Why are social democratic parties losing voters to right-wing populist parties? For decades, social democratic parties across Europe have been in decline. Much of this decline can be attributed to voters leaving in favor of right-wing populist parties. Despite extensive research on the growing support for these parties, researchers are yet to agree on even the most fundamental causes. In Sweden this phenomenon is seen in the voter flow from the Social Democrats to the Sweden Democrats. In this study, Sheri Berman's theory of social democratic success factors is used to explain the decline of the Social Democrats in favor of the Sweden Democrats, by conducting interviews with Sweden Democrat politicians who used to be Social Democrats. Results suggest that respondents' decisions to leave the Social Democrats were preceded by prolonged disappointment with the Social Democrats' political direction. According to respondents, the Social Democrats have lost focus on social unity within the Swedish population, down-prioritized social democratic politics and ideology in favor of political power and become an elite party lacking representatives that workers can identify with. Interestingly, respondents' decisions to leave the Social Democrats are not attributed to any essential shift in their personal values, but to the social democratic party abandoning social democracy. Migration, while mentioned by some respondents, is tied to welfare and economic politics as well as a lost sense of community. While social democracy used to be the only ideology combining communitarianism, the primacy of politics and democratic ideals, results indicate that these earlier social democratic traits now constitute success factors for today's right-wing populist parties.

This master's thesis deals with the emotional discourses of the association for Sudeten-German Social democrats in Swedish Exile (TG), which in its journal "Blätter" reported on the development of the group and the homeland lost in 1945. This study is limited to an examination of the discourse during the end of the war and the years immediately following, from 1944 to 1948. It also explains how the representatives of the association felt betrayed by so-called phenomena of rupture. The 'history of betrayal' goes back to 1918 and the peace treaties after the First World War, intensifies during the Munich Agreement in 1938 and finally reaches its climax when the Czechoslovak government in exile and even former comrades of the TG turn their backs and instead negotiate with the Soviet Union. This changes the discourse after the end of the war from a positivist perspective, with good connections to Czechoslovakia, to desperate appeals for reason to end the collective guilt, ethnic cleansing and finally develops into ironic anti-communist polemics, as the communists are structured as a scapegoat in the discourse. The anticommunism also serves an integrative function in the Swedish political and social democratic context. Ultimately the communist coup in Czechoslovakia of 1948 made the association feel vindicated in its ideals, but also felt melancholic, as the homeland was now considered lost forever. The purpose of the association is therefore limited to an integrative and culture-preserving function in exile. My research shows that the polemic against an omnipresent Other is more likely to serve the purpose of influencing the Swedish Social Democratic-led government to bring more Sudeten Germans to Sweden after the expulsion, so that a new homeland may be created there, than to directly provoke the Soviet Union or Czechoslovakia for change. / Diese Masterarbeit beschäftigt sich mit Diskursen der "Treuegemeinschaft Sudetendeutscher Sozialdemokraten in Skandinavien" (TG), die aus dem schwedischen Exil über die Entwicklung der Gruppe und der im Jahre 1945 verlorenen Heimat in der Zeitschrift "Blätter" berichtet. Die Arbeit beschränkt sich auf eine Analyse der Zeitschrift während des Kriegsendes und den unmittelbar folgenden Jahren, von 1944 bis 1948. Durch die Arbeit wird erläutert, wie die Vertreter der TG sich durch sog. Abbruchphänomene verraten fühlen. Die 'Verratsgeschichte' geht bis ins Jahr 1918 und den Friedensverträgen nach dem ersten Weltkrieg zurück, intensiviert sich während des Münchner Abkommens im Jahre 1938 und erreicht letztendlich ihren Höhepunkt, als die tschechoslowakische Exilregierung und ehemalige Genossen der TG ihren Rücken kehren und anstelle dessen Gespräche mit der Sowjetunion führen. Dadurch verändert sich der Diskurs nach Kriegsende von einer positivistischen Perspektive, mit guten Verbindungen zur Tschechoslowakei, hin zu panischen Appellen an die Vernunft, die ethnischen Säuberungen zu beenden. Schließlich entwickelt sich der Diskurs zur antikommunistischen Polemik, da die Kommunisten als Sündenbock im Diskurs strukturiert werden. Der Antikommunismus diente auch einer integrativen Funktion. Durch den kommunistischen Putsch in der Tschechoslowakei 1948 fühlte sich der Verein durch seine Ideale bestätigt, aber wurde auch melancholisch, denn die Heimat wird nun als für immer verloren gegolten. Der Zweck des Vereins wird deshalb auf eine integrative und kulturerhaltende Funktion im Exil beschränkt. Meine Untersuchung zeigt, dass die Polemik gegen einen allgegenwärtigen Anderen eher dem Zwecke dient, die schwedische durch die sozialdemokratisch geführte Regierung zu beeinflussen, damit mehr Sudetendeutsche nach der Vertreibung nach Schweden gelangen, um hier eine neue Heimat herzurichten, als die Tschechoslowakei oder die Sowjetunion zu beeinflussen.

