Nesta pesquisa, nosso propósito consistiu em examinar o papel retórico e referenciador da metáfora e em observar como se constituem e se articulam os processos referenciais promovidos pela associação de domínios díspares nas várias etapas dos discursos presidenciais, dirigidos a líderes políticos mundiais especificamente. Para alcançar esse propósito, propusemo-nos aos seguintes passos de investigação, a partir do tratamento qualitativo dos dados: examinamos as metáforas centrais selecionadas e detectamos o momento em que elas apareceram nos pronunciamentos; observamos as redes referenciais relacionadas a essas metáforas; analisamos a função argumentativa da articulação dessas redes metafóricas, na organização discursiva, levando em conta as condições específicas de produção de cada discurso. Nosso corpus constitui-se de dez discursos do ex-presidente da República Federativa do Brasil Luis Inácio Lula da Silva, proferidos: em Davos (2003 e 2005), na Assembleia Geral das Organizações das Nações Unidas, em Nova Iorque (2004), na China (2004), em Portugal (2003 e 2005), na Índia (2004), no Quênia (2010) e na 39º Reunião de Cúpula do Mersocul, na Argentina (2010). As análises permitiram detectar a existência de metáforas centrais inter-relacionadas e articuladas à argumentação dos discursos. Depreendemos ter havido muitas ocorrências de redes referenciais específicas dessas metáforas, que foram, principalmente, estruturadas pela lógica dos contêineres. Tais resultados levaram-nos a entender que a metáfora conceptual é tanto recurso de referenciação, que pode ser selecionado estrategicamente para fins argumentativos, quanto elemento estruturado e estruturante dos processos referenciais. Nosso trabalho adotou como referencial teórico: i) estudos sobre a referenciação, a partir de Mondada e Dubois (2003), Apothéloz (2003), Marcuschi e Koch (1998), ii) reflexões em torno da argumentação, em que se destacam os trabalhos de Perelman e Olbrechts-Tyteca (2002 [1958]) e Aquino (1997); iii) investigações sobre a metáfora conceptual, realizadas por Lakoff e Johnson (1980, 2003), Kovecses, (2005), e a respeito do discurso político, a partir de Charteris-Black (2011), Chilton (2004). / The aim of this research was to examine the rhetorical and referential role of metaphors, and to analyze the constitution of the referential processes promoted by the association of different domains in the various stages of presidential speeches given to world political leaders. In order to achieve such a goal, the following research steps were carried out, subsequent to the qualitative analysis of the data: selected central metaphors were examined and the moment when they occurred in the speeches were detected; the referential networks related to those metaphors were observed; the argumentative role of the articulation of those metaphorical networks in the discursive organization were observed, taking into account the production conditions that are specific to each speech. The corpus is formed by ten speeches by the former president of the Federative Republic of Brazil, Luis Inácio Lula da Silva, which were given in Davos (2003 and 2005), at the General Assembly of the United Nations Organization, in New York (2004), in China (2004), in Portugal (2003 and 2005), in India (2004), in Kenya (2010) and at the 39th Mercosul Summit, in Argentina (2010). The analyses have allowed the detection of central metaphors inter-related and articulated to the argumentation of the speeches. Specific referential networks of those metaphors have been noticed to be pervasive and structured according to the container logic. These results suggest that conceptual metaphors are both a referential resource, which might be used for argumentative purposes, and an element that structures and is structured by the referential processes. This work has as its theoretical reference: i) the studies on referentiation by Mondada and Dubois (2003), Apothéloz (2003), Marcuschi and Koch (1998); ii) reflections on argumentation by Perelmand and Olbrechts-Tyteca (2002 [1958]), and Aquino (1997); iii) research on conceptual metaphors carried out by Lakoff and Johnson (1980, 2003), Kovecses, (2005), and on political discourse, by Charteris-Black (2011), Chilton (2004).

