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Between the 1950s and late 1990s the Swedish armed forces prepared for an invasion from the Soviet Union. However, after the cold war, the conditions changed, and the perceived threat slowly faded away. In lack of threats against the Swedish sovereignty, Swedish armed forces changed strategy. It led to extensive cuts in the Swedish army’s capability to defend the Swedish territory. The more extensive changes began in the late 1900s and in 2015, the Swedish government declared a military re-armament. This study is a comparative study of the justifications from the Swedish government for the changes in military capability. The propositions behind the defense acts of 2000, 2004, 2009 and 2015 represents the analysis material of this study. This study shows that the development of the security policy constituted the main justification for the disarming, as well as the military re-armament. The Swedish government has adapted its military capabilities according to how Russia has been acting militarily. The adaption has been made with respect to Russia’s current military capability. Thus, future changes in the Russian military strategy has been miscalculated. In addition to how Russia has been acting, disarmament has also been affected by other factors such as economy, culture and technology. The re-armament has also been affected by the defense’s low operational ability and increased need for cooperation capacity.

In the year of 2014, the new Swedish government declared itself as the world’s first feminist government. This thesis aims to study the Swedish foreign policy and thus to investigate if the declared feminist foreign policy has resulted in a changed foreign policy. By using two feminist theories; radical feminism and liberal feminism, the study’spurpose is to do a critical comparison between the governmental administration of Fredrik Reinfeldt in the years of 2010-2014, with the administration of Stefan Löfven between 2014-2018. After a recently finished first term of the feminist policy, the subject of this study is interesting in the perspective of evaluation. To investigate if the policy by fact has changed, a qualitative textual analysis will be used. Further, to analyze the foreign policy, foreign declarations from all years between 2011-2018 will constitute the material. In summary, the result demonstrates that a change in policy has appeared and can further be ascertained. Both administrations show clear features of liberal feminism. However, during the last term, between 2014-2018, the governmental policy has shown tendencies of more radical feminist elements. Although the world’s first feministgovernment has received great attention, the future of the feminist foreign policy is still indeterminate.

Trafficking for sexual exploitation is a phenomenon that greatly affects the individual as well as society. The effect is grim for the victims and their families, as sex trafficking violates their basic human rights, can shatter families, and cause severe psychological trauma. Sex trafficking has also negative effects on societies, it can adversely affect the economy, public health, national security, and gender equality. Policies have been implemented in response to sex trafficking, both in Sweden and in Europe. The thesis aims to show how sex trafficking is framed by the Swedish Government and the European Commission, based on the application of framing theory integrated with Bacchi's WPR-approach. The research method used is a qualitative, descriptive, comparative, small-N case study with a qualitative content analysis of textual data. Through this method, 11 different documents provided by the Swedish Government and the European Commission were analyzed. The result of the analysis shows that the documents from the Swedish Government use a more prominent frame of human rights, while for European Commission the most significant was organized crime. When it comes to Bacchi’s WPR-approach, the underlying assumptions behind these frames can be argued to be influenced by the national versus supra-national level and how many actors are involved, as well as ideological and legislative differences. Silences were complicated to find in the European Commission, while in the Swedish Government, sovereignty was not discussed. There could also be seen a difference in trend over time, where the European Commissionshifted more towards ‘human rights’ as recently as 2020-2021, while the Swedish Government was more constant in their frame of ‘human rights’.

Major changes have occurred within the Swedish War Materiel Industry over the past decade. Sweden has transformed from being a truly neutral country, with uniquely restrictive war materiel exportation laws and policies, into being one of the ten largest exporters of war materiel in the world. Most of the manufactured war materiel in Sweden is now used for export. An increasing trend of export has made the Swedish War Materiel Trade Industry flourish. On the front stage, towards the public, Sweden is upholding its image of being a neutral country. Its doctrine is the same as it has been since the beginning of the 1990s: that Sweden has restrictive arms trade politics. It is true that Sweden has strict laws and guidelines concerning war material trade; according to these, export of war materiel is not allowed to countries where extensive human rights violations occur. Neither is it allowed to countries in armed conflict, where there is a fear that an armed conflict will occur nor to a State with domestic armed disturbances/conflicts. Also, Swedish war materiel trade should never be in conflict with its foreign policy goals, which are enhancing Sweden’s contribution to freedom, security, democracy, prosperity, and sustainable development in the world. Despite this, Swedish war materiel export has now reached the highest amount in Swedish history. Backstage, the view of export has changed and an export-oriented custom has taken hold. In the 1990s, Swedish war materiel production increased with an average of 5.5 percent every year. But over the past 4 years, the trend has increased drastically, especially due to the Iraq War. Since it broke out, the total export of war materiel has almost doubled. In 2006 it exceeded ten billion SEK, which means that during the past ten years, the Swedish arms trade industry has more than tripled – from three billion SEK per year to over ten billion SEK. Not only has Sweden increased its export of war materiel to the USA - in times of war - but also to countries where extensive violations of human rights occurs, for example India, Pakistan, Malaysia, Mexico, Thailand and Bahrain. The front stage behaviour and the backstage action contradict each other. There is a difference in rhetoric and practice. It is a paradox to appear neutral front stage when exporting war materiel to ‘critical States’ backstage. Somehow Sweden has come to facilitate a climate that allows this to happen. / I takt med att Sveriges export av krigsmateriel blir allt mindre restriktiv blir den också mer exportorienterad. Sverige är idag en av världens tionde största vapenexportörer. Förra året exporterades krigsmateriel för över tio miljarder kronor. Det är den största summan i Sveriges historia. Sveriges största krigsmaterielimportör är USA. Sedan Irakkriget bröt ut i Mars 2003, har Sveriges export av krigsmateriel till USA ökat markant. Sverige exporterar idag också krigsmateriel till ett flertal länder där grava kränkningar av mänskliga rättigheter förekommer, trots dess väldigt restriktiva lagar och riktlinjer på detta område. Denna studie har avsikten att kasta ljus över Sveriges export av krigsmateriel; den belyser hur Sverige försöker upprätthålla sin fasad som ett neutralt land medan det bakom kulisserna paradoxalt nog exporteras mer och mer krigsmateriel till kritiska stater; helt i strid med dess lagar och riktlinjer. Genom att fokusera på händelseutvecklingen sedan Inspektionen för Strategiska Produkter bildades 1996 samt på vad denna nya myndighet har inneburit för Svensk Krigsmateriel Industri dras slutsatser om hur denna paradox kan fortlöpa. Detta är särskilt intressant eftersom Sverige idag står inför ett vägval då beslut kommer tas gällande nya riktlinjer för Sveriges vapenexport.

