This study is a quantitative content analysis of the New York Times and Washington Post coverage of Iran during the period surrounding the Ayatollah Khomeini's ascension to power in 1979 as well as the period surrounding Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's election in 2005. The results showed that coverage of Iran in the elite American print media as it related to terror was higher in the period after Khomeini came to power and also in the period after Ahmadinejad's election than it was in the period immediately preceding their respective ascensions. The results also showed that there was more coverage of Iran as it related to terror in the year surrounding Ahmadinejad's election than there was during the year surrounding Ayatollah Khomeini's rise to power in Iran.

No description available.

Circulation des Phlébovirus en Turquie, l'Iran et l'Algérie a été étudiée. L'isolement, la caractérisation génomique, les relations phylogénétiques de six virus ont été présentées: le virus Adana (ADAV), deux souches de virus Toros (TORV), le virus Zerdali (ZERV) de la Turquie; le virus Dashli (DASHV) de l'Iran; le virus Toscana (TOSV) d'Algérie. Cette étude a commencé avec la collection de 38,131 phlébotomes de la nature. La méthode de séquençage de nouvelle génération (NGS) à haut débit nous à été utilisée pour l’analyse des génomes complet des virus isoles. En conclusion, cette étude a d'importantes contributions sur phlébovirus négligées. Voici quelques-unes des contributions significatives; (i) ZERV et TORV qui sont étroitement apparentés au virus Tehran (THEV) et le virus Corfou (CFUV), respectivement, ont été isolés depuis 56 et 30 ans des premiers isolements de THEV et CFUV, respectivement, (ii) Détection du virus ADAV un animal domestique et sur quelques sérums humain par test de neutralisation. Ce virus ADAV constitue avec le virus le virus (SALV), le virus Arbia (ARBV), et le virus (ADRV) le groupe Salehabad. Seul le virus ADRV a été détectée dans le liquide cérébro-spinal auparavant landais que avec les autres, aucune preuve pathogène n’a été détectée, (iii) Nous avons découvert la plus récente circulation phlébovirus en Iran après 56 années, (iv) TOSV a été isolé en Algérie pour la première fois et la circulation a été confirmée par séropositivités dans le sérum humain. / Sandfly-borne phlebovirus circulation in Turkey, Iran, and Algeria was investigated. The isolation, genomic characterization, phylogenetic relationships of 6 viruses was presented: Adana virus (ADAV), two strains of Toros virus (TORV), Zerdali virus (ZERV) from Turkey; Dashli virus (DASHV) from Iran; Toscana virus (TOSV) from Algeria. This study has begun with the collection of 38,131 sandflies from nature. The well established, high-throughput methodology was applied for the discovery of viruses including PCR tools and cell culture methods. Next generation sequencing (NGS) technology facilitated to perform complete genome analysis of the isolated viruses. In conclusion, this study has contributions to the neglected sandfly-borne phlebovirus group and filled some gaps about the circulation of these agents in Turkey, Iran, and Algeria. Following are some significant contributions; (i) ZERV and TORV which are closely related to Tehran virus (THEV) and Corfou virus (CFUV), respectively were isolated after 56 and 30 years of the first isolations of THEV and CFUV, respectively, (ii) There was no evidence of the pathogenicity of Salehabad virus (SALV) and Arbia virus (ARBV) except the detection of Adria virus (ADRV) in CSF until ADAV which belongs to the Salehabad serocomplex was detected in domestic animal and very few human sera by neutralization assay, (iii) We have discovered the most recent sandfly-borne phlebovirus circulation in Iran after 56 years, (iv) TOSV was isolated in Algeria for the first time and circulation was confirmed by seropositivities in human sera.

