O tema de minha tese de doutorado é o estudo de representações da personagem histórica feminina Anna Bolena, configuradas em textos do âmbito da história e do âmbito da literatura contemporâneas. O corpus analisado na pesquisa é composto pelos romances de língua inglesa contemporâneos: The Secret Diary of Anne Boleyn (1997), da escritora estado-unidense Robin Maxwell; e Dear heart, How Like You This? (2002), da escritora australiana Wendy J. Dunn. E pelos textos do registro histórico: Life and Death of Anne Boleyn: The Most Happy (2004), de Eric Ives; e Anne Boleyn, capítulo do livro Six Wives: The Queens of Henry VIII (2003), de David Starkey. Ambos acreditados historiadores britânicos. Tendo em vista o corpus assinalado, busco demonstrar ao longo do estudo a tese de que tanto discursos históricos quanto discursos literários anglófonos contemporâneos constroem índices diferenciados de legitimidade e visibilidade à personagem histórica Anna Bolena; cuja importância histórica foi, até recentemente, negada e diminuída através de processos de envilecimento, deslegitimação, silenciamento e apagamento. Dentre as conclusões, destaco a confirmação da tese proposta. Ou seja, os discursos históricos e literários estudados se apropriam da figura de Anna Bolena em um movimento de resgate e reabilitação da memória apagada, fragmentada, vilanizada e demonizada da personagem histórica. Os historiadores, Ives e Starkey, reescreveram a história de Anna, com base em novas evidências surgidas no final do século XX; bem como, em uma investigação acurada e novas interpretações das informações presentes em fontes já conhecidas. O resultado é que Anne ganhou visibilidade e legitimidade históricas, na medida em que aspectos da vida dela, antes desconsiderados, como a educação e o envolvimento na Reforma Religiosa, passaram a ser representados em discursos de prestigiados historiadores britânicos. Ao se tornar o centro de discursos acreditados, Anna Bolena é legitimada e se torna visível no quadro histórico. As romancistas, Dunn e Maxwell, desconstroem mitos negativos em torno da personagem histórica ao apresentá-los sob uma nova perspectiva. Os textos literários, devido à liberdade imaginativa, que lhes é peculiar, dão ênfase, especialmente, a um aspecto não coberto pela história devido à escassez de fontes: a psicologia da personagem. Nos textos híbridos que surgem da intersecção entre literatura e história, passado e presente, ex-colônia e ex-metrópole, o passado é re-escrito com as tintas vivas de um presente marcado por movimentos e expressões de descolonização. / The theme of my PhD research is the study of representations of Anne Boleyn in texts from contemporary literature and history. The corpus analyzed in the research is composed of the novels The secret diary of Anne Boleyn, by the North American novelist Robin Maxwell; and Dear heart, how like you this?, by the Australian novelist Wendy J. Dunn. And the historical texts Life and Death of Anne Boleyn, by Eric Ives; and "Anne Boleyn", chapter of the book Six Wives: The Queens of Henry VIII, by David Starkey. Both are credited British Historians. Considering the corpus, I demonstrate the thesis that contemporary Anglophone historical discourses, as well as, contemporary Anglophone literary discourses, build different hints of legitimacy and visibility to the historical character Anne Boleyn, whose importance was denied and diminished, until a short time ago. And so it is. The literary and historical discourses analyzed appropriate the image of Anna Bolena in a movement towards rescuing and rehabilitating her memory, which was erased, fragmented, vilified, and demonized. The historians, Ives and Starkey, wrote new versions of her life history based on new evidence found at the end of the twentieth century, as well as, on accurate investigation and fresh interpretations of old sources. They included, in their report, aspects not considered before, such as her education and her participation in the English Religious Reformation. The result of all these procedures is that Anne achieved visibility and legitimacy in the historical scene. The novelists, Dunn and Maxwell, deconstruct negative myths about Anne Boleyn presenting them according to a new perspective. The literary texts, because of their imaginative freedom, especially emphasize an aspect that, due to lack of sources, is not covered by history: the psychology of the character. In these hybrid texts that emerge from the intersection between literature and history, past and present, former metropolis and former colony, the past is re-written with the vivid colors of the present, that are marked by movements and expressions of de-colonization.