This thesis examines the situation for archivists within the context of e-government in three Swedish authorities. The discussions that are brought up concern the archivists role, professional development and the perspective of information in the context of e-government. Since the purpose with this thesis was mainly concerning the situation for the archivists, the method chosen was a qualitative research method, and it was used in combination with interviews with the archivists at the chosen authorities. The results show that the archivists within the examined authorities are seen as experts on information management and legislation surrounding it. Problems connected to e-government are that they face prejudice about their capability concerning new technology and digital information. This problem has been handled differently within the authorities, change of official titles has been one tactic. Their tasks and professional development have been slightly changed as they are working in a higher capacity ahead of the information being created. The change that can be seen in the context of e-government is that archivists are being more visible within their work places, which can be correlated to the e-government that encourage team work and collaborations to create an efficient and accessible authority. What this means for the archivists is that they can use these collaborations to further their own projects and tasks within the organisation in a better way. Contrary to the belief that archivists can only manage information on paper the participants in this research prove they have adopted well to the way of e-government partly through the Record Continuum Model. They are aware about the different perspectives necessary for handling the new ways of structuring and seeing information, which became clear with the development and structure of e-archives within two of the authorities and the preparation for being connected for the third. Finally, this thesis shows that archivists are beginning to be able to compete with other departments and professions on the same terms and that they are starting to find their own place within the area of IT and information management. This is a two years master's thesis in archival science.

Det finns ett uttalat önskemål inom Sveriges statliga myndigheter är att finna lämpliga tillvägagångssätt för att kvantifiera växthusgaser, som en del i arbetet mot målet att bli förebilder inom miljöledningsarbete. Tillvägagångssätt som är praktiskt genomförbara, användbara och uppfyller myndigheternas behov och önskemål. Den här studien syftar till att identifiera och jämföra olika tillvägagångssätt för att kvantitativt bedöma utsläpp av växthusgaser. Det finns olika internationella etablerade tillvägagångssätt och i detta arbete studeras dess likheter och skillnader, föroch nackdelar. Den svenska statliga myndigheten SMHIs behov och önskemål exemplifieras i studiens frågeställningar och resultat. Studien är baserad på en litteraturstudie och material har bearbetats genom en analytisk induktion, där induktiv och deduktiv process använts. De etablerade riktlinjer och ramverk som valts ut att analyseras är Global Reporting Initiative (GRI), ISO-14064 och 2006 IPCC riktlinjerna. GRI används inte enbart till miljörelaterade frågor, det innehåller även perspektiv på sociala och ekonomiska frågor. Det innebär att det innehåller fler hållbarhetsperspektiv än IPCC 2006 och ISO 14064, då de enbart fokuserar på miljöperspektivet. I denna studie identifierades för- och nackdelar med samtliga valda tillvägagångssätt och vilket som lämpar sig för en statlig myndighet i Sverige beror vad myndigheten har för syfte. Är syftet att arbeta med att enbart kvantitativt bedöma skulle ISO 14064 eller IPCC 2006 vara applicerbara. Om syftet är att arbeta med alla perspektiv inom hållbarhet, så är GRI applicerbart. Det beror också på i vilken skala myndigheter vill göra sina bedömningar, på lokal, regional eller nationell nivå, eftersom den geografiska skalnivån skiljer mellan ISO 14064 och IPCC 2006. / There is a pronounced need within Swedish government agencies to find approaches for quantifying greenhouse gases, as part of their work towards the goal of becoming role models in environmental management. Approaches that are practically feasible, useful and meet the government agencies needs and wishes. This study aims to identify and compare different approaches to quantitatively assessing greenhouse gas emissions. There are different international established approaches, and this thesis has studied their similarities and differences, as well as pros and cons. The Swedish Government agencies SMHI's needs and wishes are exemplified in this study's questions and results. The study is based on a literature study and material has been processed through an analytical induction, using inductive and deductive processes. The established guidelines and framework chosen to be analyzed are Global Reporting Initiative (GRI), ISO 14064 and 2006 IPCC Guidelines. GRI is not only used for environmental issues, it also includes perspectives on social and economic issues. This means that it contains more sustainability perspective than IPCC 2006 and ISO 14064, who only focusing on the environmental perspective. This study identified the pros and cons of all the chosen approaches and if it is appropriate for a governmental agency depends. Is the purpose of working to quantitatively measure the ISO 14064 or IPCC 2006 is applicable. If the purpose is to work with all sustainability perspectives, GRI is applicable. It also depends on what scale government wants to make its calculations, at local, regional, or national level, as the geographic level of scale differs between ISO 14064 and IPCC 2006

