Submitted by JÚLIO HEBER SILVA (julioheber@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-11-28T16:52:26Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Stefian Metzen Klein - 2016.pdf: 822048 bytes, checksum: 6e76488e57158e78e195294f75f30521 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jaqueline Silva (jtas29@gmail.com) on 2016-11-28T17:16:25Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Stefian Metzen Klein - 2016.pdf: 822048 bytes, checksum: 6e76488e57158e78e195294f75f30521 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-28T17:16:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Stefian Metzen Klein - 2016.pdf: 822048 bytes, checksum: 6e76488e57158e78e195294f75f30521 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-16 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Goiás - FAPEG / In an increasingly interdependent society, the perspective of cosmopolitanism presents itself as a possibility of political reorganization of the international environment facing to the challenges posed by the continuous interconnection of national communities. To this end, law is a means of coordination between parties so that such an intention of a cosmopolitan community can be achieved. Considering this post-national scene, human rights seem to be the cornerstone in the construction of a cosmopolitan law that would have the guarantee of human dignity at its foundation. Such is the context in which this work is conceived when it revisits Jürgen Habermas‟s thinking about the legitimacy of law to try to find the basis for a regulatory agreement on human rights and from a cosmopolitan viewpoint. Thus, it begins with a brief overview of the author‟s theory of communicative action and its relation to law. Next, it demonstrates Habermas‟ legal and philosophical theory amid the procedural aspect of law and its respective legitimacy. Finally, it draws on the most recent writings of the philosopher, which affect the current reality, to examine the possibilities of a cosmopolitan identity among world‟s citizens. Additionally, it seeks to analyze an organizational outline proposed by the author to make the transition from an international to a cosmopolitan community, in which moral is perceived as the bridging principle in this context of transnational regulation. / Em uma sociedade cada vez mais interdependente, a perspectiva do cosmopolitismo se apresenta como uma possibilidade de reorganização política do ambiente internacional frente aos desafios postos pela contínua interconexão das comunidades nacionais. Para tanto, o direito se mostra como meio de coordenação entre as partes para a obtenção desta intenção de uma comunidade cosmopolita. E, considerando este cenário pósnacional, os direitos humanos parecem ser a pedra angular na construção de um ordenamento jurídico cosmopolita que teria por alicerce a garantia da dignidade humana. É neste ambiente que o presente trabalho se insere, quando percorre o pensamento de Jürgen Habermas acerca da legitimação do direito para tentar encontrar as bases de um acordo normativo em torno dos direitos humanos e diante de uma perspectiva cosmopolita. Deste modo, inicia-se com uma breve abordagem da teoria do agir comunicativo do autor e sua relação com o direito. Em seguida, descortina-se a teoria jurídico-filosófica de Habermas em meio ao aspecto procedimental do direito e sua respectiva legitimação. E, por fim, já percorrendo os escritos mais recentes do filósofo, que incidem sobre a realidade atual, busca-se verificar as condições de possibilidade de uma identidade cosmopolita entre os cidadãos do mundo, assim como um esboço organizacional proposto pelo autor para a realização da transição de uma comunidade internacional para uma comunidade cosmopolita, em que se percebe a moral como um ponto fundamental neste contexto de normatização transnacional.

FundaÃÃo de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Cearà / A presente pesquisa reconstrÃi aquilo que poderÃamos chamar de uma Filosofia PolÃtica de JÃrgen Habermas. Habermas parte da Teoria da AÃÃo Comunicativa como referÃncia para suas reflexÃes. A descoberta da linguagem como mÃdium intransponÃvel de todo sentido, de toda reflexÃo teÃrica e prÃtica, forÃou um repensamento de todos os problemas filosÃficos. Agora, normas racionais nascem da prÃxis dialÃgica dos sujeitos envolvidos numa determinada situaÃÃo. A razÃo comunicativa, para Habermas, à a Ãnica que tem condiÃÃes de fundamentar normas num mundo marcado pela pluralidade de visÃes de vida. Habermas, por conseguinte, a partir da aÃÃo comunicativa, elabora o conceito de polÃtica deliberativa, realizando uma sÃntese entre o liberalismo e o republicanismo. HÃ, na teoria de Habermas, uma conciliaÃÃo entre a autonomia privada e a pÃblica, entre os direitos humanos e a soberania popular, entre a liberdade dos modernos e a dos antigos. Segundo Habermas, nÃo hà um privilÃgio da polÃtica a ser realizada no Ãmbito da sociedade civil, como no republicanismo, ou exclusivamente no sistema polÃtico, como nas teorias liberais. Na polÃtica deliberativa, as esferas pÃblicas se interligam com os sistemas polÃtico e administrativo. AlÃm disso, Habermas considera positiva a questÃo da normatizaÃÃo jurÃdica, oriunda da tradiÃÃo liberal, interligando-a com o princÃpio republicano da comunicaÃÃo entre os sujeitos. O direito, entÃo, à enfatizado por sua eficÃcia nas resoluÃÃes dos problemas. Entretanto, esse direito sà possuirà legitimidade caso tenha como fonte o princÃpio da comunicaÃÃo. Habermas, nesse contexto, expÃe os limites do Estado liberal e do Estado social, propondo um novo modelo de Estado, com base na polÃtica deliberativa, em que os sujeitos serÃo autÃnomos à medida que puderem se entender tambÃm como autores do direito ao qual se submetem enquanto destinatÃrios

