This thesis explores the historical development of personal status law, which governs a person’s marriage, divorce, and custody rights. It is significant because it is part of a framework that has defined women’s rights for centuries. I will argue that personal status law is a patriarchal framework that has been reinforced over time, leading up to the creation of nation-states in the Middle East. As such, this is the “institution” of personal status that will be traced using historical institutionalism theory. In this thesis I will argue that personal status has undergone a critical juncture, or crucial moment of potential to change, in both Jordan and Iraq’s founding, and that this has consequentially affected personal status law development and responses to the women’s movement throughout the 20th century in both countries. This thesis briefly reviews the role of women’s rights and the development of law in pre-Islam era, Islam and the Qur’an, and the Ottoman Empire in order to describe the institution of personal status law. Next, I review the history of Jordan and then Iraq and identify the critical juncture of personal status in historical context. In each chapter I will also explore the matter of de facto, or what women’s rights are like in practice, as an example of the institution at work in the patriarchal protection paradox.

The construction business is currently one of the most male-dominated industries in Sweden. The purpose of this thesis is to explore what requirement, expectations and opportunities women are experiencing in a construction company that is located in a big city and how can we understand it? I have interviewed six women on different positions in a company. By doing this I used the qualitative approach which has enabled me to generate an understanding for what kind of requirement, expectations and opportunities the women are experiencing in the company. The theories used in this thesis are mainly about gender systems, suppression techniques and glass roof. The study has shown that the women in the company must have a strong character and personality to be able to cope with the construction industry. A number of women testify on how they need to show that they are worthy of the position they possess. As a woman you must integrate into the current gender system that exists within the company and at the workplace, while it is not expected to take anything seriously when men discriminate and harass a woman. However, opportunities have been developed for women in the industry. Previously women had the administrative tasks assigned to them, now women are awarded new advanced jobs. This indicates that the industry has evolved where new work for women is available.

With Legal pluralism, a state has more than one legal system in which rights can be attributed to citizens through private or religious actors. Lebanon has established religious family law through the constitutional charter, in which personal status is delegated to the country’s different confessions to govern. Citizens of different confessions are thus assigned different rights which particularly tends to affect the rights of women.  In this study, the impacts of Lebanon's legal pluralism on the legal status of women is being examined to give an understanding of how the legal system from a gender perspective, and to examine how the outcome affects women’s everyday life by the coexistence of religious and civil courts. The study also examines how Lebanon, with its current constitution, can fulfill the international law obligations stemming follow from the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). Through legal methods and semi-structured interviews made with civil society, legal and academic persons in Beirut - the current laws in Lebanon were analyzed based on the concepts of gender, male dominance, and private and public sphere to visualize the relationship of gender and its significance in the Lebanese legal system. The results of the study show that legal pluralism in Lebanon can be understood in relation to how the complex history of the country has influenced the formation of the judicial system in which a male norm is dominating. The rights of women have been thrust to the private sphere and a masculine norm permeates the Constitution, family law and civil laws, which creates gender segregation in society. Thus, gender affects the legal status of women and the impacts of legal pluralism affect their daily lives negatively as their legal status is subordinate to men regarding marriage and its dissolution, custody of children, and nationality.                       Regarding the Conventional right, the study shows that the current constitution allows for space to fulfill CEDAW. Thus, the protection of the Convention is not being fully implemented in neither the personal status related laws or civil laws. However, Lebanon has reservations towards key articles of the Convention which result in that the full potential of the Convention is not maintained. / Rättslig pluralism innebär att en stat har fler än ett rättssystem och att rättigheter tillämpas av statliga och privata aktörer. Libanon har genom konstitutionen etablerat religiös familjerätt som innebär att medborgare tillskrivs olika rättigheter efter trosbekännelse vilket särskilt påverkar kvinnor rättsliga ställning. I denna studie undersöks hur rättslig pluralism kan förstås ur ett genusrättsvetenskapligt perspektiv samt hur det påverkar kvinnors rättsliga ställning i Libanon. Studien undersöker även hur Libanon, med den nuvarande konstitutionen, kan uppfylla de internationella förpliktelser som följer av konventionen om avskaffande av alla former av diskriminering mot kvinnor (CEDAW). Genom rättsdogmatisk metod, genusrättsvetenskap samt semi-strukturerade intervjuer med civilsamhället, akademiker samt rättstillämpare i Beirut, har gällande rätt i Libanon analyseras utifrån begreppen genus, manlig dominans och privat och offentlig sfär för att visualisera förhållandet mellan kön och dess betydelse i det libanesiska rättssystemet. Resultaten visar att rättslig pluralism i Libanon kan förstås i förhållande till landets komplexa historia som har påverkat bildandet av det rättsliga systemet där en manlig norm präglar konstitutionen, familjerätten och civilrättsliga lagar vilket skapar könssegregering i samhället. Utfallet påvisar att det råder motsättningar mellan konstitutionella rättigheter vilket påverkar att kvinnors rättsliga ställning främst behandlas inom den privata sfären och blir undantaget som rättighetsinnehavare. I det dagliga samhället underordnas kvinnors rättsliga ställning avseende äktenskapet och dess upplösning, vårdnad av barn och nationalitet, i förhållande till den rättsliga ställning som män innehar. Avseende folkrättsliga förpliktelser visar studien att den nuvarande konstitutionen ger utrymme att uppfylla CEDAW. Dock följer av gällande rätt och Libanons reservationer mot centrala artiklar i konventionen hinder vilka innebär att konventionen inte upprätthålls.

