Title: How masculine is Donald Trump? – A comparative discourse analysis of how Donald Trumps masculinities are portrayed on The New York Times, The Guardian & Aftonbladets webpages The aim of this essay is to compare how Donald Trumps masculinities are portrayed in the news reporting by The New York Times, The Guardian and Aftonbladets webpages. The time period of the study capture Donald Trump before he was elected as president, after the election and then as the position as incumbent president to grasp one more dimension of his masculine identity throw different time periods and capture his subject position in the news reporting. The method that is used to examine this issue is Laclau and Mouffes discourse theory that work as a combination of discourse analysis as a method of analyzing the news text and locate different discourses. As well as in combination with theories about masculinities and previous studies about former presidents, macho culture and hegemonic masculinities. The result show Donald Trump with different masculine identities through both time and media channel. Donald Trump has first been seen as a masculine joke, a stunt like one of the Jackass-gang would pull in the TV-series. A man that is not afraid to take the challenge and run for president even if the odds are well against him, he represent a masculine crisis. Later on he take the form of a business man that hopefully will ”not” run USA like his worldwide affairs, fast and unpredictable. The latest chapter portray Donald Trump as a fearless president that do whatever he want in policy making and the media is afraid of what will happen to the world order. From a former identity of a ”business rockstar” that does what he wants with females and worldwide affairs to become one of the most fearsome manly leader of the western civilication. Alongside with the theory of masculinities Donald Trump try to defend the hegemonic masculinity of politics and business leders by playing on a possible ”mancard” like Ronald Reagan back in the 80 ́s, by reaching out to the industry workers that mostly are men and defending there chances of labour – when the society evolved form industrial to a more service economic society with women competing alongside men about workplace. The slogan ”America First” would rather be ”Masculinity First”, ”Make America Masculine Again” would be the text on the caps

After the accession of Donald Trump as president of the United States, the recent protectionist trade environment is guarantee that the American trade policy could affect Latin American countries, due to the importance of United States as trading partner. These policies would not only affect Latin American countries, but also their main trading partners as China, that could respond with other protectionist policies, which could lead to the beginning of a domino effect, where the biggest loser could be Latin America. Taking into account the current international context, in this article it will be making policy recommendations on Free Trade Agreement issues aimed to reducing the possible impacts of American trade policies in Latin American countries (especially, considering the recent United States’ withdraw from the Trans-Pacific Partnership deal). / Dado el reciente ambiente comercial proteccionista suscitado tras el ingreso de Donald Trump como presidente de Estados Unidos, se presenta una gran posibilidad de que las políticas comerciales que se puedan aplicar en Estados Unidos repercutan sobre los países de América Latina, dada la importancia de Estados Unidos como socio comercial. Estas políticas no solo afectarían a los países latinoamericanos, sino también a sus principales socios comerciales (i.e. China), los cuales podrían responder con mayores políticas proteccionistas; esto podría llevar al inicio de un efecto dominó donde el gran perdedor sea América Latina. Por tal motivo, tomando en cuenta el actual contexto internacional, se buscará, en el presente artículo, realizar recomendaciones de políticas en temas de Acuerdos de Libre Comercio, orientadas a reducir los posibles impactos de las políticas comerciales norteamericanas en la región de América Latina (especialmente considerando la reciente salida del Trans-Pacific Partnership).

The United States' enemy image of North Korea has been on its political agenda since the Korean war. Weapons of mass destruction has, since the Cold War, shown the complexity it brings on conflictual interests and decision-makers persuading efforts. Enemy image, per se, brings difficulties in achieving cooperation, substantially when both parties contempt high levels of enmity. However, the newly established U.S.-DPRK relationship brings hope for cooperative possibilities regarding denuclearization on the Korean peninsula. The relationship between Donald Trump and Kim Jong-Un is not based on trust, instead, it is dependent on the concrete steps taken by the other. The enemy image of North Korea has been settled on the U.S. political agenda firmly because of the principles regarding denuclearization and security. The enemy image is also an important factor to consider when examining political agendas, since the changing dynamics are dependent on how state A interpret state B and vice versa. What has articulated the dynamics of the U.S. enemy image against North Korea? and how has its enemy image changed? To answer the question at issue, a theory consumption of Eriksson and Noreen’s explanatory model is necessary. Which consists of context-dependent external and informal factors that will contribute different but coherent hypotheses.

