Dans plusieurs sociétés issues de la colonisation, la validité des cultures juridiques autochtones n’est pas reconnue par l’État, ce qui est à la source de problèmes tant pour les communautés autochtones que pour les individus qui les composent. Afin de remédier à cette situation, certains États, dont la Colombie, ont reconnu constitutionnellement l’autonomie judiciaire autochtone. Nous avons étudié les textes constitutionnels et législatifs colombiens, ainsi que la jurisprudence de la Cour constitutionnelle, afin de qualifier les rapports entre le droit étatique et la justice autochtone découlant de la réforme constitutionnelle colombienne. Pour ce faire, nous avons mobilisé un cadre analytique inspiré de la typologie des sociabilités développée par Boaventura de Sousa Santos. Nous avons ainsi pu identifier des rapports de convivialité, la reconnaissance ayant permis de faire dialoguer les institutions étatiques et autochtones, ainsi que les cultures juridiques qui les sous-tendent. Cependant, plusieurs éléments de réconciliation sont également présents, notamment parce que l’État colombien s’est octroyé le droit de contrôler l’exercice de l’autonomie judiciaire autochtone, perpétuant ainsi l’inégalité des rapports entre les cultures juridiques étatique et autochtones.

Durante todo o período de vigência da Constituição brasileira de 1891, foram produzidos diversos trabalhos doutrinários em torno da reforma da Constituição, ora mais ligados à política constitucional do período, ora de caráter mais teórico. Com os olhos voltados a esse material, o objetivo da pesquisa foi mapear e sistematizar os trabalhos doutrinários que veicularam esses discursos da época, em suportes materiais mais duradouros (livros de Direito Constitucional gerais, livros específicos sobre o tema e artigos publicados em periódicos jurídicos), a fim de verificar quais foram seus objetos e quais os objetivos de seus autores ao se inserirem no debate sobre a reforma constitucional. Para tanto, foram utilizadas as reflexões teóricas da Escola de Cambridge para o estudo da teoria política, especialmente de Quentin Skinner e J. G. A. Pocock, como instrumentos metodológicos para a reconstrução do debate. A partir da observação dos discursos em seus respectivos contextos intelectuais, foram identificados alguns objetos de reflexão recorrentes no debate, para além das propostas de reforma da Constituição de 1891. Em primeiro lugar, identificou-se que houve reflexões ligadas à teoria da Constituição e da reforma constitucional, no que diz respeito à estabilidade ou mutabilidade do texto constitucional, além de outras mais incipientes relativas à mudança da Constituição sem alteração do seu texto. Em segundo lugar, houve discursos jurídicos voltados à intepretação do artigo 90 da Constituição, quanto ao procedimento e limites materiais para a reforma constitucional, além de outros discursos com caráter político, que questionavam a legitimidade da vedação constitucional de alteração da forma republicano-federativa e da igualdade de representação dos Estados no Senado. Por fim, houve discursos político-constitucionais que se voltaram à análise de três aspectos. Em primeiro lugar, sobre a necessidade e oportunidade de uma reforma da Constituição de 1891. Em segundo lugar, discursos que objetivaram avaliar o produto da reforma constitucional realizada no Brasil entre 1924 e 1926, bem como as condições políticas em que se deu. E, enfim, os discursos que produziram a crítica à Constituição (por sua dissociação da realidade do país ou por ser inspirada em instituições estrangeiras), a crítica à crença na sua reforma com solução para os problemas políticos, econômicos e sociais do país, e outros que dialogaram com essas críticas. Nas reflexões sobre a reforma constitucional do período, verificou-se a produção de discursos com objetos e objetivos variados, que identificaram causas distintas para os mencionados problemas e que apresentaram propostas e encaminhamentos diversos para a sua solução, que tocavam no tema da reforma constitucional. / Throughout the period of time Brazilian Constitution of 1891 was in force, numerous doctrinal works on the constitutional amendment and constitutional making were done either more related to the constitutional politics of the time, or to more theoretical features. Bearing this material in mind, the purpose of this research was to map and systematize the doctrinal work that reported the discourses of the time, which were published in more durable material supports (Constitutional Law books, specific books on the topic and articles published in legal journals), in order to check which their objects were as well as the authors goals when having contributed to the debate on constitutional amendment and constitutional making. Therefore, the Cambridges School theoretical reflections for the study of political theory, especially of Quentin Skinner and J. G. A. Pocock, were used as methodological tools for the reconstruction of the debate. From the observation of the speeches in their respective intellectual contexts, it was identified some recurring objects of reflection in the debate, in addition to the proposed amendments to the 1891 Constitution. Firstly, it was identified that there were reflections related to the theory of the Constitution and the constitutional amendment and constitutional making, with regard to the stability or changeability of the constitutional text, besides other incipient speeches related to the Constitution change without changing its text. Secondly, there were legal discourses focused on the interpretation of article 90 of the Constitution of 1891, concerning the procedure and materials limits for constitutional amendment, along with speeches with political feature, which questioned the legitimacy of the constitutional prohibition of amendment of the Republican-federative form and the equal representation of the States in the Senate. Lastly, there were also political and constitutional speeches that targeted the analysis of the necessity and opportunity for amendment of the Constitution of 1891, during most of its validity period; others that aimed at evaluating the product of constitutional amendment held in Brazil between 1924 and 1926, as well as the political conditions under which it was carried, and, finally, speeches that criticized the Constitution (due to its dissociation of the country reality or for being inspired by foreign institutions), or criticized the belief in its amendment as a solution for the political, economical and social problems of the country, among others which dialogued with these criticisms. With the reflections upon the constitutional amendment in the Brazilian First Republic, the production of speeches with diverse objects and objectives was identified, which recognized several causes for such problems and that proposed distinct suggestions for their solution. In conclusion, in the research, many visions of Brazilian First Republics doctrine about constitutional making and constitutional amendment were observed and presented.