Le moins qu’on puisse dire est que l’Iran depuis la prise de pouvoir par les Ayatollahs en 1979 est un pays qui intéresse les hebdomadaires français et plus généralement les journalistes de notre pays. Une approche quantitative des articles consacrés à ce pays le prouve aisément. Mais il est particulièrement intéressant de constater que chacun des hebdomadaires français étudiés apporte une vision assez spécifique de ce qui caractérise l’Iran d’aujourd’hui. Toutefois, si la plupart des hebdomadaires sont d’accord pour reconnaître la complexité du problème iranien et de la société perse, "Valeurs Actuelles" par exemple va stigmatiser la barbarie du régime en place alors que"Courrier International", à l’inverse, va s’efforcer d’offrir un kaléidoscope d’opinions souvent contradictoires sur cette république islamique. De même, "Le Point" insiste sur la dangerosité de l’Iran d’aujourd’hui alors que "L’Express" met surtout l’accent sur les problèmes de nucléaire. "Marianne" pour sa part offre une étude équilibrée des problèmes tant internes qu’externes de l’Iran des Ayatollahs. En réalité, on peut constater un consensus des journalistes français spécialistes du monde persan sur le fait qu’en matière de politique intérieure, l’Iran ne cesse d’osciller entre démocratie et totalitarisme alors même que le pays semble avoir fait de la possession de l’arme nucléaire le futur point d’ancrage de sa politique extérieure à l’échelle internationale et de la sous-région. / The least we can say is that Iran since the seizure of power by the Ayatollahs in 1979 is a country that interests French weekly magazines and journalists. A quantitative approach of the articles concerning this country proves this assertion easily. But it is particularly interesting to note that each of the French weekly magazines provides a fairly specific approach that characterizes today's Iran. Nevertheless most French magazines recognize the complexity of the problems of Iran and Persian society. However, Valeurs Actuelles stigmatizes the barbaric regime while Courrier International, conversely provides a kaleidoscope of rather conflicting opinions on this Islamic republic. Similarly, Le Point emphasizes the danger of Iran today while L'Express focuses primarily on nuclear issues. Marianne on the other hand offers a balanced study of both internal and external problems of this country ruled by Ayatollahs. In reality, there may be a consensus among French journalists who are specialists of the Persian world due to the fact that concerning its domestic policy Iran continues to oscillate between democracy and totalitarianism even though the country seems to consider the possession of nuclear weapons as the future anchor of its foreign policy and sub-regional diplomatic role.

Le début du XXe siècle est marqué pour les Iraniens par un ensemble de réflexions et par de profonds changements dans leurs besoins et leurs attentes. Les sources de ces changements sont de deux ordres : le pétrole et la Constitution. Le pétrole en tant que richesse sortie de terre a été la cause de nombreux débats et mutations en Iran et au Moyen-Orient. La Constitution est considérée comme l’une des raisons de l’évolution de la pensée iranienne sur les questions de société et de liberté individuelle et collective. Elle a entraîné des réflexions et des transformations sur des sujets tels que la liberté, les valeurs nationales, les valeurs religieuses.Au milieu du XXe siècle, la ville de Téhéran, capitale de l’Iran, a connu des formes nouvelles avec des modifications dans la structure du pouvoir et des changements idéologiques dus à des volontés politiques. Quant aux conditions politiques et sociales, au cours de certaines périodes, le contrôle