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Dès l’Antiquité japonaise, le référentiel dans lequel s’inscrivent les rapports avec l’étranger est concentrique ; autour d’une arborescence centrale d’où rayonne la civilisation gravitent des périphéries incultes dont le degré de barbarie est proportionnel à la distance les séparant de celle-Ci. Cette vision antagoniste, inspirée de la Chine, évolue pour devenir, à la fin du 15ème siècle, un « paradigme dichotomique du civilisé et du barbare à la japonaise » (nihon gata ka.i chitsujo). Une étude approfondie des rapports de domination dans le septentrion japonais nous révèle que, par la suite, malgré les deux siècles et demi d’ouverture sélective qui valent au Japon d’être qualifié de « pays verrouillé » (sakoku), cette figure du barbare effectue un glissement temporel, technique et géographique. Le barbare n’est plus un être à peine humain, souillé et arriéré, peuplant des marges périphériques contigües et qu’il faut soumettre, ni même un « barbare apprivoisé » dont l’altérité est mise en scène à des fins de domination. Au tournant du 19ème siècle, du fait de la présence grandissante des Russes à la frontière septentrionale, le barbare est devenu un adversaire potentiel dangereux, possédant une avance technologique à imiter, qui doit être maintenu à distance (jô.i). Le statut d’Ezo n’est plus celui d’antimonde, ou de terres incultes et vides, mais celui d’un territoire qu’il faut développer et protéger. Incarnée par ces métamorphoses et illustrée par les traités des lettrés prônant une défense maritime adéquate (kaibô-Ron), un développement agricole (kaitaku-Ron), une ouverture commerciale (kaikoku-Ron) ou un « pays prospère et une armée forte » à la fin du 18ème siècle, la première étape de transition entre fermeture et ouverture du Japon a pour origine l’influence de ces derniers dans les décisions concernant les relations avec l’étranger, accompagnée d’une transvaluation éthique qui transfère progressivement la vertu du sakoku (protection de la population contre le prosélytisme chrétien et protectionnisme commercial) au kaikoku (protection du peuple contre les agressions extérieures et contre la famine). / After the 5th century, Japanese relations with foreign entities fit in a multi-Layered concentric distinction between a central arborescence radiating civilization and uncultivated outer fringes gravitating around it, whose barbaric quality increases according to their distance from it. This oppositional vision, inspired by the antique Chinese world-Order, gradually evolves into a dichotomous paradigm, often referred to as "Japanese middle kingdom ideology" (nihon gata ka.i chitsujo) at the end of the 15th century. A thorough study of the power struggles in the Japanese north reveals that despite two and a half centuries of selective foreign relations which earn Japan its reputation as a "locked-Up country" (sakoku), the barbaric figure shifts in terms of time, space and technical abilities. The barbarian is no longer viewed as a barely human entity, impure and underdeveloped, inhabiting peripheral contiguous fringes, who must be subdued, or even a "tamed barbarian" whose otherness is staged to legitimate domination over him. At the turn of the 19th century, due to an increasing Russian presence at its northern border, the barbarian has become a potentially dangerous yet worthy adversary, technologically advanced, who needs to be kept at bay (jô.i). Ezo's status is no longer that of a netherworld, or of a vast and empty wasteland, but that of a territory worth developing and protecting. Embodied by such shifts and treaties written by scholars advocating an adequate maritime defense (kaibô-Ron), agricultural development (kaitaku-Ron), the opening of foreign commercial relations (kaikoku-Ron) or "a prosperous country and a powerful army" at the end of the 18th century, the first stage in the transition from a closed to an open Japan stems from their influence on the decisions regarding foreign relations, as well as an ethical transvaluation which gradually transfers virtue from sakoku (protecting the population against Christian proselytism and commercial protectionism) to kaikoku (protecting the people from foreign harm and famine).