Résumé en français / Résumé en anglais

La réforme constitutionnelle du 23 juillet 2008 a fait du contrôle et de l’évaluation l’un des leviers de revalorisation de la place du Parlement dans les institutions. Elle a donc profondément renouvelé la fonction de contrôle : le champ du contrôle a été étendu dans des proportions jamais égalées, l’information du Parlement a été développée dans de nombreux domaines. Le Constituant a également souhaité donner au contrôle parlementaire une nouvelle dimension en dotant les assemblées d’une compétence en matière d’évaluation des politiques publiques. L’étude montre que l’Assemblée nationale et le Sénat ont interprété différemment leurs nouvelles prérogatives en matière de contrôle et d’évaluation, en fonction de leur culture institutionnelle et de leur degré d’adhésion à la réforme de 2008. De ce fait même, la portée de la réforme constitutionnelle de 2008 s’avère limitée : le Parlement peine à assumer son nouveau rôle d’évaluateur mais s’investi d’avantage dans son rôle de contrôleur. La réforme constitutionnelle de 2008 n’a donc pas substantiellement changé l’équilibre des pouvoirs entre le législatif et l’Exécutif. / The constitutional reform of 23rd July 2018 turned checking the work of government and evaluation into one of the most significant leveraging effect for the role of the Parliament within the institutions. It has deeply renewed the function of control: the capacity of control was extended to a level that had never been reached so far and the information towards the Parliament was expanded to many fields. The role of the Constituent also wished to widen the role of the Parliamentary control by providing the assemblies with new expertise regarding the evaluation of public policies. This study shows that the National Assembly and the Senate had two different understandings of their new prerogatives regarding control and evaluation, according to their institutional cultures and to their level of support to the reform of 2008. Therefore, the impact of the constitutional reform of 2008 turned out to be restricted: the Parliament struggles to fulfill its new role as an evaluator but gets more involved as a controller. Therefore, the Constitutional reform of 2008 hasn’t significantly changed the balance of powers between the legislative and executive branches.