O presente trabalho tem como escopo discutir questões relativas à construção do ethos no discurso político presidencial. Nesse processo, busca-se destacar as estratégias discursivas que permitiram a Getúlio Vargas formular um discurso populista, bem como constituir uma nova imagem, afinados ao novo contexto de abertura democrática que passou a vigorar no Brasil a partir das eleições de 1945. Como aporte teórico, recorremos, fundamentalmente, aos trabalhos de Charaudeau (2006 e 2008); Perelman e Olbrechts-Tyteca (1999 [1958]); Aquino (1997); Weffort (1980) e Laclau (2009). Para que se verificasse a aplicabilidade dessas teorias, foram selecionados sete discursos proferidos por Getúlio Vargas entre os anos de 1952 e 1953, os quais constituem o corpus de análise. / This paper aims to discuss issues concerning the construction of ethos in presidential political discourse. In the process, the objective is to highlight the discursive strategies that allowed Vargas to formulate a populist speech as well as providing a new image, tuned to the new context of democratic opening that was introduced in Brazil since the 1945 elections. As a theoretical contribution, we use basically the work of Charaudeau (2006 and 2008), Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca (1999 [1958]), Aquino (1997); Weffort (1980) and Laclau (2009). In order to verify the applicability of these theories, we selected seven speeches by Getulio Vargas between 1952 and 1953, which constitutes the corpus of analysis.

The US presidential election of 2016 between the republican Donald Trump and the democrat Hillary Clinton was special in the aspect of the fierce tone between the two candidates, largely by personal attacks and how the media to a large extent focused on this rather than political issues. Many evangelical leaders decided to endorse Trump, even though their earlier outspoken criticism toward Trumps previously controversial statements about women, immigrants and minorities. In six articles this case study examines how the authors from The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal frame the relationship between Trump and evangelical leaders during the 2016 US election. This is done by using a framing analysis and the categories: actors, characteristics, motives and goals which help me to answer a couple of analysis questions and latter put it into context of Snow and Benfords (1988) three tasks of framing. In this way I can answer the first research question: ”How is the relationship between Donald Trump and the evangelical leaders represented in the selected cases and how can this be understood by using Snow and Benfords (1988) three tasks of framing; diagnostic, prognostic and motivational framing?” The second research question “How can the framing of the relationship between Trump and the evangelical leaders be understood according to Hjarvards (2012) theory medialization of religion with a focus on media as language?” visualizes the attitudes and the shaping of frames contained in the articles. The study concludes that the three tasks of framing help assign causation, identify reasons, strategies and solutions to the phenomenon that is framed by the authors of the articles, but also how Trump and evangelicals are framed by the authors to rationalize the defined measures. The results show that the authors of the articles mainly focus on Trumps motives and goals to gain support of evangelical leaders vice versa the leaders which want to gain ground and influence the politics Trump is going to convey. This can be seen in both NYT and the WSJ articles through the framing of Trump and his fierce tone toward Clinton and her campaign. It is also recurrent that the authors of the article describe how Trump uses a language aimed at the Christian right and its leaders to promise them to pursue a value-conservative policy that favor them.

Depuis la Révolution de 1789, la France a multiplié les expériences constitutionnelles et, après avoir refusé le bicamérisme, a connu depuis 1795 de nombreux régimes dotés d’une chambre haute. Les secondes assemblées républicaines, monarchistes ou impériales ont jalonné nos institutions publiques et politiques. Durant plus de deux siècles, la fonction présidentielle de la chambre haute s’est ainsi progressivement affirmée. L'éminence naturelle d'une telle charge, de même que l'autorité dont elle jouit au Palais du Luxembourg, permettent au président d'incarner la chambre haute. Cela n'empêche pas la fonction de demeurer en retrait sur le plan politique et cantonnée au périmètre caméral jusqu’en 1875. C’est alors qu’elle s’affirme, générant une influence au-delà de la haute assemblée. Son émancipation lui offre des attributions institutionnelles nouvelles. Ces missions sont efficacement remplies, attestant de la maturité de la fonction et permettant à de grands noms d’y être associés : la famille Pasquier, J. Ferry, J. Jeanneney, G. Monnerville, A. Poher… / Since the Revolution of 1789, France has multiplied the constitutional experiences. Most of political regimes have kept the bicameral system. The upper Houses, republican, monarchist or imperial, have thus marked out our institutions. For more than two centuries, the presidential function of the upper House has built its outlines.The natural eminence of such a workload, as well as the authority it enjoys in the Palais du Luxembourg, allows the President to personify the upper chamber. It doesn’t prevent the function from staying back from the political scene and confined to the cameral’perimeter until 1875. Then it asserts itself, creating an impact beyond the second chamber. Indeed, its emancipation giving new institutional attributions. These missions are successfully fulfilled, certifying the maturity of the function and allowing famous names to be related to them : the Pasquier’s family, J. Ferry, J. Jeanneney, G. Monnerville, A. Poher…

