Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-01T23:37:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 tese_9482_falcao_ws_textocompleto.pdf: 21891657 bytes, checksum: 1fc2d832b4b0431974aec0731297ec71 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-10 / O objetivo principal desta dissertação é investigar e socializar reflexões sobre as concepções de cidade produzidas por livros didáticos de Estudos Sociais publicados pela Companhia Editora Nacional (CEN) durante a década de 1970 no Brasil. O presente trabalho é fruto de pesquisas que envolvem conhecimentos de diferentes áreas das Ciências Humanas, em especial da História, da Geografia e da Educação, buscando em suas análises elementos metodológicos a partir do materialismo histórico-dialético em uma geografia e em uma história marxistas (LACOSTE, 2008; BOURDÉ; MARTIN, 2012). Questões relativas à cultura escolar são abordadas nesta pesquisa, sobretudo no que se refere aos diferentes materiais didáticos utilizados por professores e estudantes, para a compreensão das questões educacionais (JULIA, 2001). Nessa direção, procuramos compreender o que são e como problematizar os livros didáticos, a fim de pensá-los como recursos didáticos, como elementos culturais e como mercadorias. Investigamos a história dos Estudos Sociais na educação brasileira, em especial suas principais transformações ocorridas durante os anos do Regime Ditatorial Militar brasileiro. Ademais, discutimos o que são as cidades, estudando-as sob a ótica do capital. A fim de alcançar os objetivos principais e compreender as concepções de cidades presentes nos livros didáticos de Estudos Sociais, optamos por selecionar oito livros didáticos publicados pela CEN no período recortado. Quanto às culturas escolares, os livros didáticos nos auxiliaram a compreender que os Estudos Sociais não impuseram um fim à Geografia e à História escolares, pois os conteúdos disciplinares geográficos e históricos estavam presentes de forma clara em todos os livros analisados. Foi possível constatar também que cinco dos livros possuíam suas narrativas históricas e geográficas em uma perspectiva progressista de cidade, da economia e de sociedade. Já em outros dois, as cidades da década de 1970 estão praticamente ausentes, o que reforça a perspectiva de uma obra didática de história, que estava voltada para questões do passado. Dentre os livros analisados, verificou-se que apenas um possui abordagens problematizadoras em relação às cidades, às Revoluções Industriais e ao discurso do progresso econômico e social

Saudi stock market (SSM) has witnessed various market regulations and transformations taking place over the past decade. However, the impact of these reforms on market efficiency has not been addressed in the literature. Furthermore, idiosyncratic features of the market can play an important role on the market performance, yet these features have not been fully investigated. The aim of this thesis is to tackle these issues by empirically examining the market efficiency hypothesis and volatility behaviour of the Saudi stock market. Specifically, in order to better understand the relationship between stock returns and prohibition of interest (riba), both conditional and unconditional volatilities are investigated in the context of Islamic law and herd behaviour of noise traders. In Chapter 2 the efficient market hypothesis is tested on the basis of various market efficiency models. Results of both parametric and non-parametric tests reveal that despite the evidence of improved efficiency in the Saudi stock market the weak form of efficient market hypothesis theory is still generally rejected. Chapter 3 considers two types of the generalised autoregressive conditional heteroscedasticity (GARCH) model, a univariate and multivariate GARCH. Specifically, the univariate GARCH model is used to test the seasonality effect of the Ramadan month on each of the five stock market sectors. The multivariate GARCH is used instead to investigate the effect of interest (riba) prohibition in Islam on the volatility of the Saudi stock market. A distinction is made between stocks that are in agreement with Islamic Sharia’a law and interest paying stocks that are not allowed to devoted Muslim investors. The result demonstrates that the Islamic compliant sectors are more volatile than non-Islamic compliant ones. Further, Ramadan seasonality is more significant for non-Islamic compliant stocks. Chapter 4 investigates market inefficiency by considering two anomalies: investors’ herd behaviour and structural breaks in the Saudi stock market. The herd behaviour is investigated by estimating a nonlinear asymmetric cross-sectional absolute deviation model, whereas structural shifts are modelled by estimating a Markov regime switching model. The volatility models considered confirm that both Islamic law and immature behaviour of investors are important factors that contribute to informational imperfectness in the Saudi stock market.