Dans le contexte de la mondialisation contemporaine, le développement d’une structure de gouvernance à plusieurs niveaux nous oblige à revoir notre compréhension de la souveraineté de l’État et de l’exercice de la démocratie. Notre objectif consiste à présenter la pensée de David Held au sujet des conséquences de ces transformations de la gouvernance politique sur la théorie démocratique. Dans un premier temps, nous analyserons les conséquences de l’atténuation de la souveraineté de l’État, dorénavant partagée avec diverses organisations supranationales, sur la théorie de l’État démocratique moderne. Nous verrons comment Held répond au déficit démocratique constaté au sein de ces organisations, en adaptant le principe de subsidiarité au système de gouvernance multicouche émergeant, et ce, afin de rétablir la congruence entre les décideurs et les destinataires de leurs décisions, caractéristique de l’activité (libérale) démocratique. Dans un deuxième temps, nous présenterons les fondements normatifs du modèle théorique qu’il préconise pour assurer la démocratisation de ce nouveau système de gouvernance. Nous verrons pourquoi, selon Held, la poursuite de l’idéal démocratique exige aujourd’hui la mise en oeuvre d’une variété de droits, inspirés des valeurs sociales-démocrates, qu’il faut enchâsser dans le cadre constitutionnel de toutes les institutions de gouvernance du monde contemporain. De plus, nous dégagerons les objectifs institutionnels qu’il faut atteindre afin de parvenir à la réalisation d’une social-démocratie mondiale. Nous conclurons avec une brève analyse critique de son interprétation du principe de subsidiarité et de son approche “du haut vers le bas” (top-down) des processus conduisant à la démocratisation des institutions supranationales. / In the context of contemporary globalization, the development of a multi-layered structure of governance forces us to reexamine our understanding of the sovereignty of states and of the practice of democracy. Our objective consists in outlining the thinking of David Held concerning the consequences of these transformations of political governance on democratic theory. First, we shall analyze the consequences of the weakening of the sovereignty of states, from now on shared with diverse supranational organizations, on the theory of the modern democratic state. We shall see how Held responds to the democratic deficit noticed within these organizations, by adapting the principle of subsidiarity to the emerging multilayered system of governance, in order to restore the congruence between decision-makers and the recipients of political decisions, characteristic of the (liberal) democratic activity. Secondly, we shall present the normative foundations of the theoretical model which he recommends to ensure the democratization of this new system of governance. We shall see why today, according to Held, the pursuit of the democratic ideal requires the enactment of clusters of rights, inspired by social-democratic values, which it is necessary to set in the constitutional framework of all the institutions of governance of the contemporary world. Furthermore, we shall see what institutional objectives it is necessary to meet for the realization of a global social democracy. We shall end with a brief critical analysis of his interpretation of the principle of subsidiarity and of his top-down approach to processes leading to the democratization of supranational institutions.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / O Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB) surgiu em 1987, como uma opção de centro-esquerda, e, de acordo com seus fundadores a agremiação nasceu alinhada com a ideologia social-democrata. Contudo, desde sua origem o partido apresenta duas diferenças fundamentais em relação aos partidos social-democratas europeus: não tem vínculos com movimentos trabalhistas e defende o liberalismo de mercado. No decorrer de sua história, o partido muda da centro-esquerda para a centro-direita demonstrando mais claramente sua verdadeira inclinação ideológica, fato que pode ser observado no posicionamento de sua bancada, no auto-posicionamento e nas políticas que foram implementadas nos anos em que esteve à frente do executivo federal. A análise dos documentos do PSDB nos revela que a mudança do partido não foi de algo pragmático, na verdade o partido já apresentava simpatia às políticas pró-mercado em seus manifestos desde sua fundação. / The Brazilian Democratic Social Party (PSDB) was founded in 1987 as a center-left political party option. According to the founders, the party was created with the proposal to be embedded within the social democracy. However, since its foundation the party has two main features that make it completely different from what we know about the European social democracies parties. Firstly, it was not concerned with working class movements. Secondly, since its very beginning, the PSDB has been a defender of market liberalism. On the one hand, the economic and political context in which the PSDB was established could justify the adoption of its name and initial position. Nevertheless, on the other r hand, in its history, the party has continuously demonstrated its affinities with the neoliberal ideology. This is a fact that could be observed in face of the positioning of its Members of the Parliament and in the policies that have been implemented in PSDBs Federal Government mandatory years. Through analysis of the PSDBs documents, carried out in support of this thesis, it is possible to see that no paradigmatic change has occurred in the Partys history. In fact the PSDB has always showed in its policies manifestos proximity with market policies since its foundation.