The fresh idea of including men in feminist campaigning might be a reaction to a postfeminist context with much uncertainty towards the feminist movement and arises a never-ending complex and contested issue within the feminist theory. This research aims at understanding the rise of feminist communication on social media, particularly on Instagram, with a special focus on men’s representation and involvement. Therefore, this paper will study men’s engagement in feminist digital campaigning on Instagram; and their representation and participation in this type of activism without ostracizing women. In recent years, social media have gained an increasing number of users, transforming these platforms into daily communication tools. Notably, Instagram has achieved considerable success with a growing use in e-commerce campaigns and social activism. In this context, this report will reduce its scope to Instagram feminist accounts in Spain and will consider the potential of social media for change by conducting surveys to feminist organisations and social media users and analysing the contents published by feminist influencers. All in all, this study responds to existing debates on how (or if) men should be included in the feminist movement. The clear conclusion to this DP is that there is not a simple answer to this matter.

Edna O'Brien and Marian Keyes are two sexually candid female writers. They are both from Ireland and their novels have caused many spectacular headlines over the years. These female authors have been greatly acclaimed, but also sharply criticised for their outspoken way of writing. However they have enjoyed huge success and their novels have been read by many people. This essay will focus on two of the many novels written by these Irish authors: The Country Girls by Edna O'Brien and Anybody Out There? by Marian Keyes. In the following essay I will focus on Irish women represented in the novels of Keyes and O'Brien, and their relation to men but also to their daughters. In these novels, women are forced into strict gender roles, very different from those of men. Still, even though the older women in the novels are trapped in their roles, they encourage their daughters to develop and grow beyond such roles. I would argue that the novels and also the feminist actions that still occur in Ireland are built upon a long time of subordination for women, and also from the twisted structure in many of the Irish men-women-relationships. I would argue that the rules and roles created in historical Ireland, have formed an inequality between the sexes that still exists.

Muslim women’s rights, and gender equality in the Muslim world, are commonly discussed subjects within the academic world. Feminism, as a term, is often connected to this topic of discussion. This thesis aims to analyze two different perspectives concerning how these rights should be achieved: Islamic feminism, using internal resources, and Muslim feminism, using external resources. Islamic feminism, as a strategy, proposes that by interpreting the Quran, the ultimate revelation of God, Islam could provide the central and egalitarian meaning of the Quran. There is disagreement within the academic community whether Islamic feminism would enable these rights. Muslim feminism, as a counterpoint to Islamic feminism, proposes that the state must become secularized. Rendering Islam and the state as separate entities.    This thesis will utilize the theoretical perspective on Islam and feminism from five feministic academics. They all have different backgrounds, standpoints, and approaches towards the development of Muslim women’s rights, as well as what strategies they suggest to improve them. These strategies encounter different kinds of difficulties. The Islamic feminism, which uses the Quran, runs the risk of being too heavily associated with already established interpretations of the Quran. It may be seen as intertwined with existing fundamentalist views. On the opposite side of the spectrum, Muslim feminism may create a divide between Islam and women’s rights. This thesis aims to present the potential of different theoretical perspectives on Islam and feminism as well as the limitations on suggested strategies for improvement of Muslim women’s rights.

The government in Poland led by the Law and Justice party (PiS) and characterized by its anti-genderism and right-wing populist politics, is framing its opposition to the Istanbul Convention in human rights language. This leads to a puzzling occurrence of the women’s rights Convention being opposed with rights rhetoric. This puzzle was addressed in the thesis by investigating how the PiS-led government is mimicking human rights rhetoric in their opposition to the Convention. That was done in accordance with the ‘Rights as Weapons’ theory, developed by Bob Clifford. Findings revealed that the PiS-led government in their right rhetoric denies the necessity, effectiveness, and apoliticality of the Convention, invokes fears, presents Polish society as victims of 'gender ideology,' and puts forward opposing rights to those enshrined in the Convention. Moreover, their rights rhetoric heavily relies on fear, misinformation, and misinterpretation of the Convention.

