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Angry Aryans Bound for Glory in a Racial Holy War:Productions of White Identity in Contemporary Hatecore LyricsFernandez Morales, Roberto 01 September 2017 (has links)
No description available.
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Refugee Flows and Political Currents : Investigating how refugee immigration affects electoral preferencesPersson, Elin January 2024 (has links)
This thesis studies group threat theory and contact theory, by analysing whether a change in the exposure to refugees, following a demographic composition shift, results in increased or decreased political support for parties with either an anti- or a pro-immigration political program. It employs a continuous difference-in-difference method by analysing data from Swedish national elections in 2014 and 2018 across all municipalities, combined with the electoral performance of the Sweden Democrats and the Swedish Green Party. The findings reveal a positive correlation between increased refugee intake and the electoral support for the Sweden Democrats, while the Swedish Green Party experiences decreased support. This suggests a trend toward bolstered backing for anti-immigrant platforms in areas with greater refugee exposure, and thus also supports arguments presented within group threat theory. While intergroup contact with immigrants is a well-studied area, limited attention has been devoted to refugee immigration. Finally, this thesis underscores the need for further investigation of the political and social ramifications of increased refugee immigration on native populations. This holds strong political relevance, as we are likely to continue experiencing high levels of immigration. A suggested way to build off this thesis is by studying the relevant mechanisms, or by establishing the extent and type of experienced intergroup contact.
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"Det upplevda hotet mot nationen" : - En kvalitativ studie av radikal högerpopulism bland Sverigedemokraternas väljareGunnarsson, Sofia, Ottosson, Angela January 2013 (has links)
Sverigedemokraterna är ett radikalt högerpopulistiskt parti som fortsätter att öka sedan valet år 2010. Vid en opinionsundersökning i april 2012 skulle partiet få 8 procent av medborgarnas röster. Syftet med vår uppsats är att förstå och förklara vilka orsaker som ligger till grund för att allt fler medborgare röstar på Sverigedemokraterna. För att kunna besvara syftet med uppsatsen har vi valt att göra en kvalitativ studie genom att med semistrukturerade intervjuer undersöka upplevelser och attityder till dagens samhällsförändringar bland Sverigedemokraternas väljare och relatera deras upplevelser till tidigare forskning inom ämnet. För att besvara vårt syfte blir frågeställningarna följande: På vilket sätt kan SD som parti locka allt fler väljare i dagens globaliserade Sverige? Vilka faktorer kan ligga till grund för att vissa medborgare röstar på SD? Samt vad tror de att SD kan bidra med och förändra i det svenska samhället och mer specifikt för deras egen situation? Vårt teoretiska ramverk är globalisering, representationen ”Vi och Dom”, nation/nationalism och välfärdschauvinism. Med dessa teorier kommer vi ur ett sociologiskt perspektiv förklara vilka samhällsprocesser som interagerar med väljarnas vardagssituation och därmed ligger till grund för deras politiska beslut. Det slutgiltiga resultatet visar att radikal högerpopulistisk retorik är genomgående i samtliga intervjuer. Invandring och välfärdsfrågor var det viktigaste faktorerna till varför intervjupersonerna röstade på Sverigedemokraterna. / The Sweden Democrats is a radical right wing party who continue to increase since the elections in 2010. At a poll in April 2012, the party would get 8 percent of the votes. The purpose of our paper is to understand and explain the reasons underlying that more and more citizens vote for the Sweden Democrats. To be able to respond to the purpose of the paper, we have chosen to make a qualitative study by using semi-structured interviews examine the experiences and attitudes of today's social changes among the Sweden Democrats ' voters and relate their experiences to the previous research on the subject. To answer our purpose becomes the following questions: In what way can the SD as an increasing number of voters in the party attract today's globalized Sweden? What factors can serve as the basis for that some citizens vote on SD? What do they think that SD can contribute and change in Swedish society and more specifically for their own situation? Our theoretical framework is globalization, representation "We and Them" nation/nationalism and welfare-chauvinism. With these theories we come from a sociological perspective to explain what social processes that interact with voters ' living situation and thus is the basis for their policy decisions. The final result shows that radical right wing rhetoric is consistently in all interviews. Immigration and welfare issues were the main factors why the respondents voted for the Sweden Democrats.