Esta pesquisa teve como objetivo principal estudar aspectos da modernização cultural brasileira a partir de mudanças ocorridas em nossa mais tradicional religião: o catolicismo. No plano teórico-metodológico, partiu-se de um referencial específico, a Teoria da Ação Comunicativa de Jürgen Habermas, com a intenção de verificar possibilidades para o desenvolvimento de um tipo de racionalidade, denominada comunicativa, em nossa cultura. No plano da análise empírica, optou-se por estudar as Comunidades Eclesiais de Base, as quais se mostraram como um espaço privilegiado para a identificação desses potenciais para a racionalidade comunicativa. Isso se explica pelo fato de que essas comunidades religiosas criaram em seu meio o hábito de discutir e argumentar, coletivamente, com a intenção de chegar assim a soluções consensuais para seus problemas cotidianos. / This research had as it main goal to study aspects of the Brazilian cultural modernization taking into consideration changes that have happened within its most traditional religion: the Catholicism. In terms of theoretical as well as methodological means, the present research has used as specific reference the Theory of Communicative Action by Jürgen Habermas, aiming to verify conditions that make possible the development of a certain type of rationality, know as communicative, in our culture. In terms of empirical analysis, it has chosen to study the Christian Base Communities, which are considered as being a privileged scenario to verifying potentialities to the development of communicative action. This choice is due to the fact that those religious communities have created, among their members, the habit of discussing and arguing for, collectively, whose intention is to come up with consensual solutions to their daily-life problems.

O estudo que ora apresentamos visa resgatar, a partir de uma análise imanente dos textos, os elementos críticos necessários a uma contraposição entre Marx e Habermas, no que concerne àquelas categorias consideradas, a cada um em particular, essenciais ao processo de construção da sociabilidade humana: o trabalho e a comunicação. / The study we presented, aims to rescue, starting from an immanent analysis, the critical elements for an opposition between Marx and Habermas in which concern, to each one in particular, essential to the process of construction of the human sociability: the work and the communication.

This thesis investigates how rural communities negotiate the development of renewable energy projects. Public and local community acceptance of these new technologies in rural areas around the world is uncertain and spatially uneven and represents an area of emerging public policy interest and one where scholarly theory is rapidly developing. This thesis uses Habermasian concepts of public sphere, communicative action and deliberative democracy, as well as the concept of “wicked problems” from the planning studies literature combined with geographical concepts of place and scale to advance theoretical and empirical understanding of how public opinion on renewable energy technologies is formed in place. It documents energy use patterns, attitudes and sociopolitical relations at a time when considerable state and business efforts are directed at the construction of solar, wind, biomass and small-hydro technologies in rural regions. These concepts and theories are applied in a case study of rural communities in the Eastern Ontario Highlands, an impoverished area undergoing rapid restructuring driven by centralization of services and amenity migration but with abundant natural resources in form of forests, numerous waterways and open space which have attracted a broad range of new energy developments. Overall high levels of support for alternative energy development particularly for solar power were found, albeit for reasons of local energy security and not for reasons of preventing climate change. There was some evidence that seasonal residents are less supportive of hydro and biomass projects than permanent residents possibly reflecting broader trends in rural economies away from productive uses of land to consumptive appreciation of rural landscapes. The thesis suggests that collective action to advance energy projects in the case study area require agreement along three world-claims (truth, rightness and truthfulness) and that communication leading to discourse which uncovers hitherto hidden reasons for action is possible. These findings offer rare empirical evidence of the predictions of deliberative democratic theory in environmental planning settings. However, multiple barriers to communicative action were also identified and there is evidence that the state’s reliance on market incentives may have long term costs in terms of diminished public reasoning around renewable energy.