et l’exercice du pouvoir sur les espaces publics se sont rapidement radicalisés. Ces transformations se reflètent sur les espaces publics (culturels, éducatifs, religieux). Si l’État était favorable à la modernisation, des espaces modernes se formaient. Si l’État prônait l’expansion de la culture islamique, les espaces religieux devenaient prioritaires. Parmi les périodes importantes, citons celle de la Révolution islamique de 1978-1979 qui a cherché à nier les structures déjà formées et qui a souhaité créer une nouvelle forme de société. Les premières années après la révolution, puis les années de guerre entre l’Iran et l’Irak (1980-1988) constituent la période où les révolutionnaires se sont consacrés à réaliser « la Bible » de leur révolution. Cet ensemble de théorisations a influencé directement ou indirectement la structure de la société urbaine. Aujourd’hui, trois décennies après ces profonds bouleversements, après une période de « convalescence », on accorde moins d’importance à la Révolution islamique. Depuis, Nous avons été donc été témoins de grandes évolutions dans la structure du pouvoir ainsi que dans la gestion et le contrôle de l’espace.Afin d’étudier l’ensemble de ces transformations et le rôle de la population dans l’acceptation ou le refus de ces changements, nous avons étudié trois quartiers de Téhéran ayant différentes structures sociales, économiques et politiques. Le comportement, les valeurs et les besoins des habitants de chacun de ces quartiers se traduisent dans une dialectique entre ces habitants et le pouvoir. À l’échelle de la ville, nous nous intéressons aux espaces culturels publics et aux processus de leurs transformations au cours des années qui ont précédé et suivi la Révolution islamique. / The 20th century for Iranian people was involved with various changes and challenges in terms of needs and expectations. The changes in needs were rooted in two completely different sources: oil and Mashrote. The oil as a blessing gift from ground was the source of changes and challenges in Iran and Midealeast and the Mashrote was the initiation source of thinking transformation about society and individual and group freedom among Iranian population which was followed by the numerous movement and challenges such as freedom, national and religious values.In the length of 20th century, Tehran as the capital city of Iran along with every change in the structure of government as well as every Ideology changes has experienced new forms which were influenced by the commands and desires of authorities. Depended to social-political changes, the authority’s power exercising in some duration increased and in some cases decrease and the influences of this ideological movement gradually reflected in social and cultural spaces of society. In the case that government tended to modernization, the modern spaces were formed and if the government was following the Islamic culture, the religious spaces got more attention.One of the critical durations was Islamic Revelation of 1978 which was putting a lot of efforts to negate the past durations and trying to establish the new form of society. The first years of Islamic Republic which was followed by the war between Iran and Iraq were the years that revolutionaries was trying to uphold the Islamic revelation rules. All these direct and indirect rules had effects on social city. Now after three decades of huge changes, the revelation convalescence has passed and we are witness of changes and transformations in government structure as well as management and control of spaces.To assess the ensemble of changes and the people positions in acceptance or ignorance of these changes, three districts with different social, economic