Bakgrund: Vid graviditet sker många olika förändringar i kroppen, bland annat utsöndras hormonet relaxin vilket leder till ökad rörlighet i kroppens leder. Besvär från bäcken- och ländrygg är vanligt förekommande vid graviditet. När dessa besvär uppkommer är fysioterapeutens uppgift att följa de riktlinjer som tagits fram av Fysioterapeuternas Riksförbund. Fysisk aktivitet har visat sig vara en av de bättre strategierna för att förebygga och behandla graviditetsrelaterade besvär. Fysioterapeuterna är den tredje största professionen inom hälso- och sjukvård i västvärlden. Det är därför viktigt att förstå fysioterapeuternas roll vid graviditet och postpartum. Syfte: Syftet med studien var att beskriva fysioterapeuters roll vid graviditetsrelaterade bäcken- och ländryggsbesvär. Metod: Studien hade en kvalitativ ansats och analyserades med en kvalitativ innehållsanalys, urvalet av deltagare var strategiskt. Fyra fysioterapeuter med i genomsnitt drygt 24 års kliniska erfarenheter deltog. Resultat: Analysen av intervjuerna resulterade i en huvudkategori; Fysioterapeutens roll vid graviditetsrelaterade bäcken- och ländryggsbesvär och tre kategorier; (i) Fysioterapeuten som behandlare, (ii) Fysioterapeutens förhållande till teoretisk respektive praktisk kunskap samt (iii) Fysioterapeutens syn på patientens roll i kontakten. Varje kategori har i sin tur underkategorier som täcker området för huvudkategorin. Konklusion: Resultatet visade att den vanligaste typen av behandling var individanpassad träning. Deltagarna ansåg sig ha tillräcklig kompetens för att behandla graviditetsrelaterade bäcken- och ländryggsbesvär men tyckte att erfarenheten var bristande. Slutligen skulle ett bättre samarbete mellan fysioterapeut och övriga vårdgivare kunna bidra till ett bättre omhändertagande vid denna typ av besvär.

Le cadre juridique des investissements étrangers en Algérie a été marqué par de profonds changements depuis la promulgation du premier code des investissements, en 1963. Cette mutation n’a pas toujours été en phase avec les processus de développement économique national et le changement du contexte international. Le modèle socialiste de la gestion des affaires économiques qui a prédominé à partir du milieu des années 60 jusqu'au milieu des années 80 a progressivement cédé la place à un retrait graduel de l'Etat du champ économique. On assiste, depuis, à une émergence d’un secteur privé qui tente toujours de trouver sa place, à une vague de privatisations, à une libéralisation du commerce extérieur et à un appel aux capitaux étrangers pour financer le développement économique.Cette volonté manifeste d’accéder à une économie de marché est encore plus perceptible dans le dernier code des investissements de 2001. Ces efforts de mise en conformité du droit interne des investissements avec le droit international des investissements sont relayés par un discours politique offensif.Néanmoins, cet environnement juridique incitatif perd de son attrait lorsqu’on le confronte, soit aux textes promulgués en matière de réglementation du commerce extérieur et la réglementation des changes, soit à l’environnement administratif dans lequel est mis en œuvre l’ensemble de ces textes de lois. Cette confrontation est particulièrement instructive quant à l’insuffisance de cohérence de la politique étatique suivie en matière d’investissement étranger. Ceci révèle la balance d’intérêt des autorités algériennes entre l’augmentation de la contribution des investissements étrangers au potentiel économique et technologique national et la sauvegarde de la souveraineté nationale.Ainsi, le questionnement de la politique législative algérienne d’investissement permet de comprendre les fondements de la doctrine algérienne des investissements étrangers. Cette compréhension favorise l’émergence d’une stratégie qui concilie attractivité et préservation des intérêts publics. / The legal framework for foreign investment in Algeria was marked by profound changes since the enactment of the first investment code in 1963 This change has not always been in line with the process of national economic development and change in the international environment . The socialist model of economic management that prevailed from the mid 60s to mid 80s gradually gave way to a gradual withdrawal of the state from the economic field. There has since been an emergence of a private sector that is still trying to find its place, a wave of privatization, liberalization of foreign trade and to rely on foreign capital to finance the development will économique.Cette Manifest access to a market economy is even more noticeable in the latest investment Code of 2001 These efforts compliance of domestic investment law with the international investment law are supported by a political speech offensif.Néanmoins, the legal environment incentive loses its appeal when confronted or to enactments in regulation of foreign trade and foreign exchange regulations, or administrative environment that is implemented in all these laws. This comparison is particularly instructive about the lack of consistency in state policy with respect to foreign investment. This reveals the balance of interest between the Algerian authorities increasing the contribution of foreign investment to national economic and technological potential and safeguarding sovereignty nationale.Ainsi, questioning the Algerian legislative investment policy allows us to understand the foundations of the Algerian doctrine of foreign investment. This understanding promotes the emergence of a strategy that balances attractiveness and preservation of public interest.