Uppsatsen tog utgångspunkt i det trendiga begreppet postsanning som 2016 utsågs till årets ord av Oxford Dictionaries (BBC 2016). Trenden är till följd av den postfaktiskta epok vi, av många, påstått trätt in i. En epok där relationen till sanningen kommit att bli sekundär och där ett kommunicerande gentemot känslor och övertygelse kommit att bli desto viktigare. Ingenstans är detta mer tydligt än på sociala medier. Med kritisk diskursanalys som metod undersöktes Facebookgrupperna inte rasist men och #sverigeärfullt. Frågeställningarna som söktes besvaras var vilket innehåll dominerar i de två grupperna, vilka återkommande föreställningar ges uttryck för och vad är förgivettagna fakta i dessa grupper och hur produceras och reproduceras detta? Fokus för analysen handlande om hur ramverken på de båda sidorna skiljer sig åt i sin uppbyggnad till innehåll, men fann dem också förefalla snarlika i sina diskursiva praktiker. Här fokuserades på hur båda grupperna använder sig av postsanningar och bullshit för att bygga upp ramarna inom grupperna och för att ifrågasätta andra ramar som uppstår i motstånd till den rådande dito. Gruppernas eget existensberättigande tycks finnas i konflikten till den tilltänkta motparten som ofta beskrivs som förljugen och vilseledande. / The thesis centers itself on the trendy concept of post-truth, which in 2016 was named the word of the year by Oxford Dictionaries (BBC 2016). The trend emerged due to the alleged post-factual epoch we have entered. An epoch where the relationship to truth has come to be secondary and where a communication to feelings and conviction has come to be all the more important. Nowhere is this more evident than on social media. Using critical discourse analysis as a method, the Facebook groups, inte rasist men and #sverigeärfullt were analyzed. Questions that the thesis set out to answer was what content dominates in the two groups, what recurring notions are expressed and, what are the facts in these groups and how do they produce and reproduce this? The focus of the analysis was on how the frameworks in the two Facebook groups differ in their structure, but also appear similar in their discursive practices. Here, focus was on how both groups use post-truths and bullshit to build the frameworks within the groups and to question other frameworks that arise in opposition to the prevailing one. The groups' own justification exists in the conflict to the intended counterparty, which often is described as lying and being deceitful.

In a workplace, fostering a culture of transparency, openness, and conflict resolution can create an environment where employees feel comfortable expressing criticism. The purpose of this study is to investigate how employees at a governmental organization perceive the space to voice criticism internally within the workplace. For example, previous research shows that depending on the nature of the criticism employees will consider the pros and cons before presenting it. Previous research also shows that when employees perceive that their voice is limited, they may respond by remaining silent despite management asking for open discussions. To answer the purpose of this study, a qualitative interview study has been carried out consisting of interviews with six state-employed individuals at a Swedish authority. The interviews have been recorded, transcribed and the generated data has been the basis for a thematic analysis. The empirical work has been analyzed based on Habermas theory of communicative action. The study's results show, among other things, that employees who perceive that the manager listens actively, and prioritizes what the employee wants to express, experience a positive space for criticism. Furthermore, the study shows that employees are less inclined to express criticism again if the manager has diminished previously expressed criticism, and that this nurtures the perception of a limited space for criticism. Additionally, the findings show employees perceive they can influence the reception of their criticism by considering how it is expressed. Employees seem to feel that it is more important for them to be listened to, than that the expressed criticism leads to an actual change. / Att ha högt i tak på en arbetsplats kan exempelvis innebära en transparens, en öppenhet, en strävan efter konfliktlösning samt att önskemål och missförstånd kan diskuteras. Syftet med studien är att undersöka hur anställda på en statlig organisation upplever utrymmet att framföra kritik internt på arbetsplatsen. Tidigare forskning visar exempelvis att beroende på vad kritiken handlar om överväger anställda för och nackdelar med att framföra den, samt att när anställda uppfattar att deras röst är begränsad kan de svara genom att vara tysta trots att ledningen efterfrågar öppna diskussioner. För att besvara syftet har en kvalitativ intervjustudie genomförts bestående av sex statligt anställda individer på en svensk myndighet. Intervjuerna har spelats in, transkriberats och det genererade datamaterialet har legat till grund för en tematisk analys. Empirin har analyserats utifrån Habermas teori om kommunikativt handlande. Studiens resultat visar bland annat att anställda som uppfattar att chefen lyssnar aktivt, samt prioriterar vad den anställde vill framföra, upplever ett positivt kritikutrymme. Vidare visar studien att anställda är mindre benägna att framföra kritik igen om chefen har förminskat tidigare framförd kritik, samt att detta bidrar till en upplevelse av ett begränsat kritikutrymme. I studien belyses även att anställda uppfattar att de kan påverka mottagandet av kritiken genom att överväga hur den uttrycks. Anställda tycks känna att det är viktigare för dem att bli lyssnade på, än att den framförda kritiken leder till en faktisk förändring.

