Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-14T14:41:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 417401.pdf: 4050339 bytes, checksum: 416d5012d560f574a5140a255629db27 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-08-21 / Este estudo investigou o agendamento no colunismo pol?tico, tendo como base a coluna pol?tica P?gina 10, do jornal Zero Hora. Para tanto, o estudo buscou o apoio cient?fico nas seguintes categorias: comunica??o pol?tica, pol?tica, colunismo, agenda-setting e poder. Na comunica??o pol?tica foram consultados autores como Dominique Wolton, M?rio Mesquita, Maria Cristina Reyes Montes e Javier del Rey Morat?. No colunismo pol?tico, Davi Emerich, Franklin Martins e Carlos Castilho ser?o alguns dos pesquisadores citados. A hip?tese de agenda-setting concentrarse- ? nos trabalhos de McCombs e Shaw, Mauro Wolff, N?lson Traquina e Antonio Hohlfeldt. A categoria pol?tica foi analisada com base nos estudos de Giovanni Sartori, Norberto Bobbio e Max Weber. Os estudos sobre o poder utilizaram referenciais te?ricos de Max Weber, Norberto Bobbio e Eduardo Corsetti. Quanto ? metodologia, a escolhida para a pesquisa foi a hermen?utica de profundidade (HP), de John B. Thompson. A HP elege o estudo da produ??o de sentido atrav?s das formas simb?licas (FS) que, de acordo com Thompson, s?o a??es, falas, textos e imagens que servem para sustentar ou estabelecer rela??es de poder. A hermen?utica de profundidade divide-se em tr?s fases: a) an?lise s?cio-hist?rica (ASH), an?lise formal ou discursiva (AD) e interpreta??o/re-interpreta??o.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andrea Reis.pdf: 2028136 bytes, checksum: eb0e10f7e4210e565ab3e365646b5569 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-05-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The electoral campaign to the city hall of São Paulo in 2004 presented a historical importance, once it was the first, after the redemocratization, with a candidate to reelection. Being known about the great political and economical power that the municipal district of São Paulo has, here it comes the following subject: when the construction of a scenery of politic representation (CR-P) together with the rhetoric of the continuity, very frequent speech during a reelection campaign, do they guarantee an electoral victory? The electoral dispute of 2004 allowed that the traditional dispute between the petismo and the malufismo of last decades was substituted by the dispute between PT and PSDB . Therefore, the dispute, that was based on the person before and is based on the party now, could it be the consequence of a larger political understanding of the electorate from São Paulo? For us to understand the defeat of an administration that was being very appraised at the end of its administration, we noticed that we should analyze, besides PR-S, the person's from São Paulo electoral behavior, which was the calendar interpersonal of the electorate in 2004, the calendar-setting of the television media during the electoral year and also two main candidates' institutional calendar, for us to verify what would justify Marta Suplicy defeat. The media can alert and inform the voter about candidates' viability and also to transmit messages that influence the public opinion during the campaign. The communication means supply perspectives, they model candidates' images, as well as of the party, they help to promote the campaign themes and they differ the specific atmosphere and the area of relevance and of activity of each electoral competition. The construction of CR-P will be accompanied till the official end of the electoral campaign of 2004. It will be verified which were the preponderant constituent elements in the institutional calendar and in the media calendar / A campanha eleitoral para a prefeitura de São Paulo, em 2004, teve importância histórica, pois foi a primeira, depois da redemocratização, com um candidato à reeleição. Sabendo-se do grande poder político e econômico que o município de São Paulo possui, apresenta-se a seguinte questão: quando a construção de um cenário de representação da política (CR-P) juntamente com a retórica da continuidade, discurso muito freqüente durante uma campanha de reeleição, garantem um triunfo eleitoral? A disputa eleitoral de 2004 permitiu que a tradicional rivalidade entre o petismo e o malufismo das décadas passadas fosse substituída pelo embate entre o PT e o PSDB. A disputa, que antes era personalista e agora está partidarizada, poderia ser a conseqüência de uma maior conscientização política do eleitorado paulistano? Para entendermos a derrota de uma administração que estava sendo bem avaliada no final de sua gestão, percebemos que deveríamos analisar, além do CR-P, o comportamento eleitoral do paulistano, qual era a agenda interpessoal do eleitorado em 2004, a agendasetting da mídia televisiva durante o ano eleitoral e também a agenda institucional dos dois principais candidatos, para verificarmos o que justificaria a derrota de Marta Suplicy. A mídia pode alertar e informar o eleitor sobre a viabilidade dos candidatos e também veicular mensagens que influenciem a opinião pública durante a campanha. Os meios de comunicação fornecem perspectivas, modelam as imagens dos candidatos, assim como do partido, ajudam a promover os temas de campanha e diferem a atmosfera específica e a área de relevância e de atividade de cada competição eleitoral. A construção do CR-P será acompanhada até o final oficial da campanha eleitoral de 2004. Serão verificados quais foram os elementos constitutivos preponderantes na agenda institucional e na agenda da mídia