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T17:55:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriane Mallmann Eede Hartwig.pdf: 2354587 bytes, checksum: e4ea414bd05db93ebb12de92ba5b2165 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-07-24 / The purpose of this study is to discuss how music can both, lull moments and emotions and make possible to a historian to get closer to determinate socio-historical contexts or specific conjunctures, having as basis, the premise that the process that go through the production of an artist, or of music, is related to certain historical moments. We would like to emphasize that if this work has as central question the construction of an artist, Wilson Simonal, it is not a biography or a determinist digression about mass media, but having as a basis a case study, consisting in an analysis about the established relations between the cultural industry and the artist. This artist is seen from the various forms of living and experience that influence his image about consumption and the path of his career. In a synthesis, this work is concerned about the singer and his trajectory, that can be seen as a simple merchandize, a propagation instrument of the bourgeois values in an specific period of time, a legitimation of a State determined form, shows, through apparent attitudes, or effectively contradictory, throughout his public life, his acts as a person. Therefore, being an instrument of the system, he also uses advantage of what comes in favor of him. The time circumscription of this research, between 1963 and 1971, marks out, in general, the military civil coup of 1964 and the subsequent failure of a Force Regime in the country. Simonal became in this period a successful artist, having great popularity. We consider that his closeness to the military, the investments of multinational enterprises in his career, and the image showed of him as the hero of workers , express a dominant class project that, through means made available by the cultural industry, legitimate the regime and fundamentally, assert the capitalism as an ideal socio-economic formation. After the moment that Simonal is able not only to sell his product but also sell ideologies, other idols take his place. The cultural industry produces short-livings. For the artists to be relegate to the ostracism take on outlines of conspiracy; sectors of the artist and intellectual means see in Simonal a Regime informer, justifies the contempt that the artist needs to face. These are just examples of how an episode can be remembered in different ways, in a direct relation with the place where it is said. Concluding, the surveyed sources do not allow to establish a direct connection between the accusations that attain Simonal and the decadence of his career, and this is not the objective of this study, but, as they enable us to perceive that the Brazilian artist was forgotten quickly, make us ponder about the constitution of the memories or the structures of the forgetfulness / Este estudo tem como propósito problematizar a música que, se por um lado, embala momentos e emoções, por outro, possibilita ao historiador se aproximar de contextos sócio-históricos determinados ou de conjunturas específicas, tendo como base a premissa de que o processo que perpassa a produção de um artista, ou de uma música, relaciona-se com certos momentos históricos. Diante do exposto, explicita-se que, se esta Dissertação tem como questão central a construção de um artista, ou seja, Wilson Simonal, não se trata de uma biografia, ou de uma digressão determinista sobre mass media, mas, tendo com fundamento um estudo de caso, consiste, isto sim, numa análise acerca das relações estabelecidas entre aquela que se convencionou designar Indústria Cultural e o artista. Artista este, apreendido enquanto sujeito, tendo em vista as várias formas pelas quais sua vivência, sua experiência, interfere na conformação peculiar de sua imagem de consumo e nos desdobramentos de sua carreira. Em síntese, pondera-se, neste trabalho, sobre um intérprete e sua trajetória que, podendo ser apreendido meramente como mercadoria, instrumento de veiculação da infalibilidade dos valores burgueses e, em consonância, naquele momento particular, de legitimação de uma forma determinada