Parental involvement in schools has been contested for decades. Although it is clear that parents have a responsibility to care for and nurture their children, the legislated role of schools to educate children leaves somewhat ambiguous the role of parents. Using Hannah Arendt's notions of public and private and the emergence of a social sphere this conceptual research examines the complex relationship of parents to schools. Using the British Columbia Confederation of Parent Advisory Councils (BCCPAC) Parent Advocacy Project as one model, this study illustrates how parents can play an important role in the public school education of their children. Parental involvement and legislated governance of schools have emerged as major educational issues in Canada. The struggle for control in education has its roots in the history of public education, legislation, the emergence of unions and the postindustrial global production/consumption market place economy. These issues reveal the emergence of a "social" sphere blurring the public/private distinctions, dominated by bureaucracy and alienating citizens from their political responsibilities to determine a good life. The emerging role of parents as advocates for their children in the schools may restore some balance to the public/private relationship, however, it may also reveal some of the problems of power and control within the system. / Education, Faculty of / Educational Studies (EDST), Department of / Graduate

The Swedish model is a concept that over time has become widely known. Lately, the first thing that springs to mind may be the way Sweden has handled the pandemic of covid-19. Originally however, the Swedish model is an attempt develop a strategy of cooperation between conflicting interests. It has a long history in the relationship between employers and employees and also more structurally, between labour unions and the employers’ association, as well as between government and various interest organisations. The Swedish Sports Confederation (SSC) is a membership organisation of 72 special federations of sport. In addition, it disperses the government funding to sports and hence has a relationship with the state where the government has particular interest in how sport delivers on the government targets for sport. As a member organisation however, the SSC is governed by its members. The question then arises: does the government funding and the state’s expectations influence how sport is governed even though it is an independent organisation? This study based on a theory of leading change, where leadership is categorised in eight steps examines to what extent and how leadership surfaces in the relationship between the SSC and its members. How can this leadership be described and understood? The method used is a study of documents, more explicitly propositions from the board to the general assembly of the confederation, documents for discussion in workshops and documents containing information and knowledge pertinent to the process. All the documents that were studied have been presented by the board to the members between the years 2013 and 2019. Analysis were quantitative where leadership that could be identified as one of the eight categories of the model was marked in a specially developed protocol and thereafter summarised to determine the extent of leadership that occurred, and qualitative where sections of text that related to the steps of the model were analysed. The leadership was then described based on how steps of the model were utilised or not. The results of the analysis show that the SSC emphasised the creating of a sense of urgency early in the process. This emphasis however, decreased as time passed. During the whole process the SSC kept focus on involving all federations as well as focusing on what to achieve and how this is to be done. From about halfway and onwards the communication about the change process and the vision was given more attention. The SSC has not identified any small, leading coalition, created short term results or celebrated early successes in order to build up more power for change. In the discussion section there is speculation on whether this is due to the type of member organisation that the SSC is. To conclude several suggestions are presented with regards to how a hybrid organisation could handle leadership in order to strengthen knowledge, democracy and at the same time meet expectations from several directions. / En ideell medlemsorganisation styrs av organisationens medlemmar genom beslut på årsmöte. Om samma organisation mottar bidrag för sin verksamhet, med förväntningar på effekter som verksamheten ska ha – hur påverkas då organisationen? Denna uppsats finner sin bakgrund i en ideell organisation, Riksidrottsförbundet (RF), som under lång tid ingått ett korporativt samröre med staten. En av RF:s uppgifter är att, tillsammans med sina medlemmar, leda den idrottsliga utvecklingen. I ljuset av en teori om ledarskap i förändring där åtta steg identifierats som nödvändiga i en sådan process analyseras RF:s ledarskap i relation till medlemmarna. I vilken utsträckning och på vilket sätt framträder ledarskap? Hur kan detta ledarskap beskrivas och förstås? Studien är gjord i form av en dokumentstudie där besluts-, diskussions- och kunskapsunderlag som RF presenterat för sina medlemmar under perioden 2013–2019 studerats och analyserats. Denna period kan sammanfattas som idrottsrörelsens strategiarbete, med inriktning på fem övergripande mål 2025. Analysen har dels skett kvantitativt där ledarskap som kunde kategoriseras till någon av de åtta steg som återfanns i teorin noterades i ett särskilt utvecklat protokoll och därefter sammanställdes när det gäller omfattning, dels kvalitativt där identifierade textstycken härletts till den teoretiska modellens åtta steg. Ledarskapet har sedan beskrivits utifrån hur modellens olika steg använts och inte använts. Resultatet av analysen visar att RF lagt stor vikt i periodens början på att etablera en känsla av att förändring är nödvändig och brådskande. Dock har betoningen på detta minskat längs vägen. Under hela processen har RF haft stort fokus på involvering, samt vad som ska uppnås och hur det ska göras. Från mitten av processen och framåt kan också noteras ett större fokus på kommunikation kring förändringsprocessen. RF har inte i processen identifierat någon mindre ledande koalition, skapat några kortsiktiga resultat eller befäst framgångar för att skapa ytterligare framgångar. I diskussionen spekuleras i om en anledning till avsaknaden av dessa tre steg kan vara att RF är just en medlemsorganisation och därigenom inte vill behandla medlemmar olika. Som konklusion ges ett antal förslag kring hur en hybridorganisation kan fundera på att hantera ledarskapet för att stärka kunskap, demokrati och samtidigt klara att möta olika intressenters förväntningar.