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andrea Reis.pdf: 2028136 bytes, checksum: eb0e10f7e4210e565ab3e365646b5569 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-05-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The electoral campaign to the city hall of São Paulo in 2004 presented a historical importance, once it was the first, after the redemocratization, with a candidate to reelection. Being known about the great political and economical power that the municipal district of São Paulo has, here it comes the following subject: when the construction of a scenery of politic representation (CR-P) together with the rhetoric of the continuity, very frequent speech during a reelection campaign, do they guarantee an electoral victory? The electoral dispute of 2004 allowed that the traditional dispute between the petismo and the malufismo of last decades was substituted by the dispute between PT and PSDB . Therefore, the dispute, that was based on the person before and is based on the party now, could it be the consequence of a larger political understanding of the electorate from São Paulo? For us to understand the defeat of an administration that was being very appraised at the end of its administration, we noticed that we should analyze, besides PR-S, the person's from São Paulo electoral behavior, which was the calendar interpersonal of the electorate in 2004, the calendar-setting of the television media during the electoral year and also two main candidates' institutional calendar, for us to verify what would justify Marta Suplicy defeat. The media can alert and inform the voter about candidates' viability and also to transmit messages that influence the public opinion during the campaign. The communication means supply perspectives, they model candidates' images, as well as of the party, they help to promote the campaign themes and they differ the specific atmosphere and the area of relevance and of activity of each electoral competition. The construction of CR-P will be accompanied till the official end of the electoral campaign of 2004. It will be verified which were the preponderant constituent elements in the institutional calendar and in the media calendar / A campanha eleitoral para a prefeitura de São Paulo, em 2004, teve importância histórica, pois foi a primeira, depois da redemocratização, com um candidato à reeleição. Sabendo-se do grande poder político e econômico que o município de São Paulo possui, apresenta-se a seguinte questão: quando a construção de um cenário de representação da política (CR-P) juntamente com a retórica da continuidade, discurso muito freqüente durante uma campanha de reeleição, garantem um triunfo eleitoral? A disputa eleitoral de 2004 permitiu que a tradicional rivalidade entre o petismo e o malufismo das décadas passadas fosse substituída pelo embate entre o PT e o PSDB. A disputa, que antes era personalista e agora está partidarizada, poderia ser a conseqüência de uma maior conscientização política do eleitorado paulistano? Para entendermos a derrota de uma administração que estava sendo bem avaliada no final de sua gestão, percebemos que deveríamos analisar, além do CR-P, o comportamento eleitoral do paulistano, qual era a agenda interpessoal do eleitorado em 2004, a agendasetting da mídia televisiva durante o ano eleitoral e também a agenda institucional dos dois principais candidatos, para verificarmos o que justificaria a derrota de Marta Suplicy. A mídia pode alertar e informar o eleitor sobre a viabilidade dos candidatos e também veicular mensagens que influenciem a opinião pública durante a campanha. Os meios de comunicação fornecem perspectivas, modelam as imagens dos candidatos, assim como do partido, ajudam a promover os temas de campanha e diferem a atmosfera específica e a área de relevância e de atividade de cada competição eleitoral. A construção do CR-P será acompanhada até o final oficial da campanha eleitoral de 2004. Serão verificados quais foram os elementos constitutivos preponderantes na agenda institucional e na agenda da mídia

Ice hockey is seen as a rough sport. Sometimes situations tend to become too violent and players now and then get suspended for their acts on the ice. In very unusual cases the legal system has been forced to step in and prosecute players for situations on the ice. This is the case with Jakob Lilja. The purpose of this essay is therefore to seek answers on how two Swedish tabloids have framed Lilja and how the news coverage has changed during this time. The theory used in the study makes it possible to highlight how Lilja has been framed in the tabloids and it also gives the study the opportunity to further explain how Lilja has been portrayed. The scientific method used in this study has been a critical discourse analysis to be able to study the 43 articles included in the analysis in a qualitative manner. The study shows that the news coverage from the case has changed during the course of the time. The early coverage shows the framing of Lilja as an ice hockey player while the latter coverage more frame him as a criminal. But there are differences. The different tabloids have framed the case in different ways and the study shows that one of them has framed Lilja more than the other.

This diploma thesis focuses on relations between a candidate and a political party and how these relations are influenced by political marketing and media. Political party TOP 09 and its leader Karel Schwarzenberg are studied during the political campaign preceding Czech legislative election in May 2010. The study is based on TOP 09's documents and interviews of Karel Schwarzenberg in Czech media. Theoretical part of this thesis is dedicated to concepts of political marketing, influence of media and models of communication. Content analysis compares themes and ways to speak about them used by the party and by Schwarzenberg. Qualitative analysis asks if the party can make use of Schwrazenberg for its own campaign and how strength and what sort of are relations between TOP 09 and its leader.