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Crise econômica, sentimento anti-establishment e radicalização política na Europa após a Grande Recessão : a ascensão dos partidos radicaisCristófalo, Caio César Gazarini January 2018 (has links)
Orientador: Prof. Dr. Ivan Filipe de Almeida Lopes Fernandes / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Políticas Públicas, São Bernardo do Campo, 2018. / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a relação existente entre a
deterioração do contexto econômico e a ascensão eleitoral de partidos radicais
(PRs) de direita (PRDs) e de esquerda (PREs) entre 2003 e 2016 na Europa.
Partimos da hipótese de que a situação da economia não só gerou um sentimento
anti-establishment na população dos países europeus, mas também realçou
ressentimentos preexistentes, decorrentes de mudanças na estrutura produtiva e na
composição étnica da população desde a década de 1980, com o aprofundamento
da globalização produtiva. Estudamos 94 eleições para os Legislativos nacionais de
26 países das Europas ocidental e oriental, o que permite analisar a relação entre
indicadores socioeconômicos, variações do sentimento anti-establishment e o
desempenho de partidos radicais de ambos espectros políticos. Com o uso de dados
em painel, encontramos evidências de que o desemprego constitui a principal
variável econômica a afetar o sentimento anti-establishment da população no curto
prazo, enquanto a modernização da economia o faz no longo prazo. Além disso,
nossos dados mostram que o aumento do sentimento anti-establishment favorece
mais os PREs do que os PRDs. Concluímos, assim, que a Grande Recessão trouxe
consequências não só econômicas, mas, também, políticas para as democracias
europeias, que terão que se adaptar ao novo status alcançado pelos partidos
radicais. / This work aims at analyzing the existing relation between the economic deterioration
and the ascension of radical right (RR) and left (RL) parties in the period 2003 to
2016 in Europe. We test the hypothesis that the economic situation not only has
generated an anti-establishment sentiment in the population of European countries,
but also reinforced previous resentments, caused by changes in the productive
structure and ethnic composition since the 80s, as a result of the deepening of the
productive globalization. We study 94 national legislative elections from 26 Western
and Eastern European countries, which enables us to observe the relation between
socioeconomic indicators, variations in the anti-establishment and the performance of
radical parties from both ends of the political spectrum. Through the use of panel
data, we find evidences that the unemployment constitutes the main economic
variable affecting the anti-establishment sentiment of the population in the short-term,
whereas the modernization of the economy does it in the long-term. Besides, our
data show that the increase in the anti-establishment sentiment favors more the
RLPs than it does the RRPs. Therefore, we conclude that the Great Recession has
brought about not only economic but also political consequences to the European
democracies, which will have to adapt to the new status achieved by the radical
parties.
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Från nytta till belastning : En jämförelse av svenska partiledares perspektiv på invandring och positionering i invandringsrelaterade debatter 2014 och 2017Sandell, Albin January 2018 (has links)
The autumn 2015 represented a critical juncture for Swedish migration politics. Prime Minister Löfven’s government tightened immigration policies in accordance with proposals made since long by the radical right wing party the Sweden Democrats (SD). But did the critical juncture and the following migration policies involve new political strategies against SD, and how have the mainstream parties’ leaders’ perspective on immigration been affected? The analysis is based on systemic functional grammar and scholarly literature concerning perspectives on immigration. Policy proposals, party leaders’ perspectives on immigration and party leaders’ positioning in immigration-related television debates from 2014 and 2017 are compared. The results confirm previous research showing that there was a strong convergence amongst mainstream parties 2014, in migration politics as well as in positioning against SD. In 2017, the migration issue has split up into more detailed issues like family reunification, temporary residence permits and differentiated welfare. The utility perspective on immigration was salient in 2014. In 2017, two new central perspectives on immigration were constructed: the strain perspective and the reversed rights perspective. The study suggests that immigration-related issues has gone from being a forum for distance making between mainstream parties and SD, to be like any other issue – a forum for the usual political dynamics between governing parties and opposition.