de Estado, denota, através de atitudes aparentemente, ou efetivamente, contraditórias, ao longo de sua vida pública, sua atuação enquanto sujeito. Outrossim, tendo sido instrumento do sistema, também tira proveito dos ventos que sopram a favor. A circunscrição temporal desta pesquisa remete aos anos entre 1963 a 1971, demarcando, em linhas gerais, o golpe civil-militar de 1964 e o subseqüente recrudescimento de um Regime de Força no país. No que tange a Simonal, torna-se, neste período, um artista de sucesso, gozando de expressiva popularidade. Considera-se que sua proximidade com os militares, os investimentos de multinacionais em sua carreira e a imagem construída como sendo herói das classes trabalhadoras, expressam um projeto das classes dominantes, no qual, através dos meios viabilizados pela indústria cultural, legitima-se o Regime e fundamentalmente, afirma-se o capitalismo enquanto formação sócio-econômica ideal. Passado o momento em que além de mercadorias, Simonal é capaz de vender ideologias, outros ídolos tomam seu lugar. A indústria cultural produz efemérides. Para o artista/sujeito ser relegado ao ostracismo assume contornos de conspiração; para setores do meio artístico e intelectual vislumbrar em Simonal um informante do Regime, justifica o menosprezo de que o artista passa a ser alvo. São apenas exemplos, dentre outros possíveis, de como um mesmo episódio pode ser lembrado de maneiras diferentes, numa relação direta com o lugar de onde se fale. Concluindo, as fontes examinadas não permitem estabelecer uma conexão direta entre as acusações que atingem Simonal e a decadência de sua carreira, sequer é este o objetivo deste estudo, todavia, por possibilitarem perceber que o ícone do brasileiro que deu certo cai rapidamente no esquecimento, faz ponderar sobre a constituição das memórias ou de estruturas de esquecimento

Syftet med uppsatsen var att belysa hur de kulturella och sociala praktikerna kring ICE HOT, en plattform för samtida dans, var formade och konstituerade. Vår analys grundar sig i hur aktörerna på fältet formas av sannings regimer. Detta undersöktes genom en diskursanalys av primärdata, i form av intervjuer av aktörer i fallet samt publicerade dokument av ICE HOT som sekundärdata. De senaste decenniernas styre av offentlig sektor, har starkt påverkats av influenser från näringslivet, även känt som New Public Management (NPM). Sedan en tid tillbaka går det att skönja hur mål- och resultatstyrning, ökande kontroll, användandet av ekonomiska incitament och köp-och-säljmodeller präglat den offentliga sektorns kultursfär och inte minst kulturpolitiken.  Vi har använt oss av Cornelius Castoriadis ontologisk institutionell teori, Michel Foucaults utgångspunkter om sanning, maktrelationer och governmentality. Samt Eva Bejeroth och Hans Hasselbladhs modell om interventioner. NPM har blivit den hegemoniska diskursen på fältet. Aktörerna tycks i mångt och mycket befinna sig mitt i diskursens bubbla, men i vissa fall finner vi en konkurrerande diskurs. Dock verkar den konkurrerande diskursen ha svårt att undanröja NPMs instrumentella rationalitet, då den förespråkar den kulturella logiken.

Global Ocean Governance (GOG) är till för att styra och organisera aktörers nyttjande av havens resurser som inte täcks av nationell lagstiftning på ett hållbart sätt. Men efter årtionden av staters förbiseende av regimen för ett hållbart nyttjande som främst FNs Generalförsamling (UNGA) ämnat skapa, har regimen inte fungerat. Även om stater rationellt skulle gynnas av att samarbeta för ett hållbart nyttjande av havens resurser genom ett moratorium av bottentrålfiske i internationellt vatten, har detta inte skett. Det är alltså tydligt att regimen inte fungerar. Frågan är varför - det vill säga hur regimen brister i att säkerställa ett hållbart nyttjande av havens resurser. För att ta reda på hur regimen brister krävs en undersökning av regimens (in)effektivitet.Det finns ingen konsensus mellan regimteoretiker av vad som utgör en (in)effektiv regim och hur en regims effektivitet kan mätas. Denna studies huvudsakliga bidrag till den vetenskapliga forskningen är att bidra med information om vad som utgör en effektiv respektive ineffektiv regim. Denna studies syfte är inte att ta reda på denna fråga, men att genom analysen om hur regimen av ett moratorium av bottentrålfiske i internationellt vatten brister, bidra till den vetenskapliga forskningen utifrån teorikonsumtion.Genom Greenes (1996) kriterier för vad som utgör en (in)effektiv regim har jag undersökt hur regimen, dess skapande institutioner samt regimens omgivning, brister. Ett viktigt resultat av min analys är att UNGA brister på grund av sin försiktighet att styra staters beteende genom en global regim, det vill säga betoningen av dess resolutioner i frågan om ett moratorium mot bottentrålfiske i internationellt vatten är bristfälliga. / The main task of Global Ocean Governance (GOG) is to govern and organize actor’s