Dans le contexte de la mondialisation contemporaine, le développement d’une structure de gouvernance à plusieurs niveaux nous oblige à revoir notre compréhension de la souveraineté de l’État et de l’exercice de la démocratie. Notre objectif consiste à présenter la pensée de David Held au sujet des conséquences de ces transformations de la gouvernance politique sur la théorie démocratique. Dans un premier temps, nous analyserons les conséquences de l’atténuation de la souveraineté de l’État, dorénavant partagée avec diverses organisations supranationales, sur la théorie de l’État démocratique moderne. Nous verrons comment Held répond au déficit démocratique constaté au sein de ces organisations, en adaptant le principe de subsidiarité au système de gouvernance multicouche émergeant, et ce, afin de rétablir la congruence entre les décideurs et les destinataires de leurs décisions, caractéristique de l’activité (libérale) démocratique. Dans un deuxième temps, nous présenterons les fondements normatifs du modèle théorique qu’il préconise pour assurer la démocratisation de ce nouveau système de gouvernance. Nous verrons pourquoi, selon Held, la poursuite de l’idéal démocratique exige aujourd’hui la mise en oeuvre d’une variété de droits, inspirés des valeurs sociales-démocrates, qu’il faut enchâsser dans le cadre constitutionnel de toutes les institutions de gouvernance du monde contemporain. De plus, nous dégagerons les objectifs institutionnels qu’il faut atteindre afin de parvenir à la réalisation d’une social-démocratie mondiale. Nous conclurons avec une brève analyse critique de son interprétation du principe de subsidiarité et de son approche “du haut vers le bas” (top-down) des processus conduisant à la démocratisation des institutions supranationales. / In the context of contemporary globalization, the development of a multi-layered structure of governance forces us to reexamine our understanding of the sovereignty of states and of the practice of democracy. Our objective consists in outlining the thinking of David Held concerning the consequences of these transformations of political governance on democratic theory. First, we shall analyze the consequences of the weakening of the sovereignty of states, from now on shared with diverse supranational organizations, on the theory of the modern democratic state. We shall see how Held responds to the democratic deficit noticed within these organizations, by adapting the principle of subsidiarity to the emerging multilayered system of governance, in order to restore the congruence between decision-makers and the recipients of political decisions, characteristic of the (liberal) democratic activity. Secondly, we shall present the normative foundations of the theoretical model which he recommends to ensure the democratization of this new system of governance. We shall see why today, according to Held, the pursuit of the democratic ideal requires the enactment of clusters of rights, inspired by social-democratic values, which it is necessary to set in the constitutional framework of all the institutions of governance of the contemporary world. Furthermore, we shall see what institutional objectives it is necessary to meet for the realization of a global social democracy. We shall end with a brief critical analysis of his interpretation of the principle of subsidiarity and of his top-down approach to processes leading to the democratization of supranational institutions.

Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2010. / Title from screen (viewed on July 29, 2010). Department of History, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Kevin Cramer, Daniella Kostroun, Giles R. Hoyt. Includes vitae. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 83-94).

