Depuis l'avènement de la Loi sur la clarté, remettant expressément en cause la validité de la règle de la majorité, ainsi que la célèbre maxime « une personne, une voix », au profit d'une majorité dite « claire », dans le cas d'un référendum québécois visant à se « séparer » du reste du Canada, ce mémoire tente de faire la lumière et d'analyser la validité ainsi que les fondements de cette règle historique du 50% + 1. Ainsi, tant à l'aide des thèses contemporaines qu'historiques, il importe de faire ressortir les différents arguments avancés de part et d'autre et de les replacer dans le présent contexte du Renvoi relatif à la sécession du Québec, menant à l'adoption de la Loi sur la clarté. Finalement, grâce aux récents référendums tenus à l'échelle mondiale, il sera dès lors possible de vérifier la validité de cette règle aux· niveaux national et intemational. / Since the enactment of the Clarity Act, which repudiated the validity of the majority rule and the famous maxim "one person, one vote", for the benefit of a so-called "clear" majority, this essay attempts to bring to light the validity and the foundation of the historical 50% + 1 rule, in the event of a referendum by the province of Quebec pursuant to "secede" from Canada. Thereby, by examining either the contemporary as weil as the historical justifications in favor of the majority rule, one ought to examine the different arguments put forward by either side of the political specter and try to interpret them in the context of the Secession Reference, which lead to the adoption of the Clarity Act. Analyzing the recent referendums held around the world, 1 will thereby try to examine the validity ofthe majority rule at the national and internationallevels. / "Mémoire présenté à la faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de maîtrise en droit (LL.M.)"

In recent years, there has been a dramatic increase in instances of Republican-dominated state legislatures proposing changes to election law that some see as protecting electoral integrity and others understand as intended to suppress votes of traditionally Democratic constituencies. This thesis is a detailed collection of the rationales used to justify these changes, as examined through a case study of North Carolina’s enactment of the omnibus Voter Information Verification Act of 2013 (VIVA). By also including the arguments proffered during the legislative process by opponents of the law, and after evaluating the merits of the arguments on both sides, I find the rationales used to justify the law’s provisions to be unconvincing and misleading. This study confirms the speculation that new election law restrictions are first and foremost a Republican attempt to gain partisan advantage. Given this conclusion, I offer suggestions as to what factors might eventually shift the current era of election law legislation from one of restrictions, to one focused on creating efficient, accessible, modernized electoral systems that inspire citizen confidence regardless of partisanship.

"Elections form a key component of democratic governance. Democracy denotes a political system that, among other things, allows citizens to freely choose their government over time through credible, legitimate and acceptable elections; a system which accords them adequate participation in national affairs and a system in which the national affairs are run in a transparent and accountable manner. Democracy as a concept rests upon the consideration that a political leadership in a country must be chosen through an electon governed by fair rules under which social groups and political forces may compete on equal terms. Research has shown that HIV and AIDS may have adverse effects on democracy in Southern Africa. Electoral systems, voter participation, electoral management and administration and political institutions are among the areas of democratisation most affected by HIV/AIDS. ... Chapter one introduces the topic, the research questions to be answered by the research and the research methodology. It also contains a brief literature survey of the research on this topic so far. Chapter two sets out the legal framweork, it gives an analysis of states obligations to ensure political participation based on international and regional standards. The rights of HIV/AIDS infected and affected persons to participate in government and the meaning of [the] right to vote is discussed. The application of the international law obligations to promote and fulfill [uman rights] are discussed and the question 'Do governments have a duty to set up special mechanisms to address the HIV/AIDS pandemic within the electoral context?' is answered. Chapter three is an examination of the relationship between HIV/AIDS and political participation. A brief overview of current electoral statistics and statistics of the trend of the HIV/AIDS pandemic are given. The chapter examines the possible reasons for lack of participation by HIV/AIDS infected and affected persons. Chapter four is a critical analysis of some responses that can be adopted to address the situation. It focuses on mechanical and structural reforms to the electoral process: amending electoral laws and policies to include postal, proxy and other special voting mechanisms; providing for specific legal obligations, for example to have mobile registration and polling stations, to ensure that there is a polling station within a specific distance so that people do not have to walk far and stand in long queues in order to vote. The failure to meet such obligations must have specific legal consequences. Chapter five suggests a more controversial reform of lowering the voting age to address the impact of HIV/AIDS on democracy and children. Chapter six [includes the] conclusion and recommendations." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2005. / Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Naz K. Modirzadeh at the Department of Law, American University in Cairo, Egypt / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

The overall purpose of this paper is to investigate how the concept of democracy was used in Swedish parliamentary debates before the great franchise reform 1919-1921. To use conceptual history to study parliamentary debates is a relatively recent phenomenon and when it comes to Sweden it has mostly been about the period around and after the mentioned great reform. This paper therefore takes a step back and concentrates on the years 1902, 1907 and 1912 when bills and motions were presented that advocated more inclusive voting rights. It is not only a period that has been less researched but an inquiry into these years also complete and enhance the understanding of the later great reform. Since the concept of democracy rarely appears in the parliamentary debates during the first years studied the paper also investigates the context in which the concept was used with a special focus on who were to be allowed to take part in an enlarged franchise. The final analysis shows that the concept of democracy went through substantial change during the period in question. Not only did it become used more frequently in the debates, but most politicians also accepted the future-oriented quality of the concept. The context of the debates shifted during the period but most importantly the view of who among the people were supposed to be included in a democratic society changed. Some of the uses of the concept of democracy that was to reverberate during the debates leading up to the great franchise reform 1919-1921 can also be found during the period here studied.