exploitation of the resources that the seas that are not covered by national jurisdiction provide, in a sustainable manner. But after decades of state’s ignorance towards theregime on a sustainable use of the resources of the seas that the United Nation’s General Assembly (UNGA) has been aiming to create, the regime has shown to be dysfunctional.Even if states would benefit rationally from cooperation for a sustainable use of the resources that the seas provide through a moratorium on bottom trawling of the high seas, such cooperation is not in place. It is clear that the regime is dysfunctional. The question is why – that is, in what way the regime is insufficient in providing a sustainable use of the resources of the high seas. In order to analyse why the regime is flawed, an evaluation of the regime’s (in)efficiency is required.There is no consensus among regime theorists of what makes an (in)effective regime and how a regime’s effectiveness can be measured. The main scientific contribution of this study is to contribute with information on what criteria makes an effective or an ineffective regime. The purpose of this study is not to examine this question per se, but to, through the analysis of how the regime on a moratorium of bottom trawling in the high seas is lacking, provide to the scientific regime discussion through theory consumption.Through Greene’s (1996) criteria on what makes a regime (in)effective, I have analysed how the regime, it’s creator’s, and the surroundings of the regime, fails. A key- finding of my analysis is that UNGA fails because of its caution to steer state’s behaviour through a regime, that is, the stress of its resolutions for a moratorium on bottom trawling in the high seas are lacking.

Climate change has often been framed as a global issue but slow progress in the global climate negotiations and an increasing need to plan for local adaptation have made it increasingly salient to also discuss the potential of other arenas for climate policy and knowledge production. This dissertation analyzes the interplay between science and policy at the international regional level based on a study of an assessment of the impacts of climate change in the Arctic. In this case, the regional arena brought new actors into climate knowledge production and policy with an increased emphasis on the complexity of social and cultural impacts of climate change among indigenous peoples. The dissertation also shows how the structure of regional political cooperation played a role in highlighting the Arctic as a bellwether for global change. Meanwhile, the political negations that were linked to the regional climate impact assessment were ruled by the same political dynamics and policy positions as the global climate negotiations. The process illustrates how the structure of international cooperation can influence knowledge production about climate change. The dissertation emphasizes the role of vertical interplay among political regimes and how new arenas can make an assessment salient, credible, and legitimate to different actors. It also highlights the political dimensions of focusing on particular spatial scales and governance levels in climate knowledge production and policy. / Klimatförändringarna har ofta gestaltats som en global fråga, men bristen på politiska åtgärder och ett ökande behov att anpassa samhället efter nya klimatförhållanden har gjort det alltmer angeläget att även undersöka vilka möjligheter ett regionalt perspektiv kan öppna för såväl klimatpolitik som kunskapsproduktion. Med utgångspunkt från en studie av en kunskapssammanställning av hur klimatförändringarna påverkar Arktis, analyserar avhandlingen samspelet mellan vetenskap och politik i ett internationellt regionalt samarbete. Studien visar att det regionala sammanhanget gav nya aktörer möjlighet att delta i både den internationella klimatpolitiken och kunskapsproduktionen om klimatförändringar. Det ledde bland annat till en betoning på att det fysiska klimatet är en av många faktorer som påverkar hur Arktis urbefolkningar kommer att drabbas av klimatförändringarna och att även kulturella och sociala faktorer spelar stor roll. Avhandlingen visar också på hur bilden av Arktis som en väckarklocka för de globala klimatförändringarna har vuxit fram ur strukturen för det politiska regionala samarbetet. De politiska förhandlingar som var kopplade till kunskapssammanställningen var däremot färgade av samma intressekonflikter som de globala klimatförhandlingarna. Processen illustrerar hur strukturerna för internationellt samarbete kan påverka kunskapen om klimatförändringar. Avhandlingen lyfter särskilt fram hur nya arenor för politiskt samarbete och det vertikala samspelet mellan politiska regimer på olika nivåer kan göra kunskap om klimatet angelägen, trovärdig och legitim för olika aktörer. Avhandlingen betonar också det finns politiska dimensioner i den skala man väljer för att studera klimatförändringarna.