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From the second half of Henry VIII's reign through that of his son Edward VI, roughly 1530 through 1553, England was in turmoil. Traditional (Catholic) religion was methodically undermined, and sometimes violently swept away, in favor of a biblically based evangelical faith imported and adapted from European dissenters/reformers (Protestants). This thesis elucidates the process of parish-level religious change in England during the tumultuous mid sixteenth century. It does so through examining the unique dynamics and complexities of its local reception in a previously unstudied corner of the realm, the Suffolk parishes of Boxford, Cratfield, Long Melford, and Mildenhall. This thesis asserts that ongoing alterations in religious policy under Henry VIII and Edward VI reflected an evolution in both governmental tactics and local attitudes toward the locus of religious authority. Contrary to the view that the Reformation was done to the English people, the parish-level evidence investigated herein shows that, at least in Suffolk, the reformation was only accomplished with their cooperation. Furthermore, it finds that while costly, divisive, and unpopular in many parts of England, religious change was, for the most part, received enthusiastically in these four parishes. Two types of primary sources inform the historical narrative and analysis of this thesis. First, the official documents of religious reform initiated by the crown and Parliament tell the story of magisterial reformation, from the top down. Second, the often-mundane entries found in churchwardens' accounts of parish income and expenditure illuminate the individual and communal dynamics involved in implementing religious policy on the local level, from the bottom up. As agents operating between the distinct spheres of government authority and local interest, this study finds that churchwardens wielded significant power in the mediation of religious policy. The churchwardens' accounts are also supplemented throughout by analysis of selected parishioners' wills, which provide insight into personal beliefs of key individuals and hint at the formation of early religious affinity groupings within parishes. Chapter One summarizes the development of the pre-Reformation Sarum liturgy, its Eucharistic theology, and its relation to the late-medieval doctrine of purgatory. It also describes the richly decorated interiors of pre-Reformation English parish churches and their function as centers of community spiritual life. This provides a gauge through which to understand the extensive changes wrought to church liturgy and fabric during the Reformation. Chapter Two focuses on the unsettled nature of religious policy during the second half of Henry VIII's reign and how it set the stage for more severe changes to come. Chapters Three and Four examine the reign of Edward VI, which saw the most radical efforts at evangelical reform ever attempted in England. In these three chapters, official changes in religious policy are interwoven with analysis of local reaction in the four Suffolk parishes, revealing some surprising local responses and initiatives. The conclusion presents a summary of the historical narrative and analysis presented in the preceding chapters, suggests possibilities for further research, and offers closing thoughts about the local experience of negotiating religious change during this period.

This dissertation relates to treason and sodomy crimes that were fundamental in all pre-modern societies (also adultery but to a lesser extent). These laws, characterized by their biblical source, have met their demise in modern Western societies. The rise of individual rights led to significant changes in these crimes and eventually to their demise. As discussed below, the demise has become so substantial that the antiquated crime of sodomy, termed the crime against nature, is a modern source of pride, and actions like those of January 6, 2021, that would have been considered treason in prior generations are no longer charged as treason. Chapter One: Dying Criminal Laws: Sodomy and Adultery From the Bible toDemise analyzes the rise and fall of sodomy and adultery. The original legal basis for punishing sodomy and adultery was due to a breach in the duty of loyalty owed to God (i.e. sin) or the state. However, the loosening of the bonds of loyalty in present day Western criminal law has led to the demise of these crimes. Their demise has correlated with the rise of individual rights, especially the right to privacy. As such, the demise of sodomy and adultery laws is symbolic of the shift from a duty-based to a rights-based society. Chapter Two: The Genesis of Treason: The Creation of Equality and TheEstablishment of the Patriarchy analyzes the biblical source of treason. The roots of treason reach back to the Bible. Treason against God’s divine right kings was acrime because it was an assault against the heavenly order. Petit treason was also an attack on God’s order. The initial chapters of the book of Genesis contain the foundation of the law oftreason. The treasons of Adam and Eve, Cain, the Sons of God, Ham, and Nimrod each relate to different aspects of both high and petit treason. The dissertation also analyzes the place of treason during the reign of Saul and David as Kings of Israel. According to the Book of Samuel, neither Saul's indeterminate use of treason nor the virtually nonexistent use of treason by David is the right path. Rather, a determinant form of treason that punishes actual treason but does not punish all forms of opposition is appropriate. Chapter Three: The Rise and Fall of High Treason and The Correlation with PetitTreason Infallible Relationships: From Edward III to The Execution of Charles I And Lessons For Modern Treason in the Age of Charles III traces the roots of treason as a crime in Anglo-American law, the expansion of treason during Henry VIII’s reign, up to the conviction of King Charles I for high treason. Henry VIII enacted multiple amendments to the law of high treason and did nothesitate to utilize treason as a weapon in his battle for supremacy against the Pope in England. Compared with Henry and his children, James I endeavored to use the law of high treason sparingly. Treason underwent a fundamental transformation during Charles I’s reign thatultimately led to a civil war and Parliament transforming treason from a statute that protected the King into a law that protected the nation. This was done by rejecting the King’s special status and invoking the transformative idea of a social contractbetween the nation and the people. In short, a transformation from status to contract. The changes at the dawn of treason have continued to the present day, and treason,the crime that protects the hierarchy of society, has not been invoked in the US and UK since the end of World War II. The failed South African treason trial against Nelson Mandela and the Civil and Woman’s Rights Movements appear to have led to treason’s demise in cases that do not involve armed warfare. Despite the renewed interest in treason following the assault on the US Capital on January 6, 2021, there does not appear to be an appetite for reviving treason. In the age of Charles III, the most severe crime for a march like Charles I’s “warlike march” on Parliament is seditious conspiracy.