The citizen is freer in a society that is perceived as open, but this leaves the individual to manage on the market by itself. When the liberation of the collective opens for the individuals to create their own welfare and the market thereby gaining greater influence in the individual's different lifeworld’s, we wonder if it can be seen in politics and, if so, how does the policy how does the policy respond to this development?We are looking for a comprehensive overall picture of modern sociology's view of individualization in order to use the driving forces and consumerism in a survey of how it is expressed in welfare policy. To see how individualization is expressed in welfare policy, we have used party platforms from Socialdemokraterna (the Social Democratic Party). Through the layout we have divided the work into two explanatory analysis parts, which we use to compile a result of the purpose of the work. The result clearly shows how the development towards individualization follows welfare policy developments, but since the policy has contributed to increased individualization, it will also focus on balancing the unfair social differences that become the consequences of an individualized society. / Medborgaren är friare i ett samhälle som framställs och uppfattas som öppet men individen utelämnas i och med detta allt mer till att självständigt klara sig på marknaden. När friställelsen från det kollektiva öppnar för individerna att skapa sin egen välfärd och marknaden därmed får större utrymme i individens olika livsvärldar, undrar vi om det kan ses i politiken och i så fall hur politiken svarar på denna utveckling?Vi söker efter en sammantagen helhetsbild av den moderna sociologins syn på individualisering för att använda drivkrafter och konsekvenser i en undersökning hur det yttrar sig inom välfärdspolitiken. För att se hur individualiseringen yttrar sig i välfärdspolitiken har vi använt oss av partiprogram från det Socialdemokratiska partiet. Vi har genom uppläggningen delat arbetet i två redogörande analysdelar som används för att sammanställa ett resultat av arbetets syfte. Det resultatet visar tydligt hur utvecklingen mot individualisering följer den välfärdspolitiska utvecklingen men att politiken sedan den bidragit till en ökad individualisering också kommer att inrikta sig på att utjämna de orättvisa sociala skillnader som blir konsekvenserna av ett individualiserat samhälle.

A presente dissertação tem como propósito, a partir do processo de construção e democratização da Política de Assistência Social no Brasil, pós SUAS, analisar o controle social tendo como objeto o Conselho Municipal de Assistência Social do município de Mesquita, na região da Baixada Fluminense / RJ e as condições de trabalho dos Assistentes Sociais nesses espaços. Inicialmente, abordamos a Política de Assistência Social no Brasil, desde a criação da extinta Legião Brasileira de Assistência Social (LBA), até os dias atuais, ressaltando os avanços na parte jurídico-legal-normativa desta política, o que tem se tornado um campo propício e amplo para o mercado de trabalho dos assistentes sociais na contemporaneidade. No debate do controle social na Política de Assistência, destacamos três importantes temáticas: a relação das entidades da sociedade civil com os conselheiros governamentais, nos espaços de representação política, democrática, deliberativa e paritária nos conselhos de assistência social; a participação dos segmentos de usuários dos serviços sócio assistenciais do município de Mesquita e, ainda, as condições em que vem ocorrendo à participação dos assistentes sociais nos espaços de controle social no município, através de relações de trabalho precárias, no que se refere à desregulamentação de direitos sociais trabalhistas dos profissionais. Para o estudo, analisamos as Atas do período de 2011-2012, e realizamos entrevistas semi-estruturadas com os conselheiros governamentais e não governamentais do Conselho Municipal de Assistência Social de Mesquita (CMAS), que atuaram no mesmo período, gestão empossada em Dezembro de 2011, após resultado do processo eleitoral das entidades da sociedade civil do CMAS. Dentre os achados da investigação, a partir do material empírico, mediado pelo pensamento de autores que discutem esta temática e pela legislação destacam-se: a superioridade da Representação Governamental sobre a Representação da Sociedade Civil no CMAS; não monitoramento e fiscalização do saldo orçamentário pelo CMAS / Mesquita; precarização das relações de trabalho na SEMAS / Mesquita; descontinuidade do Programa de Capacitação dos Conselheiros do CMAS / Mesquita; despreparo técnico dos conselheiros para apreciação de prestação de contas no CMAS, com ausência de tempo hábil para análise; manipulação política por parte da representação governamental no CMAS; o poder de influência do governo é maior do que da sociedade civil; necessidade de capacitação técnica, e principalmente capacitação ética e política dos conselheiros governamentais e da sociedade civil; precariedade dos equipamentos públicos dos SEMAS / Mesquita; parca participação dos Usuários dos Serviços Socioassistenciais na esfera do conselho, dentre outros aspectos que serão tratados nesta dissertação. Em suma, estes são as principais conclusões de forma resumida e sintética que abordaremos mais detalhadamente nas considerações finais deste trabalho. / This dissertation aims, from the process of building and democratization of Social Assistance Policy in Brazil, post YOUR analyze social control having as object the Municipal Social Welfare Council of the Municipality of Mesquita, in the Baixada Fluminense region / RJ and working conditions of social workers in these spaces. Initially, we address the Social Assistance Policy in Brazil, from creation of the extinct Brazilian Legion Social Assistance (LBA), to the present day, highlighting advances in judicial-legal-normative part of this policy, which has become a field suitable and ample market for social workers nowadays. In the discussion of social control in Assistance Policy , we highlight three important themes: the relationship of civil society with government advisers , the spaces of political representation , democratic , deliberative and joint boards of social assistance ; the participation of user segments of social welfare services in the municipality of Mosque and also the conditions under which is happening to the participation of social workers in social control spaces in the city , through precarious labor relations , with regard to deregulation labor social worker rights . For the study , analyzed the Minutes of the 2011-2012 period , and conducted semi - structured interviews with government and non-governmental advisors to the City Council of Social Welfare Mesquita (CMAS) interviews , which acted in the same period , management took office in December 2011, following the result of the election process of civil society CMAS . Among the findings of the investigation , from the empirical material, mediated by the thought of authors who discuss this issue and the legislation include: the superiority of Representation on Government Representation of Civil Society in CMAS ; no monitoring and enforcement of the budget balance by CMAS / Mesquita ; casualization of labor relations in SEMAS / Mosque ; discontinuation of the Training Program Directors of the CMAS / Mesquita ; technical preparation of the directors for consideration of accountability in CMAS , with no timely manner for analysis ; political manipulation by the government representation in CMAS ; the power of government influence is greater than that of civil society; need for technical training , and especially ethics and political empowerment of government advisers and civil society ; precariousness of public facilities of SEMAS / Mesquita ; scant participation of users of social assistance services in the sphere of the board , among other aspects that will be addressed in this dissertation. In short, these are the main conclusions in summary and synthetic form which will be discussed in more detail in the concluding remarks of this work.

