This study reflects on the swedish model and the models future. The swedish model means that legisilation acts with the collective agreements . The wage issue is not regulated by law instead it is managed by the social partners in the form of collective agreements. In 2008, a report was presented by the Commission on a joint regulation of the minimum wage for all EU countries. The issue has become increasingly controversial and was especially disccused for the election of candidates to the European Parlament last spring. Such regulation as the comission proposed leads to a threat to the Swedish labour model. Therefore the aim of this study was to illuminate the Swedish model and to study alternative solutions to the model in an international perspective. A method with sociology of law perspective was chosen and considered suitable to answer the purpose of the study. This study indicates that the swedish model is a succesfull model but the model is facing several challenges. Due to the swedish membership in EU we have to considerate both national and international law and these are not allways compatible. The model embrace a high number of employees but there are some groups of people that are excluded. Thoose who are excluded are not organized in the union like post workers and young adult workers. It is abious that the model sustains limits and there fore a good complement could be collective agreements with erga omnes effect.

In the long term the issue of the welfare state is one of the most debated political topics and it concerns almost all members of society. In the last few decades the advanced welfare state has been more frequently perceived as an obstacle for competitiveness in the globalized economy and issues of its economic sustainability and societal impact are widely debated. Sweden is generally considered to be a country with the most advanced model of welfare state, but it is also a country which suffered from a deep economic crisis in the early 1990s. Development of the Swedish model of welfare state in the context of the crisis presents a critical case for assessment of welfare state vitality. In this thesis, welfare state is defined as a multidimensional phenomenon that includes both social expenditures and institutions of social policy and power structures and legitimacy. For analyzing of transformations of the Swedish welfare state in all four dimensions is applied a theoretical perspective based on the power resources theory, the institutional approach, the transnational perspective, the dependency and the world-systems theory which whose complementarity is theoretically substantiated. The thesis with this approach should contribute to better understanding of the development of the welfare state in...

In 1998 Sweden, as the first country in the world, formulated and implemented a law against sexualservices, which has since been known as “The Swedish Model” due to its unique approach in onlycriminalizing the buyer - not the seller - of sexual acts. This thesis researches the history of the ideasbehind the lawmaking process in its aim to gain better understanding on how lawmaking affectspeople’s perception of the world around them. By analysing the preparatory work behind the law,in relation to how prostitution has been treated in previous history, and as a document ofideological importance this thesis shows that the approach to prostitution, and the outcome of thepreparatory work - resulting in a partially criminalizing law - mainly relies on the idea thatprostitution is something bad in itself and in relation to the idea of human rights, but is beingadvocated against with the help of the societal problems based in stigmatizing ideas relying on thevery same implication.

Bakgrund och problem Gigekonomin är ett framväxande fenomen på arbetsmarknaden. Arbetet inom matbudsbranschen organiseras genom digitala plattformar och buden anses ofta vara egenföretagare. Den svenska modellen har utvecklats genom åren på så vis att arbetsmarknaden ska regleras via förhandlingar mellan fackförbund och arbetsgivarorganisationer. I den svenska lagstiftningen är det inte tydligt vem som ska klassas som arbetsgivare utan det bedöms via faktiska sakförhållanden och tidigare praxis. De som sysselsätter sig med enklare gigarbete är främst migranter vilket tenderar att utöka denna problematik, framför allt genom deras okunskap om svensk arbetsmarknad. Det finns en risk för att gigarbetare och traditionella arbetare kommer att ställas mot varandra. Idag hotar ett eventuellt EU-direktiv gällande plattformsarbete den svenska modellen då lagstiftning inskränker partssamarbetet. Syfte och metod Syftet med studien var att öka förståelsen för gigekonomin i förhållande till den svenska modellen. För att öka denna förståelse valdes en kvalitativ metod där 15 semistrukturerade intervjuer genomfördes med olika parter i den svenska modellen. Respondenterna var arbetare inom gigekonomin och informanterna representerade ett fackförbund och en arbetsgivarorganisation. Resultat och slutsats Studien konkluderar att den svenska modellen utmanas av gigekonomin. Det är av yttersta vikt att arbetsgivarbegreppet reds ut i förhållande till gigekonomin eftersom det är avgörande för hur partssamarbetet ska fortlöpa. Gigarbetarnas medvetenhet om hur svensk arbetsmarknad är tänkt att fungera är likaså viktigt. Ett EU-direktiv kan komma att påverka den svenska modellen genom tvingande lagar som i vissa fall kan gå emot praxis. / Background and problem The gig economy is an emerging phenomenon in the labor market. The work in the food delivery industry is organized through digital platforms and the couriers are often considered to be self-empolyed. The Swedish model has developed over the years in such a way that the labor market is to be regulated through negotiations between trade unions and employers’ organizations. In Swedish legislation, it is not clear who is to be classified as an employer, it is assessed via actual facts and previous practice. Those who engage in simpler gig work are mainly migrants, which tends to expand this problem, primarily through their lack of knowledge of the Swedish labor market. There is a risk that gig workers and traditional workers will be pitted against each other. Today, a potential EU directive regarding platform work threatens the Swedish model as legislation restricts party cooperation. Purpose and method The purpose of the study was to increase the understanding of the gig economy in relation to the Swedish model. To increase this understanding, a qualitative method was chosen where 15 semi-structured interviews were conducted with different parties in the Swedish model. The respondents were workers in the gig economy and the informants represented a trade union and an employers’ organization. Results and conclusion The study concludes that the Swedish model is being challenged by the gig economy. It is of the utmost importance that the employer concept is sorted out in relation to the gig economy, as it is decisive for how the party cooperation is to proceed. The gig workers' awareness of how the Swedish labor market is intended to function is also important. An EU directive may affect the Swedish model through mandatory laws that in some cases may go against practice.