Network simulation can be beneficial not only in solving problems while applying new standards or recommendations, but also primarily an aid in understanding and verifying knowledge of behaviour of communications protocols. The aim of the thesis is to create illustrative tasks in the simulation environment, Network Simulator 2 (NS-2), which are designed to verify the behavior of BGP and multicast. Created tasks are above all devoted to BGP, which is the cornerstone of routing information of all IP networks conglomerate, the Internet. The first two tasks designed for BGP use the implementation of ns-BGP and the remaining are based on the implementation of BGP++. The tasks verify both the function of basic attributes of the protocol, influencing the decision making process when routing information (AS_PATH, MED, LOCAL_PREF, WEIGHT), and furthermore the methods or parameters affecting the efficiency of the process of routing and a reduction of excessive network traffic (BGP confederation, routing, aggregation, MRAI). The last task regards multicast, more specifically the type of DM, which is a group of the so-called Dense Mode. The task illustrates how to join/leave groups and spread messages of types GRAFT and PRUNE under a constant data stream.

[pt] Durante as décadas de 1840 e 1860, Juan Bautista Alberdi consolidou o seu legado como uma personalidade de importância na história do que hoje compreendemos como Argentina. Em sua trajetória como exilado do regime de Rosas, autor intelectual da Constituição de 1853, servidor do corpo diplomático e ferrenho opositor da Guerra do Paraguai, o Império brasileiro esteve presente de alguma maneira em sua vida ao longo desses anos. Suas opiniões registradas, públicas ou não, em relação a monarquia dos trópicos oscilando durante as diferentes etapas de sua vida e tais opiniões não passariam despercebidas pela imprensa da capital do Império. O presente trabalho procura, então, abordar a trajetória de vida do letrado e a maneira pela qual alguns de seus escritos foram apresentados para os leitores dos jornais no Rio de Janeiro nos recortes temporais propostos. O objetivo é mostrar que no período no qual houve uma intencionalidade no estabelecimento de projetos nacionais, a imprensa foi instrumental para letrados, que como Alberdi, usufruíram de uma linguagem impressa que contribuiu para a construção de narrativas e identidades nacionais. / [en] During the 1840s and 1860s, Juan Bautista Alberdi consolidated his legacy as an important personality in the history of what we now understand as Argentina. In his trajectory as an exile from the Rosas regime, intellectual author of the Constitution of 1853, servant of the diplomatic corps and staunch opponent of the Paraguayan War, the brazilian Empire was somehow present in his life throughout these years. His registered opinions, public or not, in relation to the monarchy of the tropics fluctuated during the different stages of his life, and such opinions would not go unnoticed by the press in the capital of the Empire. The present work seeks, therefore, to approach the life and trajectory of the intellectual and the way through which some of his writings were presented to the reading public in Rio de Janeiro in the proposed timelines. The objective is to show that in the period in which there was an intention to establish national projects, the press was instrumental for the literate people, who, like Alberdi, benefited from a printed culture that contributed to the construction of national narratives and identities.