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-21T14:43:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Camilla Quesada Tavares.pdf: 1273987 bytes, checksum: 09f82944f10538d22f458526f5a29c61 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-02-07 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The purpose of this paper is to analyze the personalities that appear in the first round of the election campaigns for the presidency of Brazil taken from the political free advertising time (HGPE) of the two major brazilian parties, PT and PSDB, in the years of 2002, 2006, and 2010. The choice for the first round was made because that is the time in which each party tries to get more attention than the others. At this stage, all parties compete against each other and the two parties that get more attention from the voters reach the second round. This happens on the assumption that candidates tend to approach the same issues during the TV programs and the personal factors can generate greater prominence for them. One of the strategies used is the presence of people of political and social prestige appearing on HGPE to express support for the candidate. Some of these people can be called patrons, due to their characteristics. This research intends to see which personalities appeared in the television campaign in the three elections chosen. The study of a specific figure within the campaign on television is justified because it is believed that the personal aspects of the candidates and the people who participate in the campaign tend to influence the voters' choice, since the thematic elements are not the only factors that help the voting decision. The main hypothesis is that PT and PSDB use the patron in different ways. Also, there is the strategy used to build the image of the candidate, which aims to qualify him/her as the best voting option by showing the voters their personal attributes. The methodology is based on discourse analysis studies by Charaudeau (2008), supported by quantitative method as a way to complement the analysis. In general, research has shown that there is a strong presence of political figures and social programs in the three years, but only two personalities can be consdered patrons. In 2002, there was a strong presence of artists in the PSDB programs, but none of them can be considered a social patron. 2006 was the year in which political figures appeared the most in the PSDB programs, but only as means of support. Only in 2010 appears the type of electoral patron in HGPE, such as Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, on Dilma Rousseff's programs. / Este trabalho se propõe a fazer uma análise das personalidades presentes no primeiro turno das campanhas eleitorais de candidatos à Presidência da República a partir do Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral (HGPE) dos dois principais partidos brasileiros, PT e PSDB, nos anos de 2002, 2006 e 2010. Optou-se pelo estudo do primeiro turno porque se acredita que é o momento em que os candidatos mais precisam se destacar um dos outros. Nesta etapa, todos concorrem contra todos e os dois que conseguirem chamar a atenção entre os eleitores chega ao segundo turno. Parte-se do pressuposto de que os candidatos tendem a abordar os mesmos temas durante os programas, portanto o fator personalista pode gerar maior destaque a eles. Umas dessas estratégias é a presença de pessoas de prestígio político/social que aparecem no HGPE para manifestar apoio ao candidato. Algumas dessas pessoas podem ser chamadas de patrono, devido às suas características. Sendo assim, a pesquisa pretende, então, verificar quais personalidades apareceram na campanha televisiva das três eleições escolhidas. O estudo sobre uma figura específica, dentro da campanha eleitoral na televisão, se justifica por acreditar-se que os aspectos pessoais dos candidatos e pessoas que participam da campanha tendem a influenciar a escolha do eleitor, já que não são apenas os elementos temáticos que ajudam na decisão do voto. A hipótese principal é a de que o patrono é explorado de maneira distinta nos programas do PT e PSDB, sendo esta uma estratégia utilizada para construir a imagem do candidato, a qual tem por finalidade qualificá-lo como melhor opção de voto, além de mostrar seus atributos pessoais aos eleitores. A metodologia utilizada é a análise do discurso baseada nos estudos de Charaudeau (2008), amparada pelo método quantitativo como forma de complementar a análise. De maneira geral, a pesquisa mostrou que é forte a presença de personalidades políticas e sociais nos programas dos três anos, mas poucas podem ser consideradas patronos. No ano de 2002, verificou-se a presença de muitos artistas nos programas do PSDB, mas nenhum deles pode ser considerado patrono social. O ano de 2006 foi o que mais apareceram personalidades políticas nos programas do PSDB, mas apenas como forma de apoio. Já o PT não utilizou essa estratégia. Somente em 2010 é que aparece o tipo de patrono eleitoral com frequência no HGPE, com Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, nos programas de Dilma Rousseff.