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Sverigedemokraternas framgångar i kommunalvalen 2006 och 2010Ekholm, Kalle January 2013 (has links)
This essay examines the recent electoral success of the Sweden Democrats (SD) in the Swedish municipal election in 2006 and 2010. By using statistical methods it aims to explain which of three contradicting theoretical frameworks best can explain how a populist radical right party could penetrate one of the most stable party systems in the world. The theoretical approaches tested in this essay are: a demand-side, an external supply-side and an internal supply-side approach. By using theoretically anchored proxies to determine the effect of the contradicting theoretical approaches this essay concludes that the internal supply-side explanation measuring the local party organizational ability of the SD had the most substantial effect when it comes to explaining their recent electoral success in the Swedish municipalities, as opposed to a more commonly believed demand-side driven explanation.
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Inkluderande och exkluderande strategier och förhållningsätt mot Sverigedemokraterna i tre av riksdagens utskottBlomgren, Mattias January 2018 (has links)
Many studies have focused on whether or not different kinds of strategies used towards radical right parties give them more or less electoral support and power. This study, however, sets out to center the MP’s subjective views on how the strategies and different approaches are being used and experienced in parliamentary committees in the Swedish Riksdag. The purpose of the study is to gain new and more detailed information of the motivations used for the strategies from the MPs subjective views of the Swedish Democrats (SD). The different types of strategies studied are excluding strategies such as ignore, cordon sanitaire, demonise and defuse. The including strategies which are examined are adapt and collaborate. Vote technical disidentification is a theoretical contribution to strategies being used from this study and shows how MPs blame other parties for voting more on SD than their own. Semi- structured interviews with MPs from five parties, including SD, in three different parliamentary committees with a total number of 15 participants, which are used as the material. The result of the study suggests that there are some differences in the approaches of the different MPs, and the difference lies mostly in between and within parties and not so much among the different committees. The MPs have some differences in their subjective conception of the SD where some have a tough approach against them while others have a softer understanding to them socially but none except for one MP want formal collaboration with them. In broad terms, the political right has some tendencies to use inclusion strategies and the political left uses the exclusion strategies more broadly and not the inclusion at all, according to the result. Informal approaches to take distance from SD, used more by the political left. The perception of the strategies and approaches being used differs a lot from between the MPs from SD and the rest of the MPs in the study. A more hard, unfair and undemocratic is the perceptions of the MPs from SD of the strategy and approaches while the others do not see them as commonly used.
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Männerparteien? Le gender gap dans le vote d’extrême droiteMarlier, Jeanne 04 1900 (has links)
Dans la plupart des pays, les hommes sont plus enclins que les femmes à voter pour
des partis d’extrême droite. Ce mémoire contribue à notre compréhension de ce gender
gap en analysant le vote pour l’extrême droite lors des dernières élections européennes
dans 22 pays, en utilisant les données l’European Election Voter Study (2019). Dans
un premier temps, nous adoptons une approche exploratoire en analysant dans quelle
mesure les indicateurs socio-économiques et les positions idéologiques contribuent à
expliquer cet écart. Nous nous concentrons ensuite sur les facteurs contextuels en
testant deux explications tirées de la littérature. En nous appuyant sur une collecte de
données originale, nous cherchons d'abord à évaluer si une plus grande représentation
des femmes parmi les élus d’extrême droite entraine davantage de femmes à voter pour
ces partis. Nous cherchons ensuite à vérifier si les femmes sont plus portées à voter
pour des partis d’extrême droite moins extrême, en utilisant les données du Chapel Hill
Expert Survey (2019). Les résultats montrent que 38% du gender gap dans le vote
d'extrême droite est expliqué par les différences entre les positions des hommes et des
femmes dans l’opinion publique, tandis que les indicateurs socio-économiques ont une
contribution négligeable. Nous montrons également que l'effet positif du
positionnement idéologique sur l'échelle gauche-droite sur le vote d’extrême droite est
plus faible pour les femmes. De plus, le fait d'être en faveur de l'intervention de l'État
dans l'économie motive le vote d’extrême droite uniquement chez les femmes. Sur le
plan contextuel, nous montrons que plus la position des partis d’extrême droite est
extrême en ce qui concerne l'intervention de l'État dans l'économie, plus le gender gap
augmente. / In most countries, men are more likely to vote for radical right parties than women.