Submitted by LUCAS BISPO DOS SANTOS null (lucasbispoo18@gmail.com) on 2018-04-04T01:17:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Lucas Bispo dos Santos-Dissertação-Versão Finaldef.pdf: 2066371 bytes, checksum: b26a7db652943bf2e7f7d62255c801fc (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Satie Tagara (satie@marilia.unesp.br) on 2018-04-05T14:08:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 santos_lb_me_mar.pdf: 2066371 bytes, checksum: b26a7db652943bf2e7f7d62255c801fc (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-05T14:08:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 santos_lb_me_mar.pdf: 2066371 bytes, checksum: b26a7db652943bf2e7f7d62255c801fc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-13 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O objeto deste trabalho são as negociações do Acordo de Associação Inter-regional Mercado Comum do Sul (Mercosul) - União Europeia (UE), tendo como escopo de análise o período entre 1995 e 2016. O foco da análise está no posicionamento dos governos de Argentina e Brasil, assumindo que os dois países são o eixo fundamental para o avanço da integração do Mercosul. Ao longo dos anos de negociações é perceptível a mudança de ímpetos para a negociação dos dois países, com momentos de maior e menor convergência entre seus posicionamentos em relação à proposta europeia. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar os interesses defendidos pelos governos argentinos e brasileiros, a partir da compreensão do papel dos grupos de interesses domésticos agrícolas e industriais e sua influência nas negociações, sob ponto de vista político. Demonstra-se que os interesses de negociação de Argentina e Brasil se modificaram ao longo das tratativas tal como dos grupos domésticos estudados. Advoga-se que os posicionamentos dos países refletiriam as preferências nacionais, formadas a partir de pressões de grupos agrícolas e industriais de cada país. / The object of this dissertation is the negotiations of the Interregional Association Agreement between the Southern Common Market (Mercosur) and the European Union (EU), analyzing the period between 1995 and 2016. The focus of the analysis is the position of the governments of Argentina and Brazil, assuming that both countries are fundamentals axis for the progress of Mercosur integration. Throughout the years of negotiations the change of impetus for the negotiation of the two countries is perceptible, with moments of greater and lesser convergence between their positions in relation to the European proposal. The objective of this paper is to analyze the interests defended by the Argentine and Brazilian governments, from the understanding of the role of the agricultural and industrial groups and their influence in the negotiations, from a political point of view. It is shown that the negotiating interests of Argentina and Brazil have changed during the negotiations as well as the domestic groups studied. It is argued that the positions of the countries would reflect the national preferences, formed from the pressures of agricultural and industrial groups in each country. / El objetivo del trabajo son las negociaciones del Acuerdo de Asociación Interregional Mercado Común del Sur (Mercosur) - Unión Europea (UE), teniendo como objetivo de análisis el período entre 1995 y 2016. El foco del análisis está en el posicionamiento de los gobiernos de Argentina y Brasil, asumiendo que los dos países son el eje fundamental para el avance de la integración del Mercosur. A lo largo de los años de negociaciones es perceptible el cambio de ímpetu para la negociación de los dos países, con momentos de mayor y menor convergencia entre sus posicionamientos en relación a la propuesta europea. El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar los intereses defendidos por los gobiernos argentinos y brasileños a partir de la comprensión del papel de los grupos de intereses domésticos agrícolas e industriales y su influencia en las negociaciones desde el punto de vista político. Se demuestra que los intereses de negociación de Argentina y Brasil se modificaron a lo largo de las tratativas tal como de los grupos domésticos estudiados. Se defiende que los posicionamientos de los países reflejen las preferencias nacionales, formadas a partir de presiones de grupos agrícolas e industriales de cada país.

Key Words Polabian Slavs, Polabian area, Obodrite, Populus, Gens, Nacio, State, Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, Obotritic confederation tribes Abstract The thesis analyses and interprets the key events in the state-forming process of so-called Obotritic confederation tribes in 789 - 1178. It focuses on the analysis of written sources, which serve as a basis for three models of inter-tribal units in Polabian area. The thesis argues against the traditional evolutionistic point of view, which considers the confederation tribes to be the predecessors of early medieval states. The main focus of the analysis is put on the starting point form which the Obotritic state-forming process originated. The main question is whether the Obodrite, upon their first appearance in written history, were more federation of tribes or one large tribe, whose break-up at the turn of 9th and 10th century started a new phase of the process. For the next period, the thesis introduces unique model of so-called tribal state, created by the combined effects of various factors, such as location, political situation, social changes in 11th and 12th century etc. The inner and outer factors that lead to the break-up of the Obotritic tribe state in 1270s are discussed in the same manner. The last part of the thesis is an analysis of later...

This submitted dissertation thesis provides a constitutional comparative analysis of the European Union and the European federations, primarily the Federal Republic of Germany, Swiss Confederation, Republic of Austria and also basic features of the United States of America. I will attempt to determine whether EU is already a federation, or how much closer it has shifted to a federative type political arrangement. In this dissertation thesis I will try to methodically analyze, which characteristics of a federal state the European Union already meets and if we can put the EU under the category of federations, confederations or international organizations. To achieve better understanding of the context of this dissertation thesis, a comparative analysis of the European Federations is studied from historical, sociological and political science perspective. However the main emphasis here is focused on the analysis of the constitutional and legal arrangements. The first part of this thesis starts from the scrutiny of the origin and development of the theory of federalism in historical perspective, followed by determining the concept of federalism and federation in constitutional terms. Subsequently provided here are definitions of various types of federations and the reasons for their creation and...

