversidade de condições por meio das quais alguns religiosos se sentiram autorizados tanto a assumir o papel de porta-vozes e intérpretes do seu meio profissional, quanto a desempenhar o papel de intermediários primordiais de descontentamentos da população e de valores e ideais que transcendiam o seu metier.

1 Abstract This diploma thesis deals with the topic of politicization of sexuality in South Africa in relation to sexual violence against children. Using qualitative content analysis the paper examines, how the "baby rape" phenomenon is described in South African media production and how it relates to the new democracy in the post-apartheid South Africa. Likewise, attention is paid to the issue of virginity testing, which is interpreted as a reaction to the "moral crisis" of the newly formed democratic nation. The examined issue is viewed in the wider context of social relations, therefore using an intersectional approach. The analytical aspect of the analysis includes the categories of race, gender, and sexuality. The intersectional concept analyzes the role of media representation in designing individual social categories and thus strengthening certain forms of oppression. The theoretical background of the work is based on black feminism and the Stanley Cohen's theory of moral panic. With analysing media representation it is examined the way the gender, sexuality, and race are studied and represented in order to answer the thesis question of how Western discourse intersects through these analytical categories. Keywords: media representation, qualitative content analysis, intersectionality, politization of...

La dynamique d’intégration économique dans la sous-région CEMAC s’est fondée sur le principe de la libre circulation des personnes, des biens et des capitaux. Aidée par l’ouverture des frontières, les personnes se déplacent d’un pays à l’autre, pour des raisons aussi bien économiques que sécuritaires, conséquence de l’instabilité politique récurrente dans certains pays comme le Tchad, la Centrafrique et le Congo. Le problème majeur qui se pose sur le plan pénal est celui de la prévention et de la répression de la délinquance domestique et transfrontalière tant il reste classique que pour le secondpoint, le droit pénal reste d’application territoriale. Aujourd'hui, il devient nécessaire d’éviter que l’intégration sous régionale ne se mue en une véritable tranchée de refuge, une sorte de paradis pénal pour les délinquants qui ont commis des actes répréhensibles dans un autre Etat de la zone ou dans un Etat hors zone CEMAC ; bien que sur le plan national, d’énormes difficultés demeurent latentes. Au plan national, les Etats s’efforcent à renforcer leurs instruments pénaux à l'instar du Cameroun (CPP, 2005), de la Centrafrique (CP et CPP, 6 janvier 2010) et du Tchad (Prajust, 2008). Sur le plan communautaire, les Etats de la CEMAC ont mis l’accent sur la coopération policière et surtout judiciaire, nécessaire pourjuguler toute transgression causée par des « parasites et microbes sociaux ». Certes, le législateur communautaire ne peutque capitaliser à certains égards, les acquis de son homologue de l’OHADA et de s’ouvrir davantage à l’expérience del’Union européenne. / The dynamics of economic integration in CEMAC’s region is based on free movement of people, goods and capital. Helped by the opening of the borders, people are free to move from one country to another for economic and security reasons. This is the consequence of instability in many countries such as Central African Republic, Chad and Congo. The major problem is that, how to manage delinquency specially the prevention or the repression of the national and the cross border criminality? In fact, it is nowadays advisable not to allow the countries which are welcoming foreigners to behave as a paradise in such a way that, those who have troubled the national order should not be punished. Even though at the national level there are still some misunderstandings concerning the criminal law. At the national level and particularly as far as Cameroon is concerned, the main aim which is to fight against criminality has many problems, especially modernity way through which our court is passing. According to the Cameroon (new Code of criminal procedure of july 2005), CAR (two new codes, penal and criminal procedure, 2010) and Chad (Prajust, 2008) . As far as community is concerned, CEMAC has really specialize, in police cooperation, which is necessary to over pass all the transgression, which are caused by social nuisants. Actually, the legislator can capitalize the expertise of OHADA’s book, and open himself to European Union experience