The central objective of this dissertation is to gain an understanding of the effect by the market within the household on a specific developmental initiative whose aim was poverty reduction. This dissertation analyses how individuals gain access to resources, and how they enforce their entitlements during the on-going implicit and explicit negotiations inherent in daily rural life. The research tested the suitability of several concepts previously untested in the southern African context. The concept of hearth-holds, proved valuable as a unit of analysis which recognizes the importance of female-directed social units. The relevance of the fall-back position in terms of locality of kin, as well as perceptions of legitimacy, were crucial in affecting how far they were willing to go and what they felt they could demand in everyday household bargaining situations. The deficiency of using romantic ideas of conjugal relations and equal opportunities to explain practice was apparent. Spouses strategise within the terms of their conjugal contracts, at times adhering to the dominant patriarchal bargain, at times covertly defying or overtly challenging it, and following another bargain. Placing women as the custodians of morality, works to the relative advantage of men by isolating women from accessing certain opportunities. Female heads of households, manage to legitimise their access to resources by virtue of being custodians of their children. Custodianship of cash funds, and the dominant decision making model used for resource related decisions in the household, clearly impacted on the relevance of different strategies in the bargaining process. The strategic entry points in this process of reduced transparency and violence were relevant in most households studied. The latter was effective in reinforcing and shaping the conjugal contract, despite in effect breaking it. Drinking facilitated this process by creating a temporary suspension of the rules. Concrete recommendations for developmental practitioners involve incorporating the hearth-hold concept and promoting the communal planning, budgeting and monitoring approach, as well as to specifically target individuals who need their intra-household bargaining power boosted. A clear policy on affirmative action in gate keeper roles, as well as gender disaggregated documentation of beneficiaries, should be institutionalised. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Modern society is plagued by an intense conflict of political ideologies. These conflicts in many instances reflect very serious religious overtones. Each person or group claims the right to react to socio-political issues on the basis of their own worldviews that are shaped by their cultural backgrounds, religious belief systems and political ideals. Human diversity serve to complicate matters even more and has in many instances found expression in political and religious intolerance, a fact testified to by the large-scale abuse of human rights that took place with increased intensity in the 20th century. Many Christians have failed to challenge the injustices that have resulted from these political ideologies and have instead opted to become 'apolitical' or simply hiding behind the argument that politics and religion does not mix. The author through a careful study of biblical political structures in the ancient Near East attempts to demonstrate the extent to which political ideologies of communities were influenced by the cultural milieu within which they existed. The feelings of ambivalence we experience in our faith are a direct result of these influences. An understanding of political ideology from a biblical perspective is essential to understand current world conflicts especially those that relate to the Middle East region. The author also argues for a reconciliation of politics and religion in the collective psyche of Christians. This would enhance a sense of sociopolitical responsibility in terms of the biblical mandate. The responsibility of government structures in terms of this mandate is also important and needs to be emphasised. The primary responsibility of any government is the welfare of its citizens and the management of public resources in an orderly, moral and efficient manner. A large percentage of government officials find it extremely difficult to face up to the challenge. The perspectives presented not only gives one insight into the historical development of biblical political worldviews. but presents us with challenges to pursue opportunities for peace and justice that would recognise and advance human dignity, human equality and human responsibility. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die moderne samelewing is oorweldig deur konflikte van politieke ideologies. Hierdie konflikte is in baie gevalle 'n weerspieëling van baie ernstige godsdienstige motiewe. Elke persoon of groep behou hom die reg voor om te reageer op socio-politiese aangeleenthede op grond van 'n eie wêreldsiening wat geskep word deur kulturele agtergronde, godsdienstige geloofsstelsels en politieke ideale. Menslike verskeidenheid maak hierdie aangeleenthede meer ingewikkeld en het in baie gevalle gelei na politieke en godsdienstige onverdraagsaamheid. Dit het verder aanleiding gegee tot die grootskaalse menseregte skendings wat plaasgevind het met groter intensiteit gedurende die 20ste eeu. Vele Christene het nie daarin geslaag om die uitdagings van ongeregtighede, wat voortspruit uit hierdie politieke ideologieë, die hoof te bied nie en het verkies om of hulself as 'apolities' te verklaar of om te argumenteer dat politiek en die godsdiens nie bymekaar hoort nie. Die skrywer, deur 'n indringende studie van bybelse politieke strukture van die ou Nabye Ooste te onderneem, poog om te demonstreer dat politiek ideologies gekleur was deur die kulturele samestelling van die gemeenskap. Gevoelens van ambivalensie wat ons ervaar in ons geloof is regstreeks as gevolg van hierdie omstandighede. Politieke ideologie vanuit 'n bybelse perspektief gee vir ons die geleentheid om huidige wêreldkonflikte beter te verstaan veral dit wat betrekking het op die Midde Ooste streek. Die skrywer stel ook voor die versoening van politiek en die godsdiens in die kollektiewe psige van Christene. As gevolg hiervan word die socio-politiese verantwoordelikheid van die Christen verhef in lyn met die bybelse mandaat. Die verantwoordelikheid van regerings strukture in terme van hierdie mandaat is ook belangrik en behoort beklemtoon word. Die primêre doel van enige regering is die welvaart van sy burgers sowel as die bestuur van sy openbare hulpbronne op 'n ordelike, sedelike en doeltreffende manier. 'n Groot aantal regeringsbeamptes vind dit moeilik om hierdie uitdaging die hoof te bied. Hierdie perspektiewe, wat hier aangebied word, gee nie net vir ons insig tot die historiese ontwikkeling van bybelse politieke wêreldsieninge nie, maar daag ons uit om geleenthede vir vrede en geregtigheid wat menslike waardigheid, menslike gelykheid en menslike verantwoordelikheid erken, na te jag.

