This study sets out to examine the Swedish government´s altered discourse on NATO in the years 2004 and 2015. Given the drastic change in security situation in Europe over the last 20 years, it is logical to assume it has influenced the relation between Sweden and NATO. The study aims to highlight how the Swedish government governs through discourse and its understanding of NATO in different circumstances. When compared, the analyzed defense propositions both describe NATO as important, even crucial, but in vastly different ways. In 2004, NATO acts as an entry point for diplomatic and political influence in international politics as well as a way for Sweden to express its identity as an altruistic country. In contrast, NATO in 2015 is vital to the development of Sweden´s military capability and the ability to provide and receive the help necessary for its solidarity policy.

Syftet med studien är att undersöka vad Sveriges partier har för ståndpunkter för att öka denfysiska aktiviteten hos barn och ungdomar samt vilka aktörer i samhället som bidrar till en ökadfysisk aktivitet i samhället, där skolan lyfts upp då det är en av de aktörer som har en storpåverkan. För att uppnå syftet och frågeställningarna har en kvalitativ textanalys gjorts påregeringsskrifter, databaser och litteratur där utgångspunkten har varit att göra eninnehållsanalys, argumentationsanalys samt en politisk diskursanalys. För att kunna analyseraoch bearbeta det insamlade materialet utgår studien från en triangelmodell som ett analytisktverktyg där grunden är staten, marknaden och det civila samhället. Resultatet i studien visar att de flesta politiska partierna i Sverige försöker öka den fysiskaaktiviteten genom skolan, då den fysiska aktiviteten i skolan resulterar ett hälsosammare liv ivuxen ålder. Studiens resultat visar även att infrastrukturen påverkar den fysiska aktivitetensom gör det möjligt för individer att utöva fysisk aktivitet på fritiden.

The aim of this thesis is to investigate to what extent the officials within the Swedish Government Offices consider themselves to be governed by the political elite (ministers and state secretaries) and the ministerial advisers (chief of staffs, planning directors, political advisers and press secretaries). In an ideal chain of command, the political elite governs the officials, since the ministers are appointed by the Prime Minister to govern the Government Office’s different policy areas. During recent years, political scientists have started to chart a phenomenon of an increasing number of ministerial advisers within the public administration. The Swedish Parliament has no formal capability to review or dismiss these ministerial advisers. Which is considered to be problematic in terms of democratic legitimacy, since the ministerial advisers are neither recruited through a transparent recruitment process based on their merits, nor are they politically appointed based on election results. Hence, the link between election results and who is given the mandate to take part in the policy process within the Swedish Government Offices can be seen as tenuous. The officials are at the government’s disposal to prepare and implement policies, and to contribute with their expertise in different policy areas, regardless of which political party or political coalition that is governing at the time. Thus, the purpose of this thesis has been to study the government officials’ perspective, and to what extent they consider themselves to be governed by the political elite and ministerial advisers. 91 government officials have answered a survey regarding to what extent they perceive that they are governed by the different roles in the political staff, and to what extent they consider having contact with the different roles in the political staff. The collected material has made it possible to merge the officials’ perspective on the different roles within the political staff into the categories the political elite and the ministerial advisers. This has been done in order to calculate a confidence interval to estimate officials’ perspective on the two categories within the Govern- ment Offices as a whole. The main findings of the study are that officials within the Government Offices consider themselves to be governed to a greater extent by the political elite, compared to the ministerial advisers. Although the officials consider that they are governed by the political elite, they have more contact with the ministerial advisers compared to the political elite. This could indicate that ministerial advisers are to a great extent mediating the contact between the political elite and the officials within the Swedish Government Offices.