There has been a surge in demand for arable land as a resource for agricultural production for food and energy purposes. This surge can be attributed to increases in global food prices, climate change, population pressure, and escalating energy prices. The search for land has given rise to the practice of large-scale land acquisitions (LSLA). Due to misconceptions and old colonial views of land in Africa, the continent has become the most targeted region for these land acquisitions. The establishment of these projects in Africa is justified in the name of development. Paradoxically, LSLA has left local communities, especially women, in a more disadvantageous position than before. This qualitative study explores and relates LSLA to the right to food and participation. The thesis also critically engages with SDG – 2 to examine if large-scale projects comply with the goal’s purpose. This thesis aims to investigate the phenomenon of LSLA and how they impact women’s right to food and participation. The author has used qualitative content analysis as a method and relied on peer-reviewed studies on women and land-grabbing in three different countries. Compared to the previous research, the thesis results showed that the impacts of LSLA are gendered and have had severe consequences on women and their access and right to food. The support for business interests that are permeated in SDG – 2 has, based on the cases examined, also exacerbated rather than alleviated hunger which does not comply with the purpose of the goal.

AbstractThis final essay in religious studies at Malmö Lärarutbildningen (Teacher’s education) is a minor field study (MFS) carried out in Ghana about Trokosi. Trokosi is a tradition, system and practice where young girls are given to village shrine priests as sexual and domestic slaves, or "wives of the gods", in compensation for offenses allegedly committed by a member of the girl's family. My main research question has been: What are the thoughts of the victims as well as the rescuers of Trokosi thoughts about the Trokosi tradition, system and practice? The thesis is based on a minor field study, observations and interviews. I observed the work at International Needs Network Ghana (INNG) and their work with Trokosi mainly focusing on the International Needs Vocational Training Centre (INVTC). At INVTC former Trokosi get the opportunity of becoming independence and self-sufficient - ke te pam tem eng. In this essay I have interviewed two opponents to Trokosi, in this essay called the rescuers, as well as one victim of Trokosi. In my interviews, the only person who criticized the theory and the religion behind Trokosi was the victim, a person who was born into this belief system. INNG’s critics are not about the theory behind Trokosi but how it is practised. Applying of feminist perspective this thesis focuses religious and cultural practices, in this case Trokosi, as a part of a larger system that is limiting women’s lives. In addition, post colonial theory may contribute to the analysis of “third world women’s own struggle and aspiration for independence. There are different views and perspectives on Trokosi and despite Ghana’s constitution and other documents that forbid this type of practice it is still vital. This indicates that there are more factors to consider. For instance overall patriarchal structures and post colonial experiences. Information and education is essential for the transformation of Trokosi in order to favour women’s right especially in the fields of human- and women’s rights.

Le Canada et le Québec, à l’image de la communauté internationale, ont à cœur le respect, la protection et la promotion des droits des femmes. Toutefois, les normes en matière d’apparence physique et de beauté qui pèsent uniquement sur les femmes, particulièrement sur les femmes et les filles noires, menacent le projet d’égalité réelle. Ces normes sont ce qu’on appelle les codes sexuels. Les codes sexuels cherchent à universaliser, naturaliser et normaliser un modèle unique de féminité, qui respecte un équilibre précaire entre beauté et professionnalisme, entre chasteté et attractivité. Dans ce mémoire de recherche, nous nous intéresserons au rapport entre le droit et la norme, qu’elle soit juridique, sociale ou culturelle, afin de comprendre l’effet préjudiciable des codes sexuels sur les femmes, et de comprendre comment et pourquoi le droit permet, renforce ou lutte contre les codes sexuels. Notre cadre théorique intersectionnel étudiera le principe de discrimination en droit international, canadien et québécois et présentera différentes théories de la norme, à l’intérieur et en dehors d’un contexte purement juridique. Cela permettra d’analyser de façon intersectionnelle la violence normative des deux codes sexuels à l’étude, soit les codes vestimentaires à l’école et les codes sur l’apparence au travail, puis de présenter des solutions sur mesure pour remédier à l’effet de ces codes sur les femmes et les filles. / Canada and Quebec, along with the international community, consider the respect, protection and promotion of women's rights of utmost importance. However, beauty norms and physical appearance standards that only burden women, especially black women and girls, threaten the project of substantive equality. These norms are called sexual codes. Sexual codes seek to universalize, naturalize and normalize a unique model of femininity, which observes a precarious balance between beauty and professionalism, between chastity and attractiveness. In this research paper, we will focus on the relationship between the law and the norm, whether legal, social or cultural, in order to understand the harmful effect of sexual codes on women, and to understand how and why the law allows, reinforces or fights against sexual codes. Our intersectional theoretical framework will study the principle of discrimination in international, Canadian and Quebec law and will present different theories of the norm, inside and outside a strictly legal context. This will allow us to analyze, using intersectionality, the normative violence of the two sexual codes under study, namely dress codes in schools and codes on appearance at work, and then present tailor-made solutions to remedy the effect of these codes on women and girls.