The purpose of this study is to examine Donald Trump's political communication regarding COVID-19 on Twitter during the time period 01-01-2020 to 30-09-2020. This study is motivated by the importance of analyzing Trump's power of definition regarding the situation surrounding the national crisis caused by COVID-19. The research questions include aspects of identifying frequent problem definitions, who is responsible for various crisis and whether Trump is motivating it, all provided through Trump’s tweets during the time period of the study.  The theoretical framework is constructed based on Entman (1993) as well as Matthes and Kohring (2008) to fulfill the purpose of the study and answer the research questions. The method is based on quantitative content analysis with qualitative elements. The method provided the ability to focus on the most frequent themes and topics. The analytical categories that have been used are: problem identification, problem definition, treatment recommendation, distribution of responsibility and whether it is motivated or not.  Findings of the most frequent societal crises were: Health crisis, Invisible Enemy-crisis and Information-crisis. Based on these three frames were identified: China is responsible for causing a Health crisis in the USA, China is responsible for causing the Invisible enemy-crisis in the USA and The spreading of disinformation by certain actors is harmful for the USA. With support of previous research of Donald Trump's political communication and usage of Twitter, this study highlights the importance of critically analyzing Trump, belonging to the political elite, how he uses his power to define COVID-19.

Since the start of 2020 the coronavirus has spread across the world like wildfire. The pandemic has so far killed over one hundred thousand people in its global rampage, and has subsequently left many countries in economic and political ruins. Political opinion makers have used the crisis to highlight and concretize perceived societal flaws, and one source for this type of criticism is the social media platform Reddit, where memes are used in different forums about American politics. This study examines corona related political memes on the subreddit r/PoliticalHumor, and emphasizes and discusses what opinions, ideologies and discourses that take place on the self proclaimed politically neutral forum during the corona crisis. The theoretical framework firstly defines political memes thanks to various studies about the specific subject, supported by theories surrounding participatory culture by Henry Jenkins. We also use the theories of social constructivism, semiotics, internet social activism and a critical discourse analysis (CDA). The CDA is also the main method of the study, where we use Anabela Carvalho’s CDA model fitted for media texts. Johnny Saldaña’s thematic quantitative analysis model, and Roland Barthes semiotic analysis model about denotation and connotation further helps us to dissect and analyze the memes. The results show us that the political memes regarding corona on r/PoliticalHumor are predominantly critical towards the American power elite, and use the corona crisis to highlight the perceived flaws of the US hegemony rather than to support it. This political critique is presented in three major discourses; distrust of the power, othering of the political opponents and a collapse discourse. As a tool for opinion making in an international crisis, political memes might follow these three major discourses in other contexts.

This study aims to dive deeper into the specific structure, propagation and adaptability of the American alt-right political movement QAnon’s underlying narrative through the lens of “Digital Storytelling”. The method employed being a holistic narrative analysis. Utilizing data collected from the image boards 4chan, 8chan and 8kun we look at a large narrative specifically centered around Donald Trump’s presidency. By gaining a more thorough understanding of the narrative techniques employed to create said narrative, this study will highlight resilient and recurring structures within the QAnon movement. Our findings show that the movement through the application of several characteristic features of digital storytelling have created a highly adaptable narrative. The cryptic nature of messaging used by the movements original author has through the instance of “decoding”, allowed a range of different interpretations to flourish. We identify three key factors connected to the success of the QAnon narrative, these being, 1: An authentic message, created through both hidden and visible feedback. 2: An elastic and resilient narrative, formed through iterative interpretations of coded messages. 3: A tight knitted group-identity, reinforced by the self-classifying as underdogs.

This study uses a neoclassical framework aiming to explain why different changes in foreign policy towards Cuba has occurred under the Trump-era. The main research question of the study is therefore: To what extent can neo-classical realism explain US policy changes towards Cuba during Trump's 2017-2021 term? The study identified three major changes that occured during the set time period that has been analysed through a neoclassical realist perspective. The material consists of a wide range from government documentation, reports, remarks, newspaper articles, academic work, tweets and more, to get a complete picture as possible. Three intervening variables grounded in neoclassical theory has been set up to analyse and find the material. The analysis concluded that domestic politics can have broad effect on foreign policy, which the neoclassical realism theory can identify.