The diploma thesis Media picture of building the Berlin wall - Rudé právo, The New York Times, The Times addresses the events associated with the construction of the Berlin Wall in 1961 and primarily presents the analysis of newspaper articles connected to the Berlin Wall topic. The issue of the Berlin Wall is portrayed before its construction, during the construction and immediately after it. In the "Teoretická východiska" chapter, the concepts used as a basis of the subsequent analysis of selected newspapers are explained. The first part of the thesis presents the historical and political circumstances of the Berlin Wall construction, especially the development of the Cold War between the representatives of East and West. The analysis of the three selected newspaper titles is preceded by a narrative interview with a foreign correspondent from Rudé právo. His statements serve as an illustration of the former Berlin atmosphere. In the analysis of the newspapers Rudé právo, The New York Times and The Times, emphasis is placed on the article contents, presentation style, theme diversity, trends and information value of the presented news. The output of the analysis is a comparison of all three selected titles and is based on the given theoretical grounds. This thesis is meant to serve as an example...

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本論文是台灣地區首篇以「議題設定理論第二層次」中的「媒介議題屬性設定效果」為主旨的實證研究。論文以「台北市公娼存廢議題」做為分析個案，目的在於驗證「媒介設定公娼議題的第二層次效果」。研究方法係以報紙內容分析與民意調查兩種方式，檢驗報紙所強調報導的屬性，是否也是民眾腦海中比較凸顯的屬性。研究結果證實了媒介的議題屬性設定效果。其他主要發現如下： 　　一、在《中國時報》、《聯合報》與《自由時報》對於「台北市公娼存廢議題」的整體報導中，以「掃黃與色情」這項屬性被報導的次數最多，第二名是「照顧弱勢生計」。其他的報導屬性依次是「社會風氣」、「食色性也」、「行政立法」、「工作權」、「兩性平等」、「制度合宜」、「公共衛生」、「都市發展」、「人身安全與住宅安寧」與「其他」。三報之間的報導屬性排名大體上類似。 　　二、在受訪者對公娼議題屬性的認知方面，以「掃黃與色情」所佔的比例最高，排名第二的是「食色性也」，其他依次是「社會風氣」、「都市發展」、「制度合宜」、「照顧弱勢」、「工作生存權」、「兩性平等」、「行政立法」、「人身安全與住宅安寧」、公共衛生與「其他」。 　　三、在人口變項方面，報紙對於各次群體在公娼議題屬性的第二層次設定效果上，的確有所差異。整體說來，報紙對於女性、高教育程度、外省籍，以及支持國民黨和新黨的受訪者，有顯著的設定效果。

<p>In this dissertation the construction of two coastal railways, the East Coast Line and the Bothnia Line, in the <i>Norrland</i> region of northern Sweden is used as a case study of how regionally based interest groups are formed, and how they gain access to decision-making processes on a national level. In periods when a number of preconditions were in place, a window of opportunity opened for the coastal railway that the regional elites could exploit. Among these was the ability to form a coherent regional interest group, through institutions that created platforms and power-bases that enable regional elites to co-operate and act on regional and national levels.The existence of an institutional framework that was adapitve towards regional railway promotion was also important. The study shows that the coastal railway had a very flexible role on the agenda, as it provided a fixed solution against which actors could pin a multitude of different problems. An important factor for explaining the development of the coastal railway question in <i>Norrland</i> was the ideological notion of the region itself. Being a vast, resource-rich and sparsely populated region, <i>Norrland</i> had almost always received special consideration in both public opinion and national policy making. It also created a remarkable stubbornness among the regional actors in working for the coastal railway. Regional interest groups had also learnt that linking their claims to <i>Norrland's </i>peripheral position had high legitimacy on the national arena, by claiming the need for regional fairness and/or the national importance of the regional export-intensive industries. This was instrumental in justifying the repeated exemptions from the national railway policy regimes that ultimately were decissive in making the regional elites successful.</p>

<p>This study focused on the level of success Unicef in Paraguay had in communicating its message concerning child street-workers to the press in Asunción. We also examined how the communication works between Unicef and the journalists, and how child street-workers appear in the press according to our sources. We based our study on the theoretical understanding of media logic and planned communication. These theories were useful to explain the possibilities and obstacles Unicef faces in its communication with the press. Our study builds on qualitative research interviews with journalists, communication staff at Unicef and the coordinator of the Global Agency of News, an organization that monitors how children appear in the Paraguayan press.</p><p> </p><p>We found that the communication between Unicef and the journalists is very important and highly valued by both Unicef and the Paraguayan newspapers. The relationship builds on constant trade, where both parts depend on each other. Unicef needs attention from the press in order to spread its message to the general public. The journalists need Unicef because the organization works as a trustable information source to back-up their articles regarding childhood.</p><p> </p><p>No one in our study was satisfied with the way child street-workers appear in the press. The children are often showed as victims or criminals and children’s rights are not always considered. A central problem is that awareness about children’s rights is low, both in the Paraguayan society and among many journalists. Unicef succeeds quite well in their communication with the journalists that are already aware of children’s rights. But the organization does not succeed in communicating with a big part of the press, as a lot of articles are still discriminative towards child street-workers.</p>