<p>The aim of this thesis is to describe and analyse the Swedish policy towards the Korean Conflict 1947–1953. “Swedish policy” means primarily the Swedish Government’s policy, but also the action taken by the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs and the Swedish Defence Staff. </p><p>When the UN treated the issue of Korea in the years before the outbreak of the Korean War in June 1950 the Swedish government abstained from voting for reasons of principle or legality, namely that the Korean issue belonged to the peace regulations after the Second World War, in which Sweden, as an ex-neutral state, considered that it should not participate. </p><p>During the Korean War 1950–1953 the Swedish government almost consistently and in many different ways supported the US-led coalition in defence of South Korea. Although never officially mentioned, this support was given with considerable uneasiness. This uneasiness stemmed not only from fears that the neutrality policy would be compromised in the eyes of the Soviet Union but also from fears of what the reaction would be like in Sweden. The fear concerned two things: that the public support for Sweden joining the Western alliance would be strengthened, and that there would be negative reactions among their own crack units, who were regarded as neutrality supporters. Certain elements in the policy adopted by the Government have been judged as attempts to try to counteract this. </p><p>Due to its status as non-aligned country without combat troops in Korea Sweden was given a number of assignments of a mediating and bridging nature during the Korean War. The Swedish government had worries that some of those assignments would be expensive and difficult to carry out. But Sweden had an obvious interest in putting an end to the war and the government also realized that the fact that Sweden was given such missions could be used to justify the Swedish policy of neutrality. </p><p>The Korean War broke out quickly and surprisingly and was initially mobile and fluctuating with several dramatic changes in the successes in the field. Throughout the war, also when the warfare had become more static and the armistice negotiations had started, there was a latent threat of escalation towards a major war between East and West. The Swedish foreign and security policy experts in the Ministry for Foreign Affairs and the Defence Staff could not predict the outbreak of the Korean War and all the dramatic shifts, but they had an accurate basic attitude concerning the two superpowers’ desire to avoid a world war and restrict the Korean War to Korea. </p>

The aim of this thesis is to describe and analyse the Swedish policy towards the Korean Conflict 1947–1953. “Swedish policy” means primarily the Swedish Government’s policy, but also the action taken by the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs and the Swedish Defence Staff. When the UN treated the issue of Korea in the years before the outbreak of the Korean War in June 1950 the Swedish government abstained from voting for reasons of principle or legality, namely that the Korean issue belonged to the peace regulations after the Second World War, in which Sweden, as an ex-neutral state, considered that it should not participate. During the Korean War 1950–1953 the Swedish government almost consistently and in many different ways supported the US-led coalition in defence of South Korea. Although never officially mentioned, this support was given with considerable uneasiness. This uneasiness stemmed not only from fears that the neutrality policy would be compromised in the eyes of the Soviet Union but also from fears of what the reaction would be like in Sweden. The fear concerned two things: that the public support for Sweden joining the Western alliance would be strengthened, and that there would be negative reactions among their own crack units, who were regarded as neutrality supporters. Certain elements in the policy adopted by the Government have been judged as attempts to try to counteract this. Due to its status as non-aligned country without combat troops in Korea Sweden was given a number of assignments of a mediating and bridging nature during the Korean War. The Swedish government had worries that some of those assignments would be expensive and difficult to carry out. But Sweden had an obvious interest in putting an end to the war and the government also realized that the fact that Sweden was given such missions could be used to justify the Swedish policy of neutrality. The Korean War broke out quickly and surprisingly and was initially mobile and fluctuating with several dramatic changes in the successes in the field. Throughout the war, also when the warfare had become more static and the armistice negotiations had started, there was a latent threat of escalation towards a major war between East and West. The Swedish foreign and security policy experts in the Ministry for Foreign Affairs and the Defence Staff could not predict the outbreak of the Korean War and all the dramatic shifts, but they had an accurate basic attitude concerning the two superpowers’ desire to avoid a world war and restrict the Korean War to Korea.