Üblicherweise vermeiden deutsche Parteien Kampfkandidaturen um den Vorsitz. Dennoch kam es auf dem Mannheimer SPD-Parteitag 1995 zu einer unerwarteten offenen Konkurrenz um das Spitzenamt. Das unbeabsichtigte Scheitern der Inszenierung der „Geschlossenheit“ der Partei führte zum Ausbruch der bis dahin unterdrückten Kämpfe um den Parteivorsitz. Der Mannheimer Parteitag steht exemplarisch für den Zusammenhang zwischen Inszenierung, Disziplin und den informellen Regeln innerparteilicher Machtkonstruktion. Am Beispiel dieses Parteitages zeigt die vorliegende Arbeit, wie umstrittenen Parteivorsitzenden sich gegen Widerstände im Amt behaupten können bzw. woran diese Strategie scheitern kann. Aus figurationstheoretischer Perspektive wird die Inszenierung als Notwendigkeit medienvermittelter Parteienkonkurrenz um Wählerstimmen gefasst. Inszenierung erfordert Selbstdisziplin und das koordinierte Handeln der Parteimitglieder. Innerparteilich wird so wechselseitige Abhängigkeit erzeugt. Diese wird gesteigert durch die Medien-Konzentration auf wenige Spitzenpolitiker. Die Mehrheit der Mandatsträger und Funktionäre ist angewiesen auf das medienwirksame Auftreten der Führung. Für den Medienerfolg braucht die Führung ihrerseits die Unterstützung der Mitglieder. Diese wechselseitige Abhängigkeit erzeugt sowohl typische Relevanzen als auch Möglichkeiten, die jeweils andere Interessengruppe unter Zugzwang zu setzen. Imageprobleme des Vorsitzenden sind als verletzte Erwartungen Anlass für innerparteiliche Machtkämpfe, in denen die Parteiführung insbesondere die Inszenierung der „Geschlossenheit“ nutzen kann, um offene Personaldiskussionen zu verhindern. Da Handlungsoptionen und -grenzen durch das Handeln der Akteure immer wieder neu geschaffen werden, besteht stets das Risiko des Scheiterns innerparteilicher Disziplinierung. Mit dem Nachvollzug von Disziplinierung und den Gründen ihrer Kontingenz versteht sich die vorliegende Arbeit als Beitrag zu einer Theorie informeller Machtregeln in Organisationen mit schwach ausgeprägten Herrschaftsstrukturen. Im ersten Teil der Arbeit wird der Zusammenhang zwischen Inszenierung und Macht durch die Konzepte Theatralität und Figuration entwickelt. Im zweiten Teil werden typische Konstellationen der gegenwärtigen parlamentarischen Demokratie auf typische beziehungsvermittelte Situationsdeutungen, Handlungsmöglichkeiten und -grenzen untersucht. Im dritten Teil wird der kontingente Prozess des innerparteilichen Machtkampfes am Beispiel des Mannheimer Parteitages 1995 nachvollzogen. / Usually german parties avoid crucial votes for chairmanship. Nevertheless 1995 on the Mannheim SPD party convention an unexpected open competition for leading position has happened. Because of unintended failure of the staging “cohesion” and “harmony” of the party repressed fights for the party leadership broke out suddenly. The Mannheim party convention is an example for the connection of staging, discipline and unexpressed rules of construction of power within the party. On the example of this party convention this doctoral thesis shows how contested party leaders maintain their position against the resistance of critics. This thesis also shows why this strategy could fail. In the perspective of figurational sociology staging is necessary for political parties because parties compete with others for electors votes and their campaigns depend from the media. Staging needs self-discipline and a coordinated acting of party members. This causes a mutual dependence of party members which increases through the concentration of media on a few top-ranking politicians. So the majority of members of parliament and officials depends on the public acting of these small group of leaders and their reception in the media. On the other hands side for a successful medial self staging leaders need support of their members. This mutual dependence generates typical relevance as well as posibilities to force the respective opponents hand. Problems of public image of the chairman cause internal power struggles, in this struggles the party leadership uses the staging of “cohesion” and “harmony” to avoid open personnel discussions.This strategy of keeping discipline of members acting can fail because in relations of mutual dependence protagonists create options and restrictions of acting for each other. By comprehending the disciplinary action and the reasons of their contingency this doctoral thesis is a contribution to a theory of informal rules of power in organisations with weak distinct structures of authority.The first part of this work developes the connection of staging and power through concepts of theatricality and figuration.The second part analyzes the typical constellations of present parliamentary democracy and the way these relations cause specific perceptions of situation, options and restriction of acting. The third part comprehends the kontingental prozess of the party infighting using the example of the 1995 Mannheim party convention.