Political legitimacy is a fundamental problem in the modern state. According to Habermas (1973), current legitimation methods are losing the sufficiency needed to support political systems and decisions. In response, Habermas (1987) developed the theory of communicative action as a new method for establishing political legitimacy. The current study applies the communicative action theory to Kuwait’s current political transformation. This study addresses the nature of the foundation of Kuwait, the regional situation, the internal political context, and the current economic challenges. The specific political transformation examined in this study is a national development project known as Vision of 2035 supported by the Amir as the head of the state. The project aims to develop a third of Kuwait’s land and five islands as special economic zones (SEZ). The project requires new legislation that would fundamentally change the political and economic identity of the country. The study applies the communicative action theory in order to achieve a mutual understanding between different groups in Kuwait regarding the project’s features and the legislation required to achieve them. / Media & Communication

This research project applies feminist revisions of Habermas's theory of communicative action to evaluate levels of participation in individually-based development programs through the case study of one such program. Utilizing a triangulated methodology of participant observation, interviews, and discourse analysis, combined with considerations of feminist ethical issues, this research study examines the role of dialogue and "being heard" in the recovery and rehabilitation of women who used prostitution to feed chemical addiction. I utilize a "feminist communicative action" to evaluate a unique type of development program: one aimed at individual development. In addition, this project assesses the place of human communication, emotions, and community in the sustainability of such recovery programs. / Media & Communication

This study addresses how political and professional claims directed at teachers change, and in many ways challenge teachers’ professional autonomy, as well as affect preconditions for meaning-making in pedagogic practices. Focus is placed on political steering and its implications for teacher education and teachers’ work in schools. Professional tensions between claims for system-oriented success de-fined as goal achievement versus a communicative understanding are analysed within a conceptual framework of steering and meaning. Based on official educational policy documents as well as teachers’ development projects the analysis revolves around issues concerning core competencies in teacher education and professionalisation processes. The empirical material comprises the Swedish 2001-teacher education reform and the Swedish National Higher Education Agency’s criticism of that part of teacher education which is obligatory for all teacher students (AUO). Moreover, grounds for educational policy that lead to the introduction of individual development plans (IUP) in school are analysed. Additionally, comments on circulated proposals submitted by universities and teacher organisations in connection with Bologna and the IUP-reforms are subject to analysis. In terms of methodology, the study primarily draws upon theories of communicative action, critical discourse analysis and theories of the professions. The results indicate that emphasis in educational policy is placed on the clarification of goals, progression and assessment practices in schools and teacher edu-cation. Thus teachers and teacher educators need to address functional steering claims which demand commitment and loyalty for political reforms. This entails that teachers’ professional autonomy is restricted. Teachers are encouraged to take difficult decisions and act strategically in order to maximise the pedagogic outcome based on economic and political claims for excellence, collaboration, and a clear-cut steering direction. Professionalism now appears to connote quality control by way of more specified formulations and assessments towards learning outcomes. Political rhetoric stipulates as essential that teachers determine knowledge progression and boundaries between the various exam and knowledge levels. Teachers are also to expound internal documentation in order to fulfil system-related claims. The study illustrates how conditions and preconditions emanate from shared profes-sional considerations, competencies and convictions, and that teachers need to be able to discuss these. However, this is challenged by a continuously increasing management by documents. In light of recentralised steering, claims are directed at teachers who are now to create transparency, quantifiable criteria for assessment and employability. Based on the teachers’ development projects, the results indicate that teachers are critical of how the education system is subjected to increasing pressure due to a stream of reforms and evaluations. Politicisation and economisation of education underscore a need for pragmatic and strategic actions within the profession. In contrast to experiences of political lack of vision, impellent user orientation and marketisation, universities and teachers claim that critical communicative-oriented pedagogy boost professional autonomy. Moreover, the study indicates that teachers’ positions and professional identities vary depending on the perceived validity of the political claims. Claims for objectivity, simplification, clarity and functional criteria for assessment are countered by claims for in-depth meaning-making and consideration of the complexity and knowledge instability that is constitutive of pedagogic practices. Ultimately, this study illustrates a professional shift within the teacher body towards notions of objectivity and individualisation, thereby threatening teachers’ critical discussions of their organisation and work.