This empirical research focuses on the subject of Hijab in Sweden. It demonstrates that Afghan (Muslim) women residing in Sweden do not consider the Hijab as an element of their culture/identity. Additionally, the empirical data gathered through interviews with twenty Afghans residing in Sweden reveals that Hijab is socially imposed on women, particularly by male relatives. Afghan women reveal verbal and physical violations exercised against women by male relatives in order to force them to veil. Therefore, if multiculturalism favors the Hijab as a human right and/or an identity/cultural element of these women, it neglects the violations implied by Hijab on women. By adopting a Marxist feminist lens, the research explains that although veiling and controlling women’s body existed for centuries before the birth of capitalism, controlling women’s body by forcing them to veil serves the capitalist project as well. The veil is one of the diverse ways of controlling women (‘s body) and is one of the ways to help the interests of capitalism since women are the source of reproduction of labor. Rejecting the position of both left-wing and right-wing parties (and specifically racists) in the political sphere in Sweden, it is suggested that the former (no matter intentionally or unintentionally) justifies and serves the preservation of the repressive Hijab and does not protect Muslim women and their human rights. And (far) right-wing actors, by pointing to the repressive Hijab, merely aim to cut the budget that is essential for protecting the fundamental human rights of immigrants and target the existence of immigrants per se to enable (further) development of capitalist (economic) policies. This research argues that discourse cannot make a substantial change in behaviors, and not only men should be considered as the responsible actor to diminish the violations. A third alternative/approach is instead suggested for the change in the material condition of such communities so as to diminish the violations. By reminding the responsibility of the Swedish government, it is suggested that the government should take responsibility for material provision regarding awareness, education, employment, and development of oppressed veiled women. This is how the government can protect human rights and actualize women’s capacity in order to combat the violations.

Sweden is a country that has made significant achievements regarding sustainable development through its implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Regardless of its efforts and leading position in global sustainability work, scholars have pointed out how other countries are negatively affected by its actions. Previous research also emphasized how nega- tive global spillover effects lead to adverse events affecting the world environmentally, socially, and economically. By conducting a qualitative content analysis through the lens of the theoret- ical framework, The Spillover Index, this study aims to shed light on the overlooked negative spillover effects stemming from Sweden's implementation of the SDGs. This paper recognizes the actions and acknowledgments made by Sweden on its negative spillover effects, along with unintended consequences and contradictions. The result of this thesis emphasizes the urgency for a more holistic understanding of sustainability and the SDGs, calling for countries to con- sider when implementing its sustainability work, not only national achievements, and gains but also the extensive impact of its actions in a global context.

The Swedish Red Cross (SRK) has worked for over a century to improve Swedishsociety and at the same time been involved in aid operations for several internationalhumanitarian disasters and crises. SRK is meant to be a stateless and neutralorganization, but has at the same time since its inception in 1864 SRK had a closecollaboration with the Swedish government. This essay aims to understand how thiscooperation has affected SRK's aid actions in war and if it has affected their neutralityin choosing sides in the wars. The essay's investigation deals with three areas thatwere affected by war and where SRK chose to carry out aid operations. The sourcematerial has been analyzed based on the qualitative text analysis method where thesource material is selected according to the three areas; Abyssinia, Finland andGreece. Furthermore, the empirical evidence has been analyzed based on Joseph S.Nye Jr. Theory of interdependence to better and at a deeper level understandcooperation. The analysis is based on the four concepts that Nye Jr. built his theorybased on: sources, benefits, relative costs, and symmetries. The study shows that therewas a mutual need for a collaboration between SRK and the Swedish state, whichaffected SRK's neutrality into whom and where the aid actions should be sent. / Svenska Röda Korset (SRK) har arbetat i över ett sekel för att förbättra det svenskasamhället och samtidigt varit involverat i hjälpinsatser för flera internationellahumanitära katastrofer och kriser. SRK är tänkt att vara en statslös och neutralorganisation, men har samtidigt sedan starten 1864 haft ett nära samarbete med densvenska regeringen. Denna uppsats syftar till att förstå hur detta samarbete harpåverkat SRK:s biståndsåtgärder i krig och om det har påverkat deras neutralitet i attvälja sida i krigen. Uppsatsens utredning behandlar tre områden som drabbats av krigoch där SRK valde att genomföra biståndsinsatser. Källmaterialet har analyseratsutifrån den kvalitativa textanalysmetoden där källmaterialet väljs ut enligt de treområdena; Abessinien, Finland och Grekland. Vidare har den empiriska evidensenanalyserats utifrån Joseph S. Nye Jr. Teori om interdependens för att bättre och på endjupare nivå förstå samarbete. Analysen bygger på de fyra begrepp som Nye Jrbyggde sin teori utifrån: källor, nytta, relativa kostnader och symmetrier. Studien visaratt det fanns ett ömsesidigt behov av ett samarbete mellan SRK och svenska staten,vilket påverkade SRK:s neutralitet till vem och vart biståndsinsatserna skulle skickas.

