The federal fiscal year runs from October 1 to September 30, and many federal agencies rely on annual appropriations to fund activities and programs. Nonetheless, the federal government often enters a new fiscal year without a fully approved budget, which actuates the requirement for a temporary means of funding government operations. Congress and the president provide provisional resources by way of continuing resolutions which enable the operation of government programs until regular appropriations are enacted. However, continuing resolutions are restrictive by design and may have unintended effects on government spending behavior beyond the timeframe to which the resolutions apply. This study explores the relationship between the uncertainty generated by the implementation of continuing appropriations and the modification of expenditure behavior in federal agencies. After a summary of the federal budget process and a survey of the literature related to continuing resolutions, a model of agency spending is presented. The associated theory explores suppositions related to ex ante and ex post reactions of agency officials to: (1) a one-time occurrence of continuing resolutions, and (2) an environment of regularly occurring continuing resolutions. Afterward, event study methods are applied to a subset of federal monthly obligation data to reveal patterns of spending which are suggestive of: (1) a saving-dissaving approach to compensate for the restrictive nature of continuing resolutions, and (2) the presence of signaling mechanisms between higher echelons of the federal government and subordinate agencies. A second quantitative chapter builds on the idea that federal agencies engage in expense shifting in anticipation of the enactment of continuing resolutions. An agenda setting framework is used to demonstrate how agencies monitor particular sources of the federal budget process to gain insight to the likelihood of continuing appropriations being enacted. Findings show that decision-makers may be able to determine the relevancy of particular budgetary signals within the congressional budgetary scheme.

In this study, we looked at how balanced the various christian denominations in Sweden were raised in the news, on the basis of the requirement for balanced reporting. To measure the balance, we utilized Harcup and O'Neill’s news values and studied to what degree these values occurs in association with news articles that address the various denominations. The following denominations were selected for this study; Word of Life, the Pentecostal Church, Jehovah's witnesses, the Catholic Church, the Salvation Army and the Swedish Church. These denominations were then studied on the basis of news values in four of Sweden’s largest news organisations, in terms of audience numbers. We selected Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet, Sveriges Radio and SVT. What we found was that the Pentecostal Church, the Catholic church and the Swedish church was lifted in a similar and balanced way, while Jehovah's Witnesses, the Salvation Army and Word of Life only were lifted out of a few of the news values. We also found differences between the news organisations and their usage of the news values.We found, for example, a significant deviation in Aftonbladets usage of the news values “good news” and “bad news”.

Univ., Diss.--Köln, 2007. / Literaturverz. S. [267] - 304.

Zugl.: Wien, Universiẗat, Diss., 2007.

La thèse du présent travail est que certains blogs politiques américains sont non seulement une forme de journalisme citoyen mais aussi des atouts lors d'élections. Au vu de ce qui précède nous poursuivons un triple objectif : démontrer non seulement le pouvoir de mise en agenda de la blogosphère politico-journalistique aux États-Unis mais aussi la légitimité de celle-ci comme forme de journalisme postmoderne à la lumière du travail qu'elle effectue et de ses valeurs. Il vise en outre à prouver la capacité de mobilisation de la blogosphère politique américaine en périodes électorales notamment à travers une étude du blog de campagne de Howard Dean, candidat malheureux à l'investiture démocrate pour l'élection présidentielle de 2004. Pour mener notre recherche nous avons eu recourt à trois théories : La théorie des utilisations et satisfactions qui cherche à expliquer les raisons pour lesquelles les individus consomment un média particulier et les satisfactions qu'ils en tirent. La théorie du réseau nous a permis de saisir l'organisation et le fonctionnement de la blogosphère politico-journalistique mais aussi son pouvoir de mise en agenda. La dernière théorie qui nous a aidé dans notre travail est justement la théorie de la mise en agenda. Celle-ci a montré des similarités entre les médias sociaux comme les blogs politico-journalistiques et les médias traditionnels en terme d'influence sur respectivement la couverture médiatique et les conversations interpersonnelles. / The thesis of this work is that some American political blogs are not only aform of citizen journalism but also assets during elections. We have three objectives in the present work : demonstrating not only the agenda setting power of political and current event blogs but also its legitimacy as aform ofpost modernjournalism in light of what itproduces (news staries, reports...) and its values. This thesis also aims to show the mobilizing capabilities of political blogs via an analysis of Howard Dean's cyber campaign during the 2003 democratic primaries in anticipation of the 2004 presidential campaign. To undertake this work we will resort to three theories: the uses and gratifications theory that describes the reasons whypeople are attracted to aparticular media and the satisfaction they derive from it. Network theory that explains the formation and the functioning of networks. ltproved helpful to grasp the structure of political blogs and the way they manage to sway . the work of mainstream media. Eventually Agenda setting theory made easier the analysis of mainstream media's influence on interpersonal conversations and the transposition of this mode! on the fashion with which current events and political blogs influence mainstream media's coverage.