Durante todo o período de vigência da Constituição brasileira de 1891, foram produzidos diversos trabalhos doutrinários em torno da reforma da Constituição, ora mais ligados à política constitucional do período, ora de caráter mais teórico. Com os olhos voltados a esse material, o objetivo da pesquisa foi mapear e sistematizar os trabalhos doutrinários que veicularam esses discursos da época, em suportes materiais mais duradouros (livros de Direito Constitucional gerais, livros específicos sobre o tema e artigos publicados em periódicos jurídicos), a fim de verificar quais foram seus objetos e quais os objetivos de seus autores ao se inserirem no debate sobre a reforma constitucional. Para tanto, foram utilizadas as reflexões teóricas da Escola de Cambridge para o estudo da teoria política, especialmente de Quentin Skinner e J. G. A. Pocock, como instrumentos metodológicos para a reconstrução do debate. A partir da observação dos discursos em seus respectivos contextos intelectuais, foram identificados alguns objetos de reflexão recorrentes no debate, para além das propostas de reforma da Constituição de 1891. Em primeiro lugar, identificou-se que houve reflexões ligadas à teoria da Constituição e da reforma constitucional, no que diz respeito à estabilidade ou mutabilidade do texto constitucional, além de outras mais incipientes relativas à mudança da Constituição sem alteração do seu texto. Em segundo lugar, houve discursos jurídicos voltados à intepretação do artigo 90 da Constituição, quanto ao procedimento e limites materiais para a reforma constitucional, além de outros discursos com caráter político, que questionavam a legitimidade da vedação constitucional de alteração da forma republicano-federativa e da igualdade de representação dos Estados no Senado. Por fim, houve discursos político-constitucionais que se voltaram à análise de três aspectos. Em primeiro lugar, sobre a necessidade e oportunidade de uma reforma da Constituição de 1891. Em segundo lugar, discursos que objetivaram avaliar o produto da reforma constitucional realizada no Brasil entre 1924 e 1926, bem como as condições políticas em que se deu. E, enfim, os discursos que produziram a crítica à Constituição (por sua dissociação da realidade do país ou por ser inspirada em instituições estrangeiras), a crítica à crença na sua reforma com solução para os problemas políticos, econômicos e sociais do país, e outros que dialogaram com essas críticas. Nas reflexões sobre a reforma constitucional do período, verificou-se a produção de discursos com objetos e objetivos variados, que identificaram causas distintas para os mencionados problemas e que apresentaram propostas e encaminhamentos diversos para a sua solução, que tocavam no tema da reforma constitucional. / Throughout the period of time Brazilian Constitution of 1891 was in force, numerous doctrinal works on the constitutional amendment and constitutional making were done either more related to the constitutional politics of the time, or to more theoretical features. Bearing this material in mind, the purpose of this research was to map and systematize the doctrinal work that reported the discourses of the time, which were published in more durable material supports (Constitutional Law books, specific books on the topic and articles published in legal journals), in order to check which their objects were as well as the authors goals when having contributed to the debate on constitutional amendment and constitutional making. Therefore, the Cambridges School theoretical reflections for the study of political theory, especially of Quentin Skinner and J. G. A. Pocock, were used as methodological tools for the reconstruction of the debate. From the observation of the speeches in their respective intellectual contexts, it was identified some recurring objects of reflection in the debate, in addition to the proposed amendments to the 1891 Constitution. Firstly, it was identified that there were reflections related to the theory of the Constitution and the constitutional amendment and constitutional making, with regard to the stability or changeability of the constitutional text, besides other incipient speeches related to the Constitution change without changing its text. Secondly, there were legal discourses focused on the interpretation of article 90 of the Constitution of 1891, concerning the procedure and materials limits for constitutional amendment, along with speeches with political feature, which questioned the legitimacy of the constitutional prohibition of amendment of the Republican-federative form and the equal representation of the States in the Senate. Lastly, there were also political and constitutional speeches that targeted the analysis of the necessity and opportunity for amendment of the Constitution of 1891, during most of its validity period; others that aimed at evaluating the product of constitutional amendment held in Brazil between 1924 and 1926, as well as the political conditions under which it was carried, and, finally, speeches that criticized the Constitution (due to its dissociation of the country reality or for being inspired by foreign institutions), or criticized the belief in its amendment as a solution for the political, economical and social problems of the country, among others which dialogued with these criticisms. With the reflections upon the constitutional amendment in the Brazilian First Republic, the production of speeches with diverse objects and objectives was identified, which recognized several causes for such problems and that proposed distinct suggestions for their solution. In conclusion, in the research, many visions of Brazilian First Republics doctrine about constitutional making and constitutional amendment were observed and presented.