and political structures were selected where Beryânak- Haft Chenar, Nârmak, Shahrak-e Gharb the behavior, values and the needs of residence of each district will be considered as a dialectical between residences and authorities. In city scale, the cultural and public spaces and their changes trend before and after of Islamic revolution were investigated. / شروع قرن بیستم برای ایرانیان ، حامل چالش ها، تغییرات در زمینه نیازها و انتظارات بود، این تغییر خواسته هایدو سرچشمه کاملا متفاوت داشتند: نفت و مشروطه. نفت به عنوان نعمتی که از زمین می جوشید و سرچشمهتحولات و چالش های متفاوتی در ایران و خاورمیانه را در بر داشت، و مشروطیت که باعث تغییر و تحول در تفکرایرانیان نسبت به جامعه و آزادی های فردی و جمعی محسوب می شود، مشروطیتی که جنبش ها و چالش های بیشماری در پی داشت ، آزادی،ارزش های ملی یا ارزش های دینی .در طی سالهای قرن بیستم شهر تهران، پایتخت ایران ،با هر تغییر ساختار قدرت ، یعنی با هر تغییر ایده لوژی ، تحتتاثیر خواسته های دولتمردان ، فرمی جدیدی از اعمال فشار را تجربه کرده است. بسته به تغییر شرایط سیاسی اجتماعی در دوره هایی این کنترل و اعمال قدرت بر فضاهای عمومی رادیکال تر شده است و در بازه های زمانیکمتر. تاثیر تحولات ایدولوژیک بر فضاهای مرتبط با ساختار فرهنگی و جامعه بازتاب یافته است . اگر دولت بهدنبال مدرنیزاسیون بود، فضا های مدرن شکل می گرفتند و اگر به د نبال اشاعه فرهنگ اسلامی بود ، فضاهای مذهبیمورد توجه قرار گرفته اند.از دوره های حساس و قابل بحث ، انقلاب اسلامی سال 7531 بود که سعی در نفیساختارهای شکل گرفته در دوره های پیش از خود و در پی ایجاد فرم جدیدی از جامعه بود . اولین سالهای پس از حاکمشدن نظام جمهوری اسلامی و در پی آن جنگ مابین ایران و عراق بود ، که دهه اول پس از انقلاب را در بر می گیرد، مجموعه سالهایی بودند که انقلابیون در پی اجرای انجیل انقلابشان بودند. این مجموعه اعمال نظرها به طور مسقیم وغیر مستقیم بر کالبد و اجتماع شهری موثر بودند. در حال حاضر با گذشت بیش از سه دهه از این تحول عظیم ، دورهنقاهت پس از انقلاب اسلامی سپری شده است و در طی این سه دهه شاهد تغییر ، تحول و دگرگونی های در ساختارقدرت و نحوه اداره، مدیریت و کنترل فضای عمومی بوده ایم . برای بررسی مجموعه این تغییرات و جایگاه مردم،در رد یا قبول این تغییرات، سه محله با ساختار اجتماعی، اقتصادی و سیاسی متفاوت با نام های بریانک -هفتچنار، نارمک و شهرک غرب را انتخاب و بررسی نموده ایم . در طی این تحقیق در صدد تحلیل فرم فضا، نحوهتعریف فضای عمومی، ارزش ها و نیازهای ساکنین هر یک از این سه محله در مقیاس خرد پرداختیم .در مقیاس شهربه بررسی فضاهای فرهنگی عمومی و روند تغییراتشان در سالهای پیش از انقلاب اسلامی و پس از آن در مقیاسکلان پرداختیم. چراکه فضای عمومی را عرصه دیالکتیک میان ساکنین و قدرت می شناسیم، خواه در مقیاس محله،خواه در مقیاس یک شهر.

This study examines the decision making process in Washington which led to the current non-existence of political and economic relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States. The study examines the U.S.-Iran relationship at three levels-of-analysis: the individual, state, and system levels. From a geopolitical perspective, Iran and the United States have often been natural allies that pursued similar policy goals. After 9/11, the U.S. entered Afghanistan and Iraq which further necessitated the reengagement of Tehran. Iranian regional clout would play a vital role in stabilization of Iraq and Afghanistan and without Iran's assistance; peace will not likely be realized in those states. Amongst the most compelling reasons for Washington to engage in meaningful dialogue with Tehran are: terrorism, the war on drugs, the Iranian sponsorship of militant groups, and Tehran's pursuit of a nuclear program. The study concludes that rapprochement should occur in two phases. The first being cooperation in areas of mutual concern such as the war on drugs. The second phase promoting confidence building methods, which would lead to a strategic partnership based on mutual interests.