Transpersoner är en grupp som i forskning observerats löpa särskild risk för social utsatthet. Transpersoners levnadsvillkor i relation till den egna könsidentiteten i fråga om sådant som juridisk könstillhörighet och könskorrigerande är något som regleras i lag. Denna uppsats syftar till att undersöka hur transpersoners attribut och den statliga regleringen av transpersoners kroppar och könsidentitet framställs i statens offentliga utredningar under 1960- och 2010-talet. En tematisk analys av en utredning från respektive tidpunkt har genomförts, och materialet har analyserats med utgångspunkt i Judith Butlers teorier om den heterosexuella matrisen och gender performance theory samt Natacha Kennedys framställning av begreppet cisgenderism. Vi fann att framställningen av transpersoners attribut såväl som regleringen av transpersoners könsidentitet i lag till vissa delar skiljer sig mellan utredningarna, men att vissa aspekter kvarstår. Framställningen av transpersoners psykiska varande har förändrats från en psykiskt sjuk avvikare som behöver diagnostiseras som sådan och behöver anpassas såväl beteendemässigt som fysiskt till rådande könsnormer, till en delvis mer tillåtande syn på transpersoners könsidentitet där den juridiska könstillhörigheten menas kunna tillåtas vara upp till transpersonen själv att besluta om. Dock kvarstår diagnosförfarandet även under 2010-talet i fråga om könsdysforidiagnosen som villkorar transpersoners rätt till könskorrigerande vård av kroppen, något som visar på att aspekten av medikalisering av transpersoners varande såväl som den statliga kontrollen över könsidentiteten har kvarstått över tid. Med utgångspunkt i våra valda teorier har vi även noterat att beskrivningen av könsnormernas samhälleliga roll har förändrats över tid från något samhällsavgörande till något som till viss del betraktas som föränderligt, och att förändringen i framställningen av dessa normers innebörd även tycks inverka på hur transpersoner framställs.

Hemlöshet är ett mångfacetterat begrepp och socialt problem som funnits i århundraden, trots detta finns ingen samsyn kring fenomenets orsaker eller lösningar. Denna studie har ämnat bredda kunskapen kring konstruktioner av hemlöshet och särskilt inriktat sig på svenska statens syn på, och anspråk om, personer i hemlöshet och hemlöshet som socialt problem. I studien har en dokumentstudie utförts för insamling av empiriskt material och därefter har en kvalitativ textanalys genomförts. Med ett socialkonstruktionistiskt perspektiv och Losekes teori om anspråk har två utredningar som anses vara representativa för respektive tidsperiod analyserats. Dessa är SOU 1929:9 och SOU 2001:95. I analys av utredningarna framkom att hemlöshet har konstruerats på två olika sätt. I den tidigare utredningen anses personer i hemlöshet ha förorsakat sin egen situation och ses som ett problem som samhället lider av. I den senare utredningen ses personer i hemlöshet som offer för primärt strukturella omständigheter och förtjänta av samhällelig uppslutning för problemets lösning. Analysen resulterade även i att belysa hur anspråk formulerade om problemets orsaker var avgörande vid formuleringen för givna anspråk om problemets lösningar. Denna studie kan ses bidra till kunskapsutvecklingen om hemlöshet genom att belysa vikten av att inte glömma historien för att kunna utveckla det framtida sociala arbetet ytterligare.

This study sets out to examine the Swedish government´s altered discourse on NATO in the years 2004 and 2015. Given the drastic change in security situation in Europe over the last 20 years, it is logical to assume it has influenced the relation between Sweden and NATO. The study aims to highlight how the Swedish government governs through discourse and its understanding of NATO in different circumstances. When compared, the analyzed defense propositions both describe NATO as important, even crucial, but in vastly different ways. In 2004, NATO acts as an entry point for diplomatic and political influence in international politics as well as a way for Sweden to express its identity as an altruistic country. In contrast, NATO in 2015 is vital to the development of Sweden´s military capability and the ability to provide and receive the help necessary for its solidarity policy.