No description available.

台灣金融市場規模小，家數多，造成金融機構過度競爭的情形，導致各銀行為爭取客戶，紛紛降低授信標準，手續費也一再調降，不只導致一連串銀行資產品質問題的出現，逾放比過高，準備覆蓋率卻不足，銀行經營的風險大大提高；而銀行的獲利空間也遭到壓縮，資產報酬率與淨值報酬率呈現持續下降的趨勢。管理階層如果只是利用盈餘管理的工具，窗飾盈餘，以取信於一般大眾，金融危機仍會是台灣經濟上的一顆不定時炸彈。再加上金融產業手上擁有龐大資金，並掌握一般大眾投資的資本，若產生董事會坐大，欺瞞股東的行為，則對社會必定造成莫大的衝擊，所以金控公司的公司治理情形，深為各界所關心。 本篇論文以現金流量請求權與控制權的計算，來一窺金控公司合併子公司時的公司治理是否存在道德危機的議題。現金流量請求權的計算，相當於投入成本的概念；而控制權則相當於所得到的報酬。以一股一權的前提下，投入與報酬應當不會有所偏離，但投資者能以較少的投入而得到較大的報酬時，投資者將產生投機心態。文中特別以三間金控公司合併其他銀行時的現金流量請求權與控制權偏離程度的改變，來推測主要股東的道德危機是否因此增加。

Ao redor do mundo, a maioria das companhias listadas de grande porte tem acionista controlador, à exceção dos EUA e do RU, em que o comando da atividade empresarial é exercido, de fato, pelos administradores. A conformação de controle dominante em cada país resulta de uma série de fatores, muitos deles de ordem jurídica, os quais levam ao surgimento e permanência de uma dessas variantes, ao mesmo tempo em que parecem inibir o desenvolvimento da estrutura alternativa. A gradativa convergência global dos padrões de propriedade acionária a um denominador comum, aparentemente em curso - dos extremos da dispersão e concentração absolutas para o cenário intermediário dos blocos de participação minoritária relevante detidos por investidores institucionais não tem sido acompanhada de transformações significativas nas estruturas de poder de controle interno dominantes em cada país, as quais, em essência, continuam as mesmas. Isso significa que os fatores (jurídicos, especialmente) que levam à predominância de tais estruturas continuam em atuação, não obstante modificações havidas no grau de dispersão do capital com direito a voto de companhias listadas. Este trabalho visa apresentar um conjunto mais específico de fatores jurídicos que, ao mesmo tempo e de modo decisivo, favorecem a proliferação de uma dentre as duas estruturas de controle consideradas (controle acionário ou gerencial) e inibem o desenvolvimento de outra. Trata-se dos instrumentos jurídicos de dissociação entre representatividade política e participação econômica de acionistas, os quais exercem papel central na conformação do regime jurídico das companhias abertas com elevada dispersão do capital votante, integrantes do Novo Mercado da BVSP. / Most of the large listed companies outside USA and UK have a controlling shareholder. The dominant control structure in each country is the result of multiple determinants, many of them arising from the legal system. The gradual convergence of ownership patterns around the world from the extremes of the total concentration and separation of ownership and control to the intermediate scenario of significant blockholdings held by institutional investors - has not been accompanied by a relevant shift in the control structures in listed companies of most of the countries, specially those in the Brazilian Novo Mercado. This Doctorate Thesis presents a specific subset of legal factors contributing for that outcome: the legal instruments separating voting rights from cashflow rights.