This thesis contributes to our understanding of this – yet to be explained – gender gap.
For doing so, I look at the radical right votes in the last European elections in 22
countries, using data from the European Election Voter Study (2019). In a first step, I
take an exploratory approach and systematically analyze whether and to what extent
socio-economic indicators and issue positions contribute to this gender gap. I then focus
on contextual factors by testing two explanations drawn from the literature. Relying
on original data, I first assess whether a greater representation of women among radical
right elected officials motivates more women to vote for these parties. I then test
whether women are more drawn to less extreme radical right parties, using data from
the Chapel Hill Expert Survey (2019). The results suggest that 38% of the gender gap
in voting for radical right parties is explained by differences in men’s and women’s issue
positions while the contribution of socio-economic indicators is negligible. I also show
that the positive effect of ideological placement on the left-right scale on radical right
voting is weaker for women. Furthermore, being in favour of state intervention in the
economy motivates radical right voting only for women. On the contextual level, I find
that the more extreme the stance of radical right parties is regarding state intervention
in the economy, the greater the gap becomes.
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Srovnání radikálně pravicových populistických stran v Norsku a ve Švédsku / The comparison of radical right-wing populist parties in Norway and in SwedenVrbková, Pavla January 2017 (has links)
The term 'populist radical right parties' often occurs in media, among experts or as a frequently discussed topic. The topic related to a rise of such of political parties in Europe is parallelly linked to the context of growing number of immigrants. The aim of this work is to clarify reasons of the origin and long-term success of two populist radical right parties. The work analyzes and consequently compares the existence of the Swedish Democrats and the Norwegian Progress Party. Even though Sweden and Norway share several historical and cultural features, situation around selected political parties is apparently different. Norway's Progress Party succeeded in an election of 1973 already. Nowadays it can be listed among Norwegian strongest political parties. On the other hand, the populist radical right party, Swedish Democrats, entered the political scene in 2002 only. The starting point of the time research frame for this thesis is defined as the breakthrough of the Progress Party in 1973 with Anders Lange in lead. The core of the thesis is based on the concept of supply and demand according to which independent variables are categorized. The main purpose of the work is to determine the key factor, which leads to the success of selected political parties and analyze their development.
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Národní strana / National PartySibřinová, Pavla January 2013 (has links)
The National Party was active in the Czech politics roughly from 2000 to 2009.Despite the fact that the party had great political ambitions, it did not make any major electoral gains. The National Party is described in detail in chapters devoted to the formation of the National Party, its political agenda, ideological classification, to individuals and organizations participating in the establishment of the National Party, its political marketing, and the results of the National Party in the elections and international cooperation. The thesis addresses the following research questions: Why was the party unsuccessful? Concerning political marketing, were the selected communication channels adequate and was the way the party communicated correct? and Is there demand for a similar party in the Czech Republic at the moment?. We will answer the questions raised by applying a theoretical framework based on Cas Mudde's publication Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe and Alina Polyakova's study Explaining Support for Radical Right Parties in New Democracies: The Limits of Structural Determinants and the Potentiality of Civil Society, and also by conducting a survey which will research citizens' stands on various political issues.
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