The primary objective of this thesis is to conduct a comparative analysis of Sweden'slegislation, that criminalizes the purchase of sexual services, with Finland's laws thatdistinguish prostitution from human trafficking and prohibit the purchase of sexual services ifthe customer is aware of or ought to have suspected that the prostitute is a victim of humantrafficking. The study aims to identify and examine the core differences between these laws and how they reflect distinct views on prostitution and women, and the extent to which they are aligned with gender equality. The study employs a liberal sex work perspective which regards prostitution as a form of work that can be separated from the individual's body and aneo-abolitionist perspective that views prostitution, whether voluntary or involuntary, as a harmful and exploitative practice that oppresses women. The study employs a most-similardesign and ideological analysis to address the research questions. The results reveal the legislations' role in promoting gender equality as part of a broader feminist struggle against patriarchal structures. Sweden's law addresses gender inequality by identifying prostitution as a manifestation of male violence against women, while Finland's law targets exploitation insex trafficking, maintaining gender equality by protecting those most vulnerable inprostitution.

The Swedish Sex Purchase Act was unique, when introduced in 1999. While it was legal to demand and collect payment for sexual services it became a crime to respond to such demands or offer payment. It is now part of Sweden’s foreign policy to ‘export’ this law, using gender equality arguments. Several countries have since followed. The law is often portrayed as a triumph of feminism and women’s political struggles. The law is gender neutral however and applies equally to e.g. MSM sex trade (Men who have Sex with Men), a phenomenon that the normal gender equality arguments do not capture. ‘Homosexual prostitution’ was initially argued in the legislative proceedings, to be so different from heterosexual prostitution, that the scientific investigator raised concerns if one-sided criminalisation was considered by legislators. Yet, this is what happened. This study traces exactly how this came to be, analysing legislative documents and debates, focusing on heteronormative reasonings. In the final round of legislation the question had entirely disappeared. MSM sex trade or culture was not even mentioned and can be seen as heteronormative collateral damage.

L’objectif de ce mémoire est d’identifier la nature des changements des politiques sociales adoptés entre 1988 et 1998 en Suède et ainsi de mieux comprendre l’état actuel du modèle suédois, caractérisé dans la littérature par l’institutionnalisation des valeurs d’égalité sociale et d’universalisme. À l’aide d’une grille d’analyse inférée à partir de la typologie des changements de politiques publiques de Peter Hall, l’auteure pose l’hypothèse selon laquelle un changement de paradigme est survenu dans les secteurs de l’éducation obligatoire et de la santé. À l’issue de cette étude, il est démontré que, si le paradigme a effectivement été contesté au cours de la période de réforme étudiée, il est toujours en vigueur à la fin des années 1990. Toutefois, l’effet cumulé des changements d’instruments l’ont miné peu à peu durant les décennies suivantes. Les conséquences de ces changements, devenues des « anomalies », menacent aujourd’hui l’existence du modèle suédois. / The goal of this Master’s thesis is to identify the nature of the social policy reforms in Sweden between 1988 and 1998, in order to understand the current Swedish model better. Using three criteria inferred from Peter Hall’s typology of policy change, the author analyzes policy reforms in the compulsory education and healthcare sectors in order to whether a paradigm shift has occurred or not. The conclusion is negative: the social equality and universalism paradigm was indeed contested during the 1990s, but was still actively promoted by the social-democratic government at the end of the decade. The reforms were thus identified as only changes to policy instruments, characterized as second order changes in the typology. However, the cumulative effect of these changes undermined the Sweden model during the next decades. The consequences of the instrument changes thus became anomalies that now threaten the paradigm.