Syftet med uppsatsen är att skapa förståelse för de svårigheter som unga vuxna upplever när de försöker begränsa sin användning av sociala medier och hur dessa svårigheter kan förstås utifrån ett maktperspektiv. Studien bygger på åtta kvalitativa intervjuer. Resultatet visar att unga vuxna använder olika strategier för att minska sin användning av sociala medier. Samtidigt befinner de sig i en dragkamp mellan att vilja begränsa sin användning ytterligare och en rädsla för att hamna utanför. När unga vuxna begränsar sociala medier uppstår svårigheter och konsekvenser såsom förlorad kontakt med vänner, förlorad tillgång till information och minskad kommunikation. I analysen används Habermas teori om systemets kolonisering av livsvärlden för att analysera hur sociala medier tränger in i den personliga sfären och påverkar det sociala livet. Detta fenomen understryker ett maktförhållande mellan individen och de sociala medieföretagen. Här används Foucaults perspektiv på makt och motstånd för att analysera de maktförhållanden som påverkar unga vuxnas användning och de strategier som tillämpas för att stå emot detta inflytande. Även i livsvärlden förekommer maktkamper av olika slag; eftersom den höga användningen har blivit norm i samhället skapas ett grupptryck från vänner, familj, arbetsgivare och klasskamrater, som också påverkar unga vuxnas användning. / The purpose of this thesis is to better understand the difficulties experienced by young adults when they try to limit their use of social media, and how these difficulties can be understood from a power perspective. We have conducted eight qualitative interviews. The results show that young adults use different strategies to limit their use of social media. Still, they are caught in a struggle between wanting to limit their use further and a fear of missing out. Leaving social media means that they face a variety of consequences, such as loss of friends, communication, and access to information. In the analysis, Habermas’ theory colonization of the lifeworld is used to analyze how social media penetrate the personal sphere and affect social life. This phenomenon indicates a power relationship between the individual and the social media companies. Foucault’s perspectives on power and counter-power are here used to analyze how this exercise of power affect young adults’ use and the strategies used to resist this influence. There are also power struggles taking place in the lifeworld; due to social norms within the group, friends, family, employers, and classmates create a pressure on young adults to use social media.

Submitted by Sandra Pereira (srpereira@ufrrj.br) on 2017-01-09T13:35:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Ana Paula Medeiros Bauer.pdf: 1626047 bytes, checksum: 63432da2d09c13103cf61cceebe5a7fa (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-09T13:35:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Ana Paula Medeiros Bauer.pdf: 1626047 bytes, checksum: 63432da2d09c13103cf61cceebe5a7fa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-06 / Funda??o Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo ? Pesquisa do Estado do RJ - FAPERJ / The postgraduate education field in Brazil has gone through several changes over time, mainly related to its evaluation system. Such a system was implemented in 1976 original form and function was to develop education and research in the country. The first evaluation was mainly a result of the proposed development in each particular program (CAPES, 2014 s / p). The last major change in the system occurred in 1998, when it was deployed Qualis Ranking (VI PGNP, 2010), a stratification system that classifies vehicles disclosure of intellectual production (CAPES, 2004 s / p). Thus, the evaluation shall be taken from the analysis of the quality of the disclosure vehicles, or work quality is considered accepted if a vehicle which has good score QUALIS system. Thus, educational organizations tend to require their professors / researchers more production items to convert them into publication, aiming to win dominant positions on the field. In this sense, the logic of productivity is within the field of the country graduate governed by the excessive production of articles to achieve maximum points. These changes now reach the field of teaching in graduate management in the state of Rio de Janeiro, an area where are concentrated the main field programs. It seems possible to say that this marked change in the evaluation system led to a restructuring of the field, where the agents begin to modify their practices to suit the evaluation and gain more power. Thus, the objective of the study is to understand how the logic of productivity influenced the power struggles among organizations that make up the administration in post-graduate course in the state of Rio de Janeiro, from the theoretical perspectives of Bourdieu. The author sees the