L’objet de cette thèse est de déterminer la nature et le régime d’un contrat financier appelé "equity swaps".L’equity swap est un contrat bilatéral qui permet à l’une des parties d’acquérir la propriété économique d’actions indiquées par les parties. Ces actions sont appelées « actions sous-jacentes ». Elles ne forment pas l’objet des obligations du contrat. Ce dernier ne donne naissance qu’à des dettes de valeur. C’est la nature particulière de ces obligations qui permet de rattacher les equity swaps à la catégorie des contrats financiers.Les actions sous-jacentes constituent donc le support des valeurs que chacune des parties s’engagent réciproquement à se payer. Ces valeurs représentent la propriété économique des actions sous-jacentes. Cette notion permet de distinguer les equity swaps des autres contrats financiers.La propriété économique répliquée par l’equity swap est toutefois source d’incertitudes. L’equity swap ne donne certes lieu à aucun transfert de propriété et aucune des parties n’est tenue de détenir les actions sous-jacentes. Mais un actionnaire peut conclure un equity swap afin de transférer la propriété économique de ses actions. En outre les equity swaps sont souvent utilisés par les investisseurs afin d’acquérir de façon occulte les actions de sociétés cotées. Bref, les parties à un equity swap n’ont pas toujours des motivations purement financières. La détermination du régime des equity swaps commande donc de s’interroger sur les conditions d’application du droit des sociétés et du droit boursier.Enfin, en tant que contrat financier, l’equity swap est censé être régi par la réglementation financière. Cette dernière était toutefois largement inadaptée aux contrats financiers. Elle doit être repensée. / The purpose of this study is to qualify and, consequently to specify the governing laws applicable to a derivative called “equity swap”.Equity swap is a bilateral contract which allows one of the parties to acquire economic ownership of some shares indicated by the parties. Those shares are called “underlying shares”. They are not due to be delivered by the parties. The parties to an equity swap are only due to pay to each other cash amounts representing values of the underlying shares. That is these very particular obligations which enable to qualify the equity swaps as derivatives.Thus, the underlying shares are used in order to calculate those cash amount so that they represent the economic ownership of the underlying shares. That is the reason why equity swaps are an original kind of derivatives.The economic ownership created by the equity swaps results in some legal uncertainty. Equity swap do not provide for assignment of legal ownership. And none of the parties is due to be the legal owner of the underlying shares. But a shareholder may enter into an equity swap in order to transfer the economic ownership of its shares and equity swaps are often used by investors in order to acquire hidden ownership in listed companies. In other words, parties do not enter into equity swaps for financial purpose only. Determining the laws applicable to the equity swaps requires to analyze companies law and stock exchange law.At last, as a derivative the equity swap is supposed to be governed by financial regulation. This regulation does not fit with derivatives. It needs to be specified.

The research in this paper seeks to articulate how interest groups can effectively enfranchise the barred felon votes within their state through legislation. After following the history of felony voting laws in the United States, I first address and utilize Florida as a successful case study of felony enfranchisement. The state’s recent legislative victory in 2018 has returned tens of thousands of Floridians to the ballot, and is therefore, a superlative example to emulate in other state battles for felon rights. The paper also looks at the progress of felon voting rights made in Iowa. While Iowa still employs permanent felon disenfranchisement, the state is an integral example to study given that the electorate actually enjoyed felon enfranchisement from 2005-2011, before reverting back to disenfranchisement under executive orders. Iowa’s inability to secure felon voting rights would prove to be very informative on how implementing lasting legislation for felon rights is to be accomplished. The paper also considers the strategic implementation of legislation for felon voting rights through the lens of the venue shopping theory, which “refers to the activities of advocacy groups and policymakers who seek out a decision setting where they can air grievances with current policy and present alternative policy proposals.

Ao redor do mundo, a maioria das companhias listadas de grande porte tem acionista controlador, à exceção dos EUA e do RU, em que o comando da atividade empresarial é exercido, de fato, pelos administradores. A conformação de controle dominante em cada país resulta de uma série de fatores, muitos deles de ordem jurídica, os quais levam ao surgimento e permanência de uma dessas variantes, ao mesmo tempo em que parecem inibir o desenvolvimento da estrutura alternativa. A gradativa convergência global dos padrões de propriedade acionária a um denominador comum, aparentemente em curso - dos extremos da dispersão e concentração absolutas para o cenário intermediário dos blocos de participação minoritária relevante detidos por investidores institucionais não tem sido acompanhada de transformações significativas nas estruturas de poder de controle interno dominantes em cada país, as quais, em essência, continuam as mesmas. Isso significa que os fatores (jurídicos, especialmente) que levam à predominância de tais estruturas continuam em atuação, não obstante modificações havidas no grau de dispersão do capital com direito a voto de companhias listadas. Este trabalho visa apresentar um conjunto mais específico de fatores jurídicos que, ao mesmo tempo e de modo decisivo, favorecem a proliferação de uma dentre as duas estruturas de controle consideradas (controle acionário ou gerencial) e inibem o desenvolvimento de outra. Trata-se dos instrumentos jurídicos de dissociação entre representatividade política e participação econômica de acionistas, os quais exercem papel central na conformação do regime jurídico das companhias abertas com elevada dispersão do capital votante, integrantes do Novo Mercado da BVSP. / Most of the large listed companies outside USA and UK have a controlling shareholder. The dominant control structure in each country is the result of multiple determinants, many of them arising from the legal system. The gradual convergence of ownership patterns around the world from the extremes of the total concentration and separation of ownership and control to the intermediate scenario of significant blockholdings held by institutional investors - has not been accompanied by a relevant shift in the control structures in listed companies of most of the countries, specially those in the Brazilian Novo Mercado. This Doctorate Thesis presents a specific subset of legal factors contributing for that outcome: the legal instruments separating voting rights from cashflow rights.