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / A ciência política geralmente interpreta a social-democracia como moderação, adesão ao capitalismo e diferenças apenas residuais em relação ao liberalismo de mercado. Esta tese desenvolve outra definição, baseada nas ideias de Kautsky e Bernstein, com dois elementoschave: a importância central da democracia representativa parlamentar e o reconhecimento de que há limites para avançar na transformação social. O reformismo gradual que daí decorre é o meio pelo qual os partidos social-democratas buscam avançar no socialismo, promovendo a desmercantilização e fortalecendo os trabalhadores em relação ao capital. Há nos partidos social-democratas uma tensão entre o pragmatismo bernsteiniano e o purismo kautskiano, que evita que a social-democracia se mova para um dos extremos e, com isso, se descaracterize, preocupando-se apenas com as vitórias eleitorais ou tornando-se um partido de gueto. A atuação no limite das possibilidades e a luta para modificar tais limites requerem a confrontação da hegemonia mercantilizadora, não sendo suficiente migrar para o centro e vencer eleições. O conceito é, então, aplicado a seis partidos competitivos e seus governos, sendo três deles sul-americanos e os demais, europeus, com o intuito de averiguar o quanto atuaram no limite das possibilidades e tentaram alterar tais limitações, bem como o efeito da dinâmica intrapartidária sobre as decisões tomadas. Há uma análise de como os diferentes limites incidem sobre a atuação dos partidos. Os seis casos pesquisados são o Partido Socialdemocrata Trabalhista (SAP) sueco, o Partido Trabalhista Norueguês (DNA), o Movimento para o Socialismo (MAS) boliviano, o Partido Socialista Operário Espanhol (PSOE), o Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) brasileiro e a Frente Ampla (FA) uruguaia. O MAS aparece como o caso mais claro de social-democracia, contrariando as visões estereotipadas sobre o partido. O PSOE é o exemplo de agremiação que não avançou no limite das possibilidades. O viés neoliberal da União Europeia surge como limite para o avanço socialista nos países do continente, enquanto que as inovações empreendidas pelos partidos sul-americanos aponta para a sobrevivência da social-democracia nesta era de mercados integrados.

This master’s thesis revolves around the means of participation established around the newly formed Social Democratic Party in Sweden at the end of the 19th century. In 1889 the party was organized in close proximity to the editorial office of the party newspaper, Social-demokraten, and dependent on the support of its subscribers to uphold and increase circulation. Simultaneously, the consolidation of the Second socialist international provided a new framework for the national organisations as it was decided that May 1 of 1890 would be the date of synchronized mass- demonstrations for the legislation of the 8-hour working day. The thesis examines the means of participation and the associated construction of participatory political subjects in relation to the newspaper, the demonstration and the question of work time regulation. The analysis shows that the Swedish campaigns promoted an increased sense of self-awareness and obligation towards the larger organizational structures as well as society as a whole. Participation was put forth as a means of confessing to a genuine and unadulterated identity. This identity and its assigned biological features, as they were portrayed in relation to the question of work time regulation, created the physical characteristics of the participant as a focal point of the political project. The question was used to create knowledge about the participant as an objective outset in the quest for legitimacy. This process can also be seen as the creation of a situated public as an origin of power.