Cette thèse analyse les formes et les effets de l’utopisme qui sous-tend le projet politique du SAP (parti social-démocrate suédois) entre 1932 et 1986. Dans le cadre d’une approche conceptuelle du politique nous nous interrogeons sur le pouvoir des idées, des symboles et de l’imaginaire dans la constitution d’un roman national original, mais aussi à travers la mise en oeuvre de l’action publique. A partir d’un important corpus inédit de discours et d’écrits rédigés par les trois leaders qui se sont succédés à la tête du gouvernement pendant un demi-siècle(Hansson, Erlander, Palme), la thèse s’efforce de mettre à jour « la cristallisation sémantique » qui a structuré le lexique politique du SAP. En son coeur figure la métaphore du Folkhem qui fonctionne comme un mythe mobilisateur pour la nouvelle société, avant de se transformer en élément essentiel de l’identité nationale et de la culture politique de la Suède. Autour du Folkhem, se noue le contrat social suédois, et la notion se transforme en source etressource de légitimité politique. L’histoire des récits du Folkhem permet de mieuxcomprendre les origines du modèle suédois et les modalités récentes de son évolution. Par son extrême plasticité, le Folkhem continue de nos jours à faire l’objet d’appropriations politiques nombreuses et diverses, confirmant ainsi son rôle fondateur d’institution de sens. / This thesis relates the forms and effects of the utopianism that underlies the SAP (Swedish Social-Democratic Party) political project between 1932 and 1986. The power of ideas,symbols and imaginary in politics is our theoretical base. The political discourse of the SAP leaders and the importance of words in the creation of public policy are studied. Our corpus consists of a vast archive material. Guided by utopianism, the leaders express their will to create a new society. The Folkhem political metaphor, narrative at the heart of the political glossary of the SAP, is in the centre of this utopianism. The notion is used as a mobilizingmyth for the new society and it works as a social contract for the Swedes. The Folkhem narratives help us understand the Swedish model and contemporary Sweden. By its extreme plasticity and by being part of the Swedish identity, the notion is still a source of political legitimacy and continues to produce meaning.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alexandre Guedes Viana.pdf: 572988 bytes, checksum: 4fcd32f1b8649a63030e09f26c448edf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-05-04 / During the 1930s and 1940s, the Swedish State introduced a set of measures that had as goals reducing the unemployment, raising the economic growth and increasing the welfare. However, this set of measures was blocked by challenges that appeared after the World War II, specially the conflict between inflation and unemployment. To solve this conflict, the economists Gösta Rehn and Rudolf Meidner presented in 1951 an economic model that has been recognized as the synthesis of the Swedish model. This model reveals as an alternative for the economic policy management, therefore it has as objective to reach the full employment and the price stability simultaneously, using labour market policies and a restrictive fiscal policy. These objectives had been reached from the middle of 1950s until the beginning of 1990s, period when Sweden faced a hard economic crisis. One of the crisis consequences was the sharply unemployment rising rates, which raised questions about the validity of the model. Thus, the aim of this paper is to introduce the Swedish model and the full employment issue, analyzing the unemployment rising rates after the 1990s crisis. To reach this aim the theoretical aspects of the Swedish model are discussed, as well as the macroeconomic policies adopted by Sweden after the World War II and the reasons for the unemployment rising rates. This is a worthy issue because the Swedish model was efficient in maintain the full employment for almost four decades / Durante as décadas de 1930 e 1940, o Estado sueco introduziu uma série de medidas que tinham como objetivo reduzir o desemprego, elevar o crescimento econômico e aumentar o bem-estar social. Porém, essas medidas esbarraram em desafios que surgiram após a II Guerra Mundial, destacando o dilema entre inflação e desemprego. Para resolver esse dilema, os economistas Gösta Rehn e Rudolf Meidner apresentaram em 1951 um modelo econômico que passou a ser reconhecido como a síntese do modelo sueco. Esse modelo mostra-se como uma alternativa singular para a gestão da política econômica, pois possui como objetivos atingir o pleno emprego e a estabilidade de preços simultaneamente, utilizando políticas de mercado de trabalho e uma política fiscal restritiva. Esses objetivos foram atingidos de meados da década de 1950 até o início da década de 1990, momento em que a Suécia enfrentou uma forte crise econômica. Um dos reflexos dessa crise foi a expressiva elevação dos índices de desemprego, o que levantou questionamentos sobre a validade do modelo. Desse modo, o propósito deste trabalho é apresentar o modelo sueco e a questão do pleno emprego, além de analisar a elevação do desemprego após a crise da década de 1990. Para atingir este objetivo são discutidos os aspectos teóricos do modelo sueco, as políticas macroeconômicas adotadas pela Suécia após a II Guerra Mundial e as hipóteses para a elevação das taxas de desemprego. Analisar essas hipóteses se mostra relevante, uma vez que o modelo sueco foi eficaz em manter o pleno emprego por praticamente quatro décadas