The central objective of this dissertation is to gain an understanding of the effect by the market within the household on a specific developmental initiative whose aim was poverty reduction. This dissertation analyses how individuals gain access to resources, and how they enforce their entitlements during the on-going implicit and explicit negotiations inherent in daily rural life. The research tested the suitability of several concepts previously untested in the southern African context. The concept of hearth-holds, proved valuable as a unit of analysis which recognizes the importance of female-directed social units. The relevance of the fall-back position in terms of locality of kin, as well as perceptions of legitimacy, were crucial in affecting how far they were willing to go and what they felt they could demand in everyday household bargaining situations. The deficiency of using romantic ideas of conjugal relations and equal opportunities to explain practice was apparent. Spouses strategise within the terms of their conjugal contracts, at times adhering to the dominant patriarchal bargain, at times covertly defying or overtly challenging it, and following another bargain. Placing women as the custodians of morality, works to the relative advantage of men by isolating women from accessing certain opportunities. Female heads of households, manage to legitimise their access to resources by virtue of being custodians of their children. Custodianship of cash funds, and the dominant decision making model used for resource related decisions in the household, clearly impacted on the relevance of different strategies in the bargaining process. The strategic entry points in this process of reduced transparency and violence were relevant in most households studied. The latter was effective in reinforcing and shaping the conjugal contract, despite in effect breaking it. Drinking facilitated this process by creating a temporary suspension of the rules. Concrete recommendations for developmental practitioners involve incorporating the hearth-hold concept and promoting the communal planning, budgeting and monitoring approach, as well as to specifically target individuals who need their intra-household bargaining power boosted. A clear policy on affirmative action in gate keeper roles, as well as gender disaggregated documentation of beneficiaries, should be institutionalised. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)

<div>When, each holiday season, William Shakespeare’s newest plays were presented for King James I of England and his court, they shared the stage with propagandistic performances and ceremonies intended to glorify the monarch and legitimate his political ideals. Between 1608 and 1613, however, the King’s son, Prince Henry Frederick, sought to use the court stage to advance his own, oppositional ideology. By examining the entertainments through which James and Henry openly competed to control this crucial mythmaking mechanism, the present investigation recreates the increasingly unstable conditions surrounding and transforming each of Shakespeare’s last plays as they were first performed at court. I demonstrate that, once read in their original courtly contexts, these plays speak directly to each stage of that escalating rivalry and interrogate the power of ceremonial display, the relationship between fiction and statecraft, and the destabilization of monarchically imposed meaning, just as they would have then.<br></div>

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Before the reformation and the schism of the Catholic Church, it had always been the duty of the Church and not of the state, to undertake the seven corporal works of mercy; feed the hungry, give drink to the thirsty, welcome the stranger, clothe the naked, visit the sick, visit the prisoner, and bury the dead.¹ By dissolving these institutions, Henry had unwittingly created what would become a social disaster of biblical proportions. In essence, this act was rendering thousands of the poor and elderly without a home or shelter, it denied the country of much of the medical aid that has been offered by the church, it denied future generations of thousands of volumes of books and scriptures from the monastic libraries, as well as denied many an education who would have otherwise never received one without the help of the Church. The ultimate goal of my thesis is to prove my hypothesis that the dissolution of the monasteries by King Henry VIII was not merely a contributory factor in the need for the creation of poor laws, but the deciding factor (in a myriad of societal issues) for their creation. Footnote 1: Matthew 25 vv. 32-46.