A questão do trabalho e do trabalhador nas organizações tem ocupado importância crescente no debate atual. A retomada da centralidade da categoria trabalho, para a compreensão do ser humano, da construção de sua identidade e do estabelecimento das relações sociais, demonstra a busca do sentido do trabalho para o sentido da vida em sociedade. As formas de produção e reprodução das bases materiais capitalistas levaram o trabalho a ser sinônimo de sofrimento e subsistência. Na contramão deste processo, as políticas de valorização do trabalho, e em específico a este estudo, na área de política pública de saúde, buscam a superação das relações precárias, da alienação e da transformação do trabalhador em um mero insumo. Na trajetória da política pública de saúde no Brasil, é possível identificar a importância da participação social, enquanto espaços legítimos e institucionalizados da democracia brasileira, através dos espaços de Controle Social – Conselhos e Conferências de Saúde, para a construção e consolidação do que hoje é o Sistema Único de Saúde. Para a qualificação constante desta política no atendimento às demandas da população, o trabalhador retoma o papel de produtor e agente de seu trabalho, como insubstituível na produção do cuidado em saúde. Dificuldades históricas no reconhecimento do trabalhador e nas condições de trabalho em saúde são apresentadas recorrentemente nos documentos das Conferências, demonstrando que o Controle Social já identificava a importância e reivindicava modificações no status quo. A presente pesquisa demonstra, a partir da análise documental, a relação estabelecida entre o Controle Social e a formulação da agenda governamental para a valorização do trabalhador da saúde, trazendo contribuições para reflexões e debates, identificando avanços e acúmulos, bem como desafios. / The issue of worker and work in organizations has occupied increasingly important in the current debate. The recovery of the centrality of category work, to understand the human being, the construction of identity and the establishment of social relationships demonstrates the search for the meaning of work for the meaning of life in society. The forms of production and reproduction of material bases capitalists led the work to be synonymous with suffering and survival. Against this process, policies valorization of work, and in particular to this study, in the area of public health policy, seeking to overcome the precarious relations, alienation and transformation of the worker into a mere scrap. In the course of public health policy in Brazil, it is possible to identify the importance of social participation, while legitimate and institutionalized spaces of Brazilian democracy, through the spaces of Social Control - Health Councils and Conferences for the construction and consolidation of what is now the Sistema Único de Saúde (Unified Health System) for the qualification contained in this policy in meeting the demands of the population, the worker resumes the role of producer and agent for his work as irreplaceable in the production of health care. Historical difficulties in recognizing and working conditions of health workers are repeatedly presented in the documents of the Conference, showing that the Social Control has identified the importance and demanded changes in the status quo. This research demonstrates, from the documentary analysis, the relationship between Social Control and the formulation of the government agenda for the valuation of health worker, bringing contributions to discussions and debates, identifying advances and accruals as well as challenges.

Este trabalho analisa dois eventos bastante distintos (o Movimento das Diretas Já, no Brasil, em 1984, e a mobilização popular após o atentado de 11 de Março, na Espanha, em 2004) sob o ponto de vista das hipóteses de agendamento e espiral do silêncio. O objetivo é mostrar que, em casos muito especiais, é possível que o público legitime determinada reivindicação, reorganizando a esfera pública e forçando que tal reivindicação seja incorporada pelas agendas da mídia e do governo, em um processo que chamaremos de contra-agendamento. Para tanto, foram analisadas edições dos jornais Folha de São Paulo e Zero Hora, no caso brasileiro, e El Pais e El Mundo, no caso espanhol. / This paper examines two very different events (the campaign for direct elections, in Brazil, in 1984, and the manifestations after March 11th bombings in Madrid, in 2004) from agenda-stetting and spiral of silence points of view. The aim is to show that, under special occasions, it is possible that the public legitimates a certain demand, which is forced to be incorporated in the media and government agendas, in a process called social-setting. To do so, were analyzed issues from newspapers Folha de São Paulo, Zero Hora, El Pais and El Mundo.