field as a force interactions of space between the officers with a particular type of capital among the different existing types, to conquer the field domain. / O campo de p?s-gradua??o no Brasil passou por diversas mudan?as ao longo do tempo, principalmente relacionadas ao seu sistema de avalia??o. Tal sistema foi implantado em 1976 de forma inicial, e tinha como fun??o desenvolver a educa??o e a pesquisa no pa?s. A primeira avalia??o teve como principal resultado a proposta de evolu??o de cada programa em particular (CAPES, 2014, s/p). A ?ltima grande mudan?a no sistema ocorreu em 1998, quando foi implantado o Ranking Qualis (VI PNPG, 2010), um sistema de estratifica??o que classifica os ve?culos de divulga??o da produ??o intelectual (CAPES, 2004,s/p). Sendo assim, a avalia??o passa a ser feita a partir da an?lise da qualidade dos ve?culos de divulga??o, ou seja, o trabalho ? considerado de qualidade se for aceito em um ve?culo que possui boa pontua??o no sistema Qualis. Com isso, as organiza??es educacionais tendem a exigir de seus professores/pesquisadores mais produ??o de artigos para convert?-los em publica??o, almejando conquistar posi??es dominantes no campo. Nesse sentido, a l?gica produtivista se insere no campo da p?s-gradua??o do pa?s, regida pela a produ??o excessiva de artigos para alcan?ar o m?ximo de pontos. Essas mudan?as atingem hoje o campo do ensino da p?s-gradua??o em administra??o no estado do Rio de Janeiro, ?rea onde o est?o concentrados os principais programas do campo. Parece ser poss?vel afirmar que essa marcante mudan?a no sistema de avalia??o provocou uma reestrutura??o do campo, onde os agentes come?am a modificar suas pr?ticas para se adequar a avalia??o e ganhar mais poder. Dessa forma, o objetivo do estudo ? compreender como a l?gica produtivista influenciou as disputas de poder entre as organiza??es que comp?em o campo de p?s-gradua??o em administra??o no estado do Rio de Janeiro, a partir das perspectivas te?ricas de Bourdieu. O autor percebe o campo como um espa?o de intera??es de for?as entre os agentes dotados de um determinado tipo de capital, dentre os diferentes tipos existentes, para conquistarem o dom?nio do campo.

This study focused on the schools of KwaDabeka Township in KwaZulu-Natal. This project explored the underlying reasons for and types of violence, as well as initiatives for violence prevention. This is a qualitative study; therefore it is located within the interpretive paradigm. A case study strategy was employed in which qualitative methods such as interviews, observations, document reviews, and journals were used to collect data. The findings suggest that besides ill-discipline and uncooperativeness by learners, criminals and thugs from outside schools pose a threat to the stability of schools. The findings also suggest that girls and young boys are victims of violence in schools. The research findings suggest that violence production in schools is shaped by socio-economic status of community where the school is in, as well as gender and masculinity. / Educational Leadership and Management / M. Ed. (Education Management)

The purpose of this study was to identify the relevant factors to develop a framework for optimising public participation to improve service delivery in a metropolitan municipality in South Africa. This approach was undertaken with a view to identify the gaps created through the expectations generated among citizens by the national government and the weaknesses in the capacity of the local government to deliver through its supply chain processes, and hence develop strategies to close the existing gaps as much as possible. There were four samples in the study namely: citizens, managers, businesses and ward committee members (WCM). The data that were collected for citizens were conducted at each Customer Care Centres (CCC). For the other three sets of respondents, it was conducted through email. The research approach was quantitative. Factor analysis was applied in this research study in order to identify significant factors that drive public participation in service delivery by local government. Findings of this study showed that there are two major perceptions of the respondents perceived to affect the optimisation of effective service delivery: 1) the facilitating factor and 2) the impeding factor. This was assisted by Structural Equation Modelling (SEM) where a model was designed which resulted in the development of the public participation framework for effective municipal service delivery. These findings will inform the management of local governments to prioritise inclusion of all citizens by optimising their participation for effective service delivery. Areas where participation in local government was lacking were identified and this study presents well-informed strategies for local governments and for their possible implementation. / Business Management / D.B.L.