The transport sector is a significant contributor to greenhouse gas emissions, accounting for around 25% of total emissions, highlighting its significant role in climate change and environmental issues the world is facing. The Swedish government adopted a climate policy framework to achieve net zero emissions by 2045, aiming to reduce domestic transport emissions by 70% by 2030. This thesis focuses on electric vehicles, which are a sustainable alternative to traditional vehicles, addressing environmental issues by having zero emissions while driving. Electric vehicles can help achieve sustainable transportation and Swedish government climate policy by reducing noise and air pollution and potentially reducing environmental issues the world is facing. However, the share of electric vehicles in the total number of vehicles sold is still small in Sweden.  The aim of the thesis is to examine and explore the factors that affect the electric vehicle purchase intentions of students living in Jönköping municipality and studying at Jönköping University. This thesis used the Theory of Planned Behavior and the Extended Theory of Planned Behavior to explore the factors that affect the electric vehicle purchase intentions of students living in Jönköping municipality and studying at Jönköping University. The methods of the thesis are the quantitative survey method and the statistical analysis method.  According to the results of the thesis, five factors — attitude, subjective norms, perceived behavior control, environmental concern, and price — have an important relationship with the electric vehicle purchase intentions.The findings showed that environmental concern has the most positive and most important relationship with the electric vehicle purchase intention, perceived behavior control has the second-most positive and most important relationship with the electric vehicle purchase intention, compared to other factors when purchasing electric vehicles, and SN is the factor that least affects.

Abstract The studies purpose is to acknowledge if there are some differences between the decision against Ranstadverkets uranium mining depending on event that occur and affect the project. 1959 - 1970 is the years that are examine. The Swedish uranium mining was a hot subject between the political parties. Nearly half a billion Swedish kronor was invested in the project. Nonprofit organizations like environment groups disliked the project and tried to stop it. Events like the when the mine where put in pause in 1969 and how that affected the mine. The study analyzes how the events affected the Swedish governments decisions against the mine and how the Swedish people responded on the decisions. / Den svenska miljöhistorian består mestadels av forskning om kärnkraften och vattenkraften vilket är bara en del av Sverige miljöhistoria. Den svenska uranbrytningen är en del av den svenska miljöhistorian fast det finns knappt någon forskning om ämnet, speciellt inte utifrån riksdagsbesluten. Vilket gör ämnet mer intresserat att studera.     Ranstadverket under åren 1959 - 1970 kan uppfattas som ett hett ämne vilket har blivit påverkat av omvärlden och dess förändring. Vid starten av Ranstadsprojektet var budgeten för verket cirka 115 miljoner och verkets byggnation kostade cirka 140 miljoner. Efter alla kostnader och arbetstimmar blev kostnaden för hela projektet nästan en halv miljard svenska kronor. De två frågor som har diskuterats i riksdagens dokument är ifall det är gynnsamt att utvinna uran vid Ranstad samt kostnaden för projektet. Ranstadsprojektet var ett diskussionsämne för alla svenska partier för att det var väldigt ekonomiskt krävande men också för att det kunde minska importkostnader.