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / In a world in which the use of violence continues to be viewed as an acceptable method to pursue political goals, the use of terrorism as a political method will also continue. And within that world, in the coming years, hostage rescues and other direct actions to combat terrorism are likely to be the most frequent type of missions conducted by state special operations forces, including those of Romania. This thesis explores the importance of integrating three types of decisions-informational, structural, and operational-for the successful outcome of special operations. The thesis analyzes four operations, conducted by American, Belgian, and Israeli forces, and the circumstances of their positive or negative outcomes. The historical cases show that, if any one of the three types of decisions was not integrated with the other two, the operation was doomed. The analysis also reveals that the integration of decision-making can best be realized by using interagency coordination mechanisms and a collocation of decision-makers, especially for situations in which command arrangements are highly complicated or unclear. In light of the findings in the four case studies, an analysis of the Romanian Special Operations Forces reveals that its overall structure does not favor either immediate-response or high-complexity missions. The thesis concludes with a number of recommendations for short- and long-term mitigation of current command and control problems faced by Romanian Special Operations Forces. / Captain, Romanian Army

Cette thèse étudie la scène théâtrale et ses transformations dans le contexte socio-politique de Téhéran entre 2009 et 2019 à travers le prisme de la spatialité (Lussault, 2007). Cette période se caractérise d’un côté par l’éclosion de nouveaux espaces de représentation de diverses natures architecturales, urbaines et institutionnelles et, de l’autre, par l’apparition de nouvelles formes d’investissement et d’appropriation d’espaces urbains à des fins théâtrales par les artistes et spectateurs. Pour interroger ces mutations, cette étude analyse trois cas– représentatifs du théâtre privé, du théâtre Off Stage et du théâtre Underground – à partir d’une approche théorique qui conjugue social production of space et social construction of space (Low, 2017). Ce faisant, la présente thèse démontre qu’au-delà des dimensions esthétiques et dramaturgiques, les évolutions de la scène théâtrale à Téhéran se traduisent surtout par un changement qui touche à la spatialité urbaine du théâtre. Cela se concrétise d’une part dans la transformation de l’agencement spatial du théâtre dans la ville et, de l’autre, dans les manières dont les relations et dynamiques sociales et politiques de la ville se spatialisent dans le théâtre. Du fait de ce double processus, et dans la conjoncture socio-politique tendue et changeante du Téhéran des années 2010, l’espace théâtral, jusqu’alors quasiment cloisonné et exclu de la sphère publique, émerge en tant qu’espace public. Il devient ainsi non seulement le lieu du politique, là où se rencontrent différentes forces politiques et sociales (Balme, 2014), mais aussi l’élément principal dans les dynamiques de pouvoirs entre elles. Sa production en tant qu’entité architecturale et urbaine, son occupation, son appropriation et même ses caractéristiques et frontières sociales, symboliques et discursives font alors l’objet de luttes, débats, négociations et interventions – parmi les plus tendus voire virulents que la capitale iranienne ait connus au cours de la dernière décennie – de la part des trois forces principales présentes sur le terrain :le pouvoir autoritaire et idéologique en place, les opérateurs économiques et financiers et les citoyens, en l’occurrence artistes et spectateurs. D’un côté, les forces politiques, idéologiques et financières dominantes mettent en place la privatisation du théâtre, qui est conceptualisée ici comme une stratégie spatiale (De Certeau, 1990). Elles régulent l’espace théâtral, sa production et son utilisation au moyen de multiples processus d’exclusion, d’uniformisation et de domination politiques, idéologiques et économiques. De l’autre côté, des citoyens déploient des tactiques (De Certeau), c’est-à-dire de nouvelles formes d’appropriation de l’espace en utilisant les brèches, incohérences et interstices dans la stratégie dominante. De ce fait, des espaces urbains produits, régulés et surveillés à des fins politiques, idéologiques, voire capitalistes, ouvrent la voie à de nouvelles formes d’agencies pour des artistes et spectateurs. Tantôt ces formes se traduisent par des actes de résistance, de lutte, de contestation (le théâtre Underground), tantôt par des négociations et des compromis (les théâtres privés) ou même par des contournements et des contre-expériences (le théâtre Off Stage). Cependant, quelles que soient la forme et les conséquences de ces interactions, celles-ci ouvrent des fractures dans l’ordre politique, idéologique et économique dominant la ville et son espace. Elles rendent ainsi possibles l’émergence et la survie de formes d’altérité dans la sphère et l’espace publics. / This thesis studies the theatre and its transformations in the socio-political context of Tehran between 2009 and 2019 through the question of spatiality (Lussault, 2007). This period is characterized, on the one hand, by the blossoming of new performance spaces of various architectural, urban and institutional natures