Este trabalho analisa dois eventos bastante distintos (o Movimento das Diretas Já, no Brasil, em 1984, e a mobilização popular após o atentado de 11 de Março, na Espanha, em 2004) sob o ponto de vista das hipóteses de agendamento e espiral do silêncio. O objetivo é mostrar que, em casos muito especiais, é possível que o público legitime determinada reivindicação, reorganizando a esfera pública e forçando que tal reivindicação seja incorporada pelas agendas da mídia e do governo, em um processo que chamaremos de contra-agendamento. Para tanto, foram analisadas edições dos jornais Folha de São Paulo e Zero Hora, no caso brasileiro, e El Pais e El Mundo, no caso espanhol. / This paper examines two very different events (the campaign for direct elections, in Brazil, in 1984, and the manifestations after March 11th bombings in Madrid, in 2004) from agenda-stetting and spiral of silence points of view. The aim is to show that, under special occasions, it is possible that the public legitimates a certain demand, which is forced to be incorporated in the media and government agendas, in a process called social-setting. To do so, were analyzed issues from newspapers Folha de São Paulo, Zero Hora, El Pais and El Mundo.

Denna uppsats syftar till att undersöka den kris som uppstod kring H&M:s textilförbränning 2017 genom att analysera medierapporteringen samt en intervju ur Uppdrag granskning. Uppsatsens problemställningar har undersökt hur denna kris uppkom samt vilka faktorer som låg till grund för denna. Den teoretiska tyngdpunkten är issues och issues management, hållbar kommunikation, förväntningssamhället (Nextopia) samt agenda setting. I resultatet presenteras en analys av den kodade medierapporteringen och intervjun utifrån en tematisk samt diskursanalytisk metod där materialet har tematiserats till att kretsa kring miljö, etik och ansvar samt källhantering. Miljöaspekten är inriktad mot konsekvenser av textilproduktion och etik och moral har visat sig vara en betydelsefull faktor för krisskadandet. Gemensamt för samtliga artiklar är att de är någorlunda presenterar en samstämmig bild av H&M:s textilbränning och att detta var en bidragande faktor till krisen. Slutligen visar uppsatsen på att vi har en rad förväntningar på media samtidigt som vi har förväntningar på H&M som företag, vilket tillsammans bidrar till krisskapandet. Mediernas uppbyggnad och syfte påverkar även att rapporteringen inte alltid är rationell. Det kan även vara problematiskt att förutspå hur förtroendekapital som skapas via PR-aktiviteter kan komma att tolkas i en framtida kontext. Agenda setting är ytterligare en bidragande orsak till krisskapandet och varför vissa händelser hamnar på mediernas agenda. Gränsen mellan hållbar och ohållbar kommunikation är inte alltid helt spikrak och genuint hållbar kommunikation kan endast legitimeras av organisationer med hållbara strategier och affärsmodeller.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:24:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2009-08-27Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:51:12Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 quiterio_am_me_bauru.pdf: 10032585 bytes, checksum: 817d820a894a2304fa6455a3de8d1982 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / A Internet completa mais uma etapa do desenvolvimento histórico-tecnológico dos meios de comunicação eletrônicos. Esse meio de comunicação traz em si outros meios de comunicação, criando uma nova ambientação, modificando o ambiente humano, inserindo novas formas de relacionamento, tanto subjetivas quanto sociais. É a tecnologia da comunicação que melhor aproxima a humanidade de um campo único de experiência, nas palavras de Herbert Marshal McLuhan, e vem ocupando espaço midiático ao agregar funções antes exercidas por outros meios. Na política brasileira, as mudanças provocadas por mieo e em função da comunicação total e instantânea podem ser evidenciadas pelos sites dos políticos, mais especificamente de deputados federais paulistas. Para entender como essa classe política está inserida no ambiente criado pela Internet, o foco está em sites de deputados em exercício de mandato, analisando três deputados eleitos com as maiores votações nas Eleições 2006, pertencentes a partidos diferentes e com site atualizado periodicamente. O conceito de meio de comunicação foi compreendido sob os paradigmas de McLuhan, enquanto as relações dos sites com outros sistemas abertos foram determinadas pelas hipóteses de agendamento. Buscou-se verificar como as propriedades da Internet estão promovendo alterações nas ações parlamentares dos deputados e criando espaços para maior participação social nos processos políticos. / The Internet completes a stage of historical development-technological means of electronic communication. This means of communication brings itself other media, creating a new enviromnment changing the human environment, including new forms of relationships, both social as subjective. It is the technology of communication that best aproximates the humanity of a unique field of experience in the words of Herbert Marshall McLuhan, and is occupying media space to add features before performed by other means. In Brazilian politics, the changes caused by total and instant communication can be evidenced by the politician's websites, especially federal deputies from São Paulo. To understand how the political class is embedded in the ambient created by the Internet, the focus is only one websites for members in pursuit of office, analyzing three most voted elected members in 2006´s elections from different parties with a website updated regularly . The concept of media has been understood under the paradigm of McLuhan, while relations with other sites of open systems have been determined by agenda setting's hypothesis. It has been tried to verify whether the properties of the Internet are promoting changes in the federal deputie's actions and creating space for greater social participation in policy processes.