Considerando a relação História-Cinema, a presente dissertação é uma reflexão sobre a produção cinematográfica anarquista da CNT durante a Guerra Civil Espanhola (1936-1939), a partir da análise de três de seus principais filmes de ficção: Carne de Fieras (1936/1992), Barrios Bajos (1937) e Aurora de Esperanza (1937). Eles foram construídos numa estrutura de narrativa clássica e melodramática e, dotados de temáticas diversas, como o adultério, a prostituição assediada por gangsteres e o drama do desemprego, representam uma iniciativa ímpar na construção de um cinema social, sob o comando de uma poderosa organização anarquista e durante o processo revolucionário. Neste sentido, consideramos também os meandros do desenvolvimento do anarquismo e do cinema espanhóis, cujas singularidades imprimiram uma dinâmica específica àqueles filmes. / Considering the relation between History and Cinema, this present dissertation will ponder on the anarchist cinematographic production of CNT during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) through the analysis of three of its most important fiction works: Carne de Fieras (1936/1992), Barrios Bajos (1937) and Aurora de Esperanza (1937). They were structured in a classic and melodramatic narrative and, dealing with several themes, as adultery, gangster-linked prostitution and the misfortune of unemployment, they represent a unique initiative in the construction of a social cinema, under the command of a powerful anarchist organization during the revolutionary process. In this sense, well consider the specifics in the development of Spanish anarchism and cinema, for their singular features have given a specific dynamic to those movies.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-06-13T12:26:38Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Mauriney Eduardo Vilela.pdf: 10612358 bytes, checksum: 20469bbd226d7c217f73b60b79a0ae8f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-13T12:26:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mauriney Eduardo Vilela.pdf: 10612358 bytes, checksum: 20469bbd226d7c217f73b60b79a0ae8f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-04-06 / The history of the State of São Paulo’s amateur theater federative movement is described and analyzed in the period between 1963 and 1975. We will describe the action of the State Board of Theatre (CET), and go together with the creation and development of amateur theater federations and the Confederation of Amateur Theatre in the State of São Paulo (COTAESP), in addition to the meetings, congresses, and festivals of Amateur Theatre. In the analysis way, we seek to understand what made people (and groups) with such different proposals become organized, building associations, organizing conferences, doing festivals, and searching political and physical spaces, for a period of a dozen years. The analysis also seeks to define who did amateur theatre during this period, their motivations and goals, their themes, and languages. According to what was analyzed, the amateur performances seem to be immersing in the feelings of your public and contributed to advancements and changes in social relationships, even facing powerful opposition of a military dictatorship / A história do movimento federativo paulista de Teatro Amador é descrita e analisada, no período entre 1963 e 1975. No âmbito descritivo, a partir da ação da Comissão Estadual de Teatro (CET), acompanha-se a criação e desenvolvimento das federações de Teatro Amador e da Confederação de Teatro Amador do Estado de São Paulo (COTAESP), além das assembleias, congressos e festivais de Teatro Amador. No terreno da análise, busca-se compreender o que fez pessoas (e grupos) com propostas tão diferentes agirem em conjunto, construindo federações, organizando congressos, fazendo festivais e conquistando espaços físicos e políticos, por um espaço de tempo de uma dúzia de anos. A análise também busca definir quem fez teatro amador nesse período, suas motivações e objetivos, seus temas e linguagens. De acordo com o que foi analisado, as encenações amadoras parecem ter imergindo na estrutura de sentimentos de seu público e contribuído para avanços e transformações nas relações sociais, mesmo enfrentando poderosa oposição de uma ditadura militar

Submitted by Nara Lays Domingues Viana Oliveira (naradv) on 2015-06-11T15:39:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DaiannyCostaEducacao.pdf: 1657606 bytes, checksum: 8c5c990fe0d21a6f2d6f7acbcd3a9a5f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-06-11T15:39:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DaiannyCostaEducacao.pdf: 1657606 bytes, checksum: 8c5c990fe0d21a6f2d6f7acbcd3a9a5f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-12 / CTERA - Confederación de Trabajadores de la Educación de la República Argentina / CNTE - Confederação Nacional dos Trabalhadores em Educação / A finalidade desta pesquisa é analisar os Sistemas de Avaliação em larga escala da Educação Básica empreendidos a partir da década de 1990 no Brasil e na Argentina, bem como as possíveis tensões e os jogosde influência que os contextualizaram. Como a relação Estado, sociedade e educação é construída continuamente, o desenvolvimento do trabalho levou em conta a formação da organização docente e o mapeamento de suas