Les réformes qui affectent le système d’enseignement suédois de 1945 à 1980 ont abouti à unifier ses structures et son discours au nom de l’égalité et de l’utilité collective. Le réductionnisme instrumental propre à d’autres champs de la construction de l’État-providence investit alors la sphère de l’accès au savoir : légitimation des méthodes par la science, explication des objectifs, rationalisation des outils de programmation et de formation des agents... Le ralliement de l’école à un « modèle » suédois d’hygiène sociale est ici examiné à travers son impact sur les cadres sociaux de la mémoire culturelle. L’accent est mis sur la manière dont la codification du relativisme et la formalisation d’une approche non biaisée des sujets d’enseignement affectent l’autorité du canon pédagogique, en précipitant sa crise. À cette fin, l’évolution du cadre codifié de l’enseignement de l’histoire, l’évolution vers un programme interdisciplinaire pour les humanités et la structure des manuels scolaires d’histoire, font l’objet d’un suivi systématique.La seconde partie de l’étude est consacrée à la manière dont la subordination de la relation éducative à l’intérêt social qu’elle est censée servir se construit, paradoxalement, en tant que régime de vérité. Au nom de son statut émancipateur, l’institution scolaire est appelée à investir le terrain de la formation du sentiment individuel de responsabilité – de la vie de couple à l’éducation correcte des enfants. L’injonction de conformité et de discipline que cet enseignement véhicule, oriente la relation maître/élève vers un tiers symbolique immanent : l’actualisation de valeurs « suédoises », ou prétendues telles. Les enjeux imaginaires de l’introduction de méthodes participatives à l’école et de l’accueil des enfants d’immigrés, entre 1970 et 1980, et l’émergence ultérieure de deux impératifs sociaux – le « devoir » des adultes d’influencer les enfants, et le devoir social de « former » les parents – sont examinés dans cette optique. / The reshaping of the Swedish education system from 1945 to 1980 led to a unification of its structures and discourse in the name of equality and the common good. The instrumental reductionism inherent in the construction of the welfare state was thus extended to the sphere of access to knowledge: scientific validation of the methods used, explanation of the objectives, rationalisation of planning and training tools, etc. The thesis examines the alignment of the school system with a Swedish “model” of social hygiene through its impact on the social frameworks of cultural memory. It focuses on how the codification of relativism and the formalisation of an unbiased approach to the subjects taught impact on the authority of the pedagogical canon, while accelerating its crisis. To this end, the formal framework of history teaching, the shift to a trans-disciplinary curriculum for humanities and the changing focus of history school-books are analysed systematically.The second part of the study focuses on how the subordination of the teaching relationship to the social purpose it was supposed to serve was imposed, paradoxically, as a truth regime. In the name of their emancipatory role, schools were now required to help foster an individual sense of responsibility – whether in the area of married life or with regard to the “correct” way of raising children. The requirement for conformity and discipline reflected in this teaching would shift the teacher/pupil relationship towards an immanent symbolic third: the implementation of “Swedish” (or supposedly Swedish) values. The imaginary challenges involved in introducing a participatory approach in schools and welcoming the children of immigrants between 1970 and 1980, and the subsequent emergence of two social imperatives – the “duty” of adults to influence their children, and the social duty to “train” the parents – are examined in this light.