throughout the city and, on the other hand, by the appearance of new forms of appropriation of urban spaces for theatrical purposes by artists and spectators. To question these mutations, this study analyses the three case studies – representative of private theatre, off stage theatre and underground theatre - from a theoretical approach that combines social production of space and social construction of space (Low, 2017). In doing so, the present thesis demonstrates that beyond the aesthetic and dramaturgical dimensions, the evolution of the theatre scene in Tehran results from a more significant change in the urban spatiality of the theatre. This materializes, on the one hand, in the transformation of the spatial organization of the theatre within the urban context and, on the other hand, in the ways in which the social and political relations and dynamics of the city are spatialized in the theatre. As a result of this double process, and in the tense and changing socio-political conjunctures of Tehran in 2010s, the theatre space, hitherto an almost compartmentalized space excluded from the public sphere, is manifesting itself as a new public space. Not only it becomes the political field where different political and social forces meet (Balme,2014), it also turns into one of the principal elements in the power dynamics among them. Its production as an architectural and urban entity, its occupation, its appropriation and even its social, symbolic and discursive characteristics and boundaries are then the object of struggles, debates, negotiations and interventions - among the most tense and even virulent ones that the Iranian capital has experienced in the last decade - on the part of the three main forces :the authoritarian and ideological power in place, the economic and financial operators and the citizens, in this case artists and spectators. On the one hand, the dominant political, ideological and financial forces are establishing the privatization of theatre, which is conceptualized here as a spatial strategy. (De Certeau, 1990). They regulate theatre space, its production and use through multiple processes of political, ideological and economic exclusion, homogenization and domination. On the other hand, citizens deploy tactics (De Certeau) that is, new forms of appropriation of space within the breaches, inconsistencies and interstices of the dominant strategy. As a result, urban spaces produced, regulated and monitored for political, ideological or even capitalist purposes immediately become the fields for new forms of artists and spectators’ agencies. Sometimes these forms take the form of acts of resistance, struggle, contestation (the Underground theatre), sometimes of negotiation, compromise (the private theatres) or even circumvention and counter-experiences (the Off Stage theatre). However, whatever the form and consequences of these interactions, they open up breaches and fractures in the political, ideological and economic order that dominates the city and its space. They thus make possible the emergence and survival of forms of otherness in the public sphere and the public space. / Doctorat en Arts du spectacle et technique de diffusion et de communication / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

British influence on the diplomacy of WWII, as it relates to postwar planning, is underappreciated. This work explores how the use of astute tactical maneuvering allowed Winston Churchill and Anthony Eden to impact the development of the post-war world in a greater degree than is typically portrayed in the narratives of the war. Detailing how the study of business negotiations can provide new insights into diplomatic history, Yalta exposes Britain’s impact on the creation of the post-war order through analyzing the diplomacy of WWII as a negotiation. To depict WWII post-war planning diplomacy as a negotiation means that the Yalta Conference of 1945 must be the focal point of said diplomacy with all the negotiations either flowing to or from the conference. This analysis reveals that Britain harnessed the natural momentum of the negotiation process to create bilateral understandings that protected or advanced their interests in ways that should not have been afforded the weakest party in the Grand Alliance. By pursuing solutions to the major wartime issues first and most stridently through the use of age-old British diplomatic tactics, they were able to enter into understandings with another member of the Grand Alliance prior to the tripartite conferences. Creating bilateral understandings with the Americans on the direction of military operations and the Soviets over the European settlement produced the conditions under which the tripartite negotiations transpired. Options available to the excluded party were thus limited, allowing for outcomes that aligned more favorably to British interests. A synthesis of diplomatic documents, diaries, and memoirs with historical writings as well as research on business and international negotiations brings to life the diplomatic encounters that led to the creation of the post-war order. To provide the reader a basis for analysis of wartime diplomacy, this work is broken down into two parts. Part I focuses on the strategies created for Yalta. Part II (future doctoral dissertation) will use these strategies to evaluate the performances of each party. Combined the two parts expose that British diplomatic maneuverings is an undervalued aspect of wartime diplomacy.