This study focused on the schools of KwaDabeka Township in KwaZulu-Natal. This project explored the underlying reasons for and types of violence, as well as initiatives for violence prevention. This is a qualitative study; therefore it is located within the interpretive paradigm. A case study strategy was employed in which qualitative methods such as interviews, observations, document reviews, and journals were used to collect data. The findings suggest that besides ill-discipline and uncooperativeness by learners, criminals and thugs from outside schools pose a threat to the stability of schools. The findings also suggest that girls and young boys are victims of violence in schools. The research findings suggest that violence production in schools is shaped by socio-economic status of community where the school is in, as well as gender and masculinity. / Educational Leadership and Management / M. Ed. (Education Management)

Cette recherche interroge, dans une perspective pragmatique, la teneur des disputes entre pairs dans les cours de récréation à l'école élémentaire. Le régime de dispute en violence (Boltanski, 1990), caractérisé par des épreuves de force engageant exclusivement la force des personnes constitue le pivot de notre recherche. Comment et sous quelles conditions les interactions enfantines basculent-elles dans le régime de dispute en violence ou inversement sortent-elles de ce régime ? A l'aide d'une méthodologie fondée sur une approche ethnographique (observations et entretiens semi-scénarisés) et des questionnaires soumis aux écoliers, nous avons été en mesure de caractériser les formes émergentes de ce régime de dispute en violence, révélant ainsi une violence protéiforme ne se limitant pas au seul phénomène du harcèlement. Nous avons démontré que les écoliers recourent à des normes corporelles spécifiques et à des principes issus du monde domestique et du monde civique en vue de stabiliser l'ordre social en récréation et peuvent, sous certaines conditions, employer la violence comme un dispositif visant à contrecarrer les menaces pesant sur ces normes et principes. La compétence à s'extraire du régime de violence est apparue fortement corrélée aux dispositifs pédagogiques en place dans les écoles et à la grandeur que les élèves accordent aux enseignants ainsi qu'aux justifications et dispositifs que ces derniers emploient. La grandeur accordée à ces dispositifs et à la figure enseignante s'est enfin révélée, au fil de l'analyse comme étant étroitement imbriquée à la grandeur politique et civique que les enseignants accordent à l'écolier. / This sociological research deals with arguments among children in the school playground at primary school and follows a pragmatic sociological approach. The violent argument regime (Boltanski, 1990), is characterised by power struggles, that exclusively involves people strenght, without any principles. This violent argument regime is the centre of this research. How, and under which conditions peer interactions can get out of that regime? Using a methodology built on an ethnographic approach (observations and interviews based on scenarios) and on questionnaries to pupils, we've been able to characterise the emerging forms of the violent regime, and we showed the existence of a multifaceted violence at elementary school that can't be reduced merely to schoolbullying : this analysis's questionning the psychological approach of schoolbullying at school and discards the portraits of pupils who are either a persecutor or a victim : they can be both of them. Furthermore, pupils use physical norms and principles of justice that come from the domestic and the civic spheres in order to regulate the social order in the school playground and to get out of the violent regime. However, they can also, in the name of those principles, use violence as a device which enable them to stem the threats to those same principles. Moreover, the pupils ability to get out of the violence regime is linked to the teaching devices in the schools and to pupils perception of the teachers and the regulations that teachers use – or don't use. Some teaching devices could help pupils to get out of the violent argument regime and could restructure pupils principles and norms of justice.