Este trabalho procura compreender como funcionam as coalizões que sustentam o Executivo no Brasil, com um olhar direcionado ao processo legislativo, ou seja, à forma como leis são processadas no interior do Poder Legislativo. Acredito que a formação de coalizões implica na divisão de poder e de responsabilidade sobre o conjunto de políticas, ou seja, implica que todos os partidos que compõem a coalizão participam e influem no resultado final do processo decisório. Pretendo, através da análise do processo de produção das leis, identificar em que moldes se dá o acordo entre os partidos no tocante a políticas específicas. Privilegio as medidas introduzidas e vetadas pelo Executivo para, por meio destas, mostrar como se dá concretamente este acordo. / This work seeks to understand the coalitions that support the Executive Power in Brazil, focusing the legislative process, which means, focusing how the laws are produced inside the Legislative Power. The assumption is that forming coalitions implies sharing power and responsibilities over the broad set of policies. In other words, it implies that the parties composing the coalition participate and influence the results of the decisionmaking process. By analyzing the legislative process, the aim is to identify the terms of the parties agreement concerning policies. The emphasis is on the bills introduced and vetoed by the Executive, assuming that they reveal this agreement.

Esta tese de doutoramento trata da disputa entre o PSDB e o PT nas eleições presidenciais ocorridas no Brasil entre 1994 e 2006. O objetivo principal é identificar quais são as variáveis que estão associadas ao voto nos dois partidos que nos permitem prever com alguma precisão as chances de voto em cada um deles. A análise será procedida com auxílio de bancos de dados representativos dos eleitores brasileiros. São observadas diversas variáveis, classificadas em dois grupos: no primeiro estão as variáveis relacionadas a aspectos de longo prazo que incidem sobre o comportamento eleitoral, as características demográficas, sócio-econômicas e político-ideológicas dos eleitores, no segundo estão as variáveis ligadas diretamente ao processo eleitoral, as avaliações dos governos e dos candidatos. A hipótese mais importante a ser testada é que as variáveis de curto prazo têm impacto muito maior sobre as chances de voto nos partidos do que as variáveis de longo prazo. Isso indica que o contexto eleitoral afeta mais o resultado das eleições presidenciais do que qualquer aspecto estrutural, seja social, econômico ou político. Os resultados obtidos com a utilização de regressões logísticas corroboram a hipótese e apontam para diferenças importantes entre o voto no PSDB e no PT. / This Ph.D. thesis is about the dispute between the PSDB and PT for presidential elections ran in Brazil between 1994 e 2006. Its main objective is to identify the variables linked to votes given for both parties which would lead us to predict under a certain precision degree the chances each one has against other. The analysis is based on relevant databases from brazilian electoral activities. Several variables were observed and separated in two different groups: the first contains the ones related to long term aspects linked to the voters behavior as well as demographics, socio-economic, and political-ideological variables, while the second one contains the variables directly linked to the electoral process, to candidates evaluations and the country issues. The most important hypothesis to be tested is the one of short term variables making a bigger impact over each party vote chance when compared to the long term ones. Considering the hypothesis valuable, this presents the scenary of the electoral context with a bigger effect over presidential election than any other voter structural aspect either social, economic or political. The given result corroborates with the hypothesis and came from logistics regressions, pointing out relevant differences between votes given in favour of PSDB and PT.

The purpose of this study is to examine two major psychological determinants of the vote in presidential elections - candidate image and party orientation. The central thesis of this study is that candidate image, as measured here, has been a greater determinant of electoral choice in the majority of presidential elections since 1952 than has party orientation. One of the vices as well as virtues of a democratic society is that the people often get what they want. This is especially true in the case of electing our leaders. Political scientists have often concentrated their efforts on attempting to ascertain why people vote as they do. Studies have been conducted focusing on the behavior of voters in making that important decision-who should govern?

O presente trabalho tem como escopo discutir questões relativas à construção do ethos no discurso político presidencial. Nesse processo, busca-se destacar as estratégias discursivas que permitiram a Getúlio Vargas formular um discurso populista, bem como constituir uma nova imagem, afinados ao novo contexto de abertura democrática que passou a vigorar no Brasil a partir das eleições de 1945. Como aporte teórico, recorremos, fundamentalmente, aos trabalhos de Charaudeau (2006 e 2008); Perelman e Olbrechts-Tyteca (1999 [1958]); Aquino (1997); Weffort (1980) e Laclau (2009). Para que se verificasse a aplicabilidade dessas teorias, foram selecionados sete discursos proferidos por Getúlio Vargas entre os anos de 1952 e 1953, os quais constituem o corpus de análise. / This paper aims to discuss issues concerning the construction of ethos in presidential political discourse. In the process, the objective is to highlight the discursive strategies that allowed Vargas to formulate a populist speech as well as providing a new image, tuned to the new context of democratic opening that was introduced in Brazil since the 1945 elections. As a theoretical contribution, we use basically the work of Charaudeau (2006 and 2008), Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca (1999 [1958]), Aquino (1997); Weffort (1980) and Laclau (2009). In order to verify the applicability of these theories, we selected seven speeches by Getulio Vargas between 1952 and 1953, which constitutes the corpus of analysis.

Cette recherche porte sur un ensemble de déterminismes et contraintes d’ordre symbolique (rituel, endossement progressif du rôle présidentiel, transcendances mobilisables, impératifs scénographiques) et sociopolitique (trajectoires individuelles, rôle des appareils partisans, évolution des publics, interaction avec les autres compétiteurs et compétitrices, transformation des médias) qui pèsent sur le discours de meeting pour l’élection présidentielle française. « Le changement c’est maintenant », « Ensemble, tout devient possible », « Prenez le pouvoir » : alors que la campagne pour l’élection présidentielle vient placer en son coeur cette promesse fondamentale de « transformation du réel », ce qui pourrait laisser croire en une grande liberté énonciative des locuteurs et des locutrices, nous montrons ici qu’à l’inverse le discours de meeting électoral se trouve extraordinairement contraint et déterminé, que chaque candidat ou candidate doit se conformer à un faisceau d’attendus discursifs tacites, tout en répondant aux impératifs de renouvellement de messages inhérent à tout processus de légitimation politique par le discours.Voici résumée en quelques lignes la vocation de ce travail, fondé sur l’exploration lexicométrique menée avec le logiciel d’analyse de données textuelles Lexico 3, puis l’interrogation argumentative, pragmatico-énonciative et ponctuellement narrative d’unThèse préparée au CEDITEC, (Centre d'Étude des Discours, Images, Textes Écrits, Communication) Université Paris-Est Créteil Val-de-Marne (UPEC) Centre Pyramide – Bureau 405 80, avenue du Général de Gaulle 94000 Créteil Cedexcorpus composé de quatre-vingt-seize discours de meeting électoral, tenus lors de périodes de campagne dites « officielles », par les candidates et les candidats en lice pour les élections présidentielles de 2002, 2007, 2012 en France. / This research focuses on a set of symbolic (ritual, progressive endorsement of the presidential role, transcendences mobilized, scenic imperatives), and sociopolitical pressures (individual paths, role of supporters, transformations of the audiences, interaction with other competitors, medias transformations), facing the rally speeches for the french presidential election. "Le changement c’est maintenant," "Ensemble, tout devient possible ", "Prenez le pouvoir": as the campaign for the presidential election has put in his heart that fundamental promise of "transformation of the reality", which could let presuppose freedom utterance of speakers, we show that the election rally speech is strongly constrained and determined. Thus, each candidate had to comply with an expected tacit discourse, while responding to messages renewal imperatives, inherent to any process of political legitimation through discourses. Here is summarized in a few lines the vocation of this study, based on the lexicometric exploration conducted with textual data analysis software Lexico 3 and argumentative, pragmatic, enunciative and timely narrative questionning of ninety-six election rally speeches, made during campaign periods called "official" by candidates to the presidential elections of 2002, 2007, 2012 in France.