principais lutas em direção à escola pública, democrática e popular. O estudo se perspectivou na triangulação entre as metodologias qualitativa, dialética e comparatista,buscando entendimentos a respeito das aproximações e dos distanciamentos existentes em cada realidade, mas de forma que não inviabilizem um processo dialógico e de solidariedade. O campo empírico é aqui focado nas confederações de trabalhadores da educação – CNTE (Brasil) e CTERA (Argentina). Os instrumentos de coleta in locoe nas páginas eletrônicas embasam a pesquisa documental sobre as Confederações dos Trabalhadores em Educação e suas práticas de insubordinação, as políticas educacionais de avaliação em larga escala, a legislação existente e entrevistas semi-estruturadas com dirigentes destas entidades sindicais. Assim, foi perceptível que estes países durante a década de 1990 lançaram-se a corresponder ao modelo neoliberal mais enfaticamente, enquanto na contraposição, os processos de redemocratização ganhavam força nos movimentos sociais. O projeto neoliberal que aposta numa regulação alicerçada no mercado, em detrimento da comunidade e que dimensiona o Estado para este fim, encontrou na organização docente um referencial importante de contra-hegemonia. Conclui-se que tanto a CTERA quanto a CNTE impingem práticas insubordinativas que buscam um Estado regulador pautado na democracia, no direito e na cidadania. Isto se operacionaliza por meio de processos democráticos que se contrapõem ao neoliberalismo e, balizados pela superação da desigualdade, passam a fomentar e intencionalmente promover a participação popular. Contudo, há um distanciamentoentre as confederações e o estabelecimento escolar, aquelas raramente se veem exigidas a operar sobre tal construção. É possível, por fim, que esta realidadeafirme que os jogos de influência ocorram no nível da formação do texto legal e por isso, tanto as propostas de uma avaliação em larga escala, no sentido de qualificara educação, quanto à constituição de uma política mais democrática, são inviabilizadas, porque são propostas fora do âmbito da instituição escolar. Finalmente, as grandes transformações que são indispensáveis para que a educação seja efetivamente um instrumento de cidadania, democracia e emancipação necessitem da participação efetiva dos atores sociais nela envolvidos. / The purpose of this study is to analyze the systemsof large-scale evaluation of Basic Education undertaken from the 1990s in Brazil and Argentina, as well as possible tensions and influence games which contextualized them. As the relationship between State, society and education is continuallybuilt, the development of work took into account the training of teachers organization and mapping of their main struggles toward to the public school, democratic and popular. The study is the perspective of triangulation between the qualitative methodologies, comparative and dialectic, seeking understandings on the approachesand the distances in each reality, but in ways that do not derail a dialogic process and solidarity. The empirical field is here focused on the education of workers confederations - CNTE (Brazil) and CTERA (Argentina). The data collection instruments in locoand the electronic pages are the foundation of documentary research on the Confederation of Workers in Education and its practices of insubordination, theeducational policies of large-scale evaluation, the existing legislation and semi-structured interviews with leaders of these unions. Thus, it was noticeable that these countries during the 1990s have started corresponding to the neoliberal model more strongly, while in contrast, the process of democratization in social movements gained strength. The neoliberal project which focuses on regulation based on the market at the detriment of the community and that scales the State for this purpose, was found in this teaching organization an important benchmark of counter-hegemony. We conclude that both CTERA as CNTE foist insubordinate practices that seek a regulator state ruled on democracy, right and citizenship. This operationalizes through democratic processes that are opposed to neoliberalism and, guided by overcoming the inequality, become foster and deliberately promote the popular participation. However, there is a gap between the confederations and the educational establishment, those which rarely find themselves required to work on such construction. Finally, it is possible that this reality points that the games of influence take place at the level of formation of the legal text and therefore, both proposals for a large-scale evaluation in order to qualify the education, as the constitution of a policy moredemocratic, is unfeasible, because the proposals are outside the school. Finality the major changes that are essential for education be an effective instrument of citizenship, democracy and emancipation require the effective participation of social actors involved. / El objetivo de esta investigación es analizar los Sistemas de Evaluación de Educación Básica a gran escala emprendidos a partirde la década de 1990 en Brasil y Argentina, así como las posibles tensiones y juegos de influencia que los contextualizaron. Así como la relación Estado, sociedad y educación es construida continuamente, el desarrollo del trabajo tuvo en