L’objet de cette étude est d’offrir une vision à la fois d’ensemble et particulière sur les revues satiriques publiées durant les dernières années du franquisme et pendant Transition démocratique. En effet, de nombreux bouleversements politiques et sociaux s’opèrent entre 1970 et 1982, ce qui représente objectivement une période relativement courte mais très riche en événements dans l’histoire de l’Espagne et de la Catalogne. En ce qui concerne la presse, l’entrée en vigueur de la Ley de Prensa e Imprenta en mars 1966 marque un point d’inflexion car elle supprime la censure préalable et permet le développement de publications beaucoup plus critiques et irrévérencieuses au début des années 1970, tels que Mata Ratos, Barrabás ou Por Favor. Très imprégnées par la tradition satirique catalane (comme Xut!, El Be Negre ou ¡Cu-Cut!), les revues de cette époque sont aussi influencées par la presse française, américaine et anglaise (Hara Kiri, Charlie Hebdo, National Lampoon, Punch, etc.). Peu à peu, elles réussirent à fissurer le carcan de la censure au prix de nombreuses mises sous séquestre, jugements, suspensions et condamnations. Après deux années troublées entre 1976 et 1978 où les menaces d’attentats contre les rédactions sont de plus en plus oppressantes, l’avènement de la démocratie est le point de départ d’un nouveau type d’humour plus général et incarné par El Jueves, et basé sur des faits de société ou d’actualité. De par leur style particulier et les thèmes qu’elles abordent, ces revues satiriques marquent profondément la société et le moment politique dans lequel elles évoluent. Leur impact est toujours perceptible aujourd’hui puisqu’El Jueves continue d’être publiée en 2017. / The purpose of this thesis is to provide both an overview and an analysis of the satirical journals published during the last years of Francoism and the Democratic Transition. Indeed, the country underwent many dramatic political and social changes between 1970 and 1982, which objectively represents a relatively short, extremely eventful period in the history of Spain and Catalonia. As concerns the press, the coming into effect of the Ley de Prensa e Imprenta in March 1966 marked an inflection point by suppressing prior censorship and paving the way for much more critical and irreverent publications, such as Mata Ratos, Barrabás or Por Favor, at the beginning of the 1970’s. Very much in debt to Catalan satirical tradition (e.g. Xut!, El Be Negre or ¡Cu-Cut!), the publications of the time were also influenced by the French, American, and English press (Hara Kiri, Charlie Hebdo, National Lampoon, Punch, etc.). Gradually, they succeeded in breaking the straitjacket of censorship at the cost of numerous confiscations, trials, suspensions and condemnations. Following two troubled years between 1976 and 1978, when editorial offices were subject to increasingly oppressive threats of attack, the advent of democracy was the starting point of a new, more general type of humor embodied by El Jueves and based on societal and current events. Due to their specific style and to the themes they dealt with, these satirical journals made a deep mark on society and on the political period. Their impact has endured, since El Jueves is still published in 2017.

This essay aims to explore the difference in the political system between the Ukrainian regime in the period 2010-2014 and the regime that emerged out of the euromaidan protests in 2014. Through this the essay will determine if there has been any democratical progress between both of the timelines and if any of the periods achieved the status of democracy. Democracy is defined as polyarchy which gives a clear structure to study both periods and compare them to the criteria’s that this type of democracy offers. The areas that will be studied are: Free and Fair Elections, Universal Suffrage, Elected Representatives, the Right to Candidate in Elections, the Right to Organize, Freedom of Speech and Alternative Sources of Information. The essay is a Theory Consuming Case Study with both descriptive questions and a descriptive approach to answer the questions. The framework that is used to analyze the information is of a qualitative nature. This essay concludes that both periods have had large democratic problems. Although the problems for both periods differ, in the first problem there are several events with rigged elections, crime against journalists and restraints of freedom of speech. The second period saw several improvements in several areas but issues with universal suffrage emerged. This caused both periods to not being able to fulfill the criteria’s of polyarchy which, in this study, is the benchmark for a democracy. Instead, both periods achieved the criteria’s for a hybrid regime which in many ways are equivalent of a flawed democracy.