The aim of this study was to examine how American news media covered Donald Trump's presidential campaign in the election of 2016, as well as discussing the possible consequences of such reporting on the election results. Using mixed methods, 3652 digital news articles were studied by discourse analysis and topic modeling through MALLET. The study found that a substantial number of articles were dedicated to such non-political news reporting as scandals, portraying an image of Trump as someone who can get away with doing whatever he wants. Furthermore, the results of the study found that media helped to convey Trump’s views of minorities, doing so in particularly by citing him. The media also relied largely on polls. Comparison of the candidates through these polls enhanced the image of the election campaign as nothing more than a horse race, as well as turning up Trumps entertainment value. As the campaign continued, the reporting got more aggressive towards Trump. At the same time there was an element of wanting to balance the critical articles about him by simultaneously writing negatively about other candidates. The study concludes that all of the non-political new stories might have directed focus away from the important policy issues, leading to people voting for candidates without  the proper insight into their politics.

Syftet med denna uppsats är testa Muddes hypotes: När populistiska aktörer når politiska framgångar och hotar etablissemanget, svarar delar av etablissemanget med att inkludera ett populistiskt språkbruk för att mota bort utmanaren. Ovanstående hypotes prövas genom att undersöka om Hillary Clinton och Jeb Bush som tillhör ett politiskt etablissemang utvecklat sitt språk i sina kampanjtal mot att bli mer eller mindre populistiska, i samband med att Donald Trump och Bernie Sanders som av flera medier blivit beskrivna som populister anslutit sig till primärvalet 2016 i USA. Teorin som används i uppsatsen är hämtad från Cas Muddes studie The Populist Zeitgeist samt Kirk A. Hawkins studie ”Is Chávez Populist?”. Metoden i uppsatsen utgörs av en kvalitativ idealtypsanalys. Utifrån uppsatsens resultat kan följande indikationer redovisas. Hillary Clinton har inte inkluderat ett mer populistiskt språk i sina kampanjtal i samband med att Trump och Sanders ställt upp inför primärvalet 2016 i USA. Detta står i motsats till Jeb Bush som inkluderat ett mer populistiskt språk i samband med att Trump och Sanders ställt upp inför primärvalet 2016 i USA, vilket styrker Muddes hypotes.

Problemformulering och syfte Det amerikanska presidentvalet 2016 var unikt – för första gången hade en kvinna chansen att bli president. De båda kandidaterna, Hillary Clinton och Donald Trump, figurerade flitigt i media under respektive valkampanj, inte minst på bild. Och just bilden har fått en allt större betydelse i nyhetsbevakning. I de traditionellt textbaserade medierna blir bilderna fler och större, medan texten krymper. Då mycket av tidigare forskning fokuserat på gestaltning i text, ville vi ta det vidare till bild. Syftet med vår studie var därför att se hur de två kandidaterna i det amerikanska valet gestaltas i bild. Men även hur rubrikerna till bilderna är gestaltade. Metod och material Vi har gjort en kvantitativ innehållsanalys av bilder publicerade på Hillary Clinton och Donald Trump i New York Times och Dagens Nyheter från den 1 november till och med den 8 november 2016. Totalt analyserade vi 67 bilder, 46 där Hillary Clinton förekom och 34 där Donald Trump förekom. Huvudresultat Resultatet av vår studie visar att media gestaltar kandidaterna olika i bild. Skillnaden finns i valet av bildutsnitt, kameravinkel och ansiktsuttryck. Det vanligaste sättet att gestalta Hillary Clinton på är som en lättillgänglig och oproblematisk person, dock med en viss distans. Medan Donald Trump gestaltas som en öppen och tillgänglig person som står nära läsarna, men samtidigt som en makthavare med ett allvarligt uttryck. Gestaltningarna av kandidaterna kan även tolkas som stereotypa för hur kvinnor och män porträtteras i media, där media fortsätter att reproducera könsstereotypa föreställningar om vad som är manligt och kvinnligt. Rubrikerna gestaltades i största utsträckning som spel.