À la différence d'autres phénomènes juridiques, le déplacement du droit d'un lieu à l'autre s'inscrit dans une analyse beaucoup plus ample que celle de droit comparé. Les États sont mis en concurrence dans de nombreux domaines : politiques économiques et fiscales, protection sociale, systèmes éducatifs, innovation, etc. Les systèmes juridiques se retrouvent également en compétition. Avec la mondialisation les échanges entre les systèmes juridiques se sont multipliés, ouvrant la voie à un recours plus fréquent à la démarche comparative. Par conséquent, la circulation du droit est un sujet qui a intéressé à la pensée juridique depuis toujours, mais qui ne commence à être traité que récemment. Pour le comprendre il convient de se rapporter à un cas spécifique, qui étant donné son caractère paradigmatique est celui de la réception du droit, de la doctrine et du régime constitutionnel français pendant les années trente en Colombie. Son examen servira comme support empirique d'un modèle explicatif du phénomène de la diffusion, d'un État à un autre, d'un droit formalisé et systématisé. / Unlike other legal phenomena, law's moving one place to another is part of a much broader analysis than that of comparative law. States are in competition in many areas: economic and fiscal policies, social protection, education systems, innovation, etc. Legal systems are also in competition. With globalization, exchanges between legal systems have proliferated, opening the way to more frequent use of comparative approach. Therefore, the circulation of law is a subject that always interested to legal thought, but it begins to be treated recently. To understand it should relate to a specific case, which given its paradigmatic character is that of reception of the law, the doctrine and the constitutional French regime during the thirties in Colombia. This review will serve as empirical support for a model explaining the phenomenon of diffusion from one state to another, of a formalized and systematized law.

Depuis la prise du pouvoir au Venezuela par le Mouvement Cinquième République (MVR) et son leader Hugo Chávez en 1998, ainsi que par l'implantation d'une nouvelle constitution en 1999, la face du pays a changé au plan politique. Alors que plusieurs chercheurs s’attardent à analyser les conditions ayant impulsé ces changements politiques, très peu tentent réellement d’en clarifier la nature intrinsèque. Ce que nous suggérons, c’est que la fin du monopole d’alternance au pouvoir entre les deux grands partis traditionnels (AD et COPEI) en 1998, puis l’implantation de la Constitution bolivarienne en 1999, ont fait entrer le Venezuela dans une nouvelle étape de la modernité. Cette nouvelle étape prendrait assise sur une extension des droits politiques, eux-mêmes devenus le socle de la démocratie. La conséquence de cela serait une refondation du politique inspirée des idéaux républicains promus lors de la fondation du pays en 1811 : la souveraineté et l’autodétermination.

Depuis la prise du pouvoir au Venezuela par le Mouvement Cinquième République (MVR) et son leader Hugo Chávez en 1998, ainsi que par l'implantation d'une nouvelle constitution en 1999, la face du pays a changé au plan politique. Alors que plusieurs chercheurs s’attardent à analyser les conditions ayant impulsé ces changements politiques, très peu tentent réellement d’en clarifier la nature intrinsèque. Ce que nous suggérons, c’est que la fin du monopole d’alternance au pouvoir entre les deux grands partis traditionnels (AD et COPEI) en 1998, puis l’implantation de la Constitution bolivarienne en 1999, ont fait entrer le Venezuela dans une nouvelle étape de la modernité. Cette nouvelle étape prendrait assise sur une extension des droits politiques, eux-mêmes devenus le socle de la démocratie. La conséquence de cela serait une refondation du politique inspirée des idéaux républicains promus lors de la fondation du pays en 1811 : la souveraineté et l’autodétermination.

Depuis la prise du pouvoir au Venezuela par le Mouvement Cinquième République (MVR) et son leader Hugo Chávez en 1998, ainsi que par l'implantation d'une nouvelle constitution en 1999, la face du pays a changé au plan politique. Alors que plusieurs chercheurs s’attardent à analyser les conditions ayant impulsé ces changements politiques, très peu tentent réellement d’en clarifier la nature intrinsèque. Ce que nous suggérons, c’est que la fin du monopole d’alternance au pouvoir entre les deux grands partis traditionnels (AD et COPEI) en 1998, puis l’implantation de la Constitution bolivarienne en 1999, ont fait entrer le Venezuela dans une nouvelle étape de la modernité. Cette nouvelle étape prendrait assise sur une extension des droits politiques, eux-mêmes devenus le socle de la démocratie. La conséquence de cela serait une refondation du politique inspirée des idéaux républicains promus lors de la fondation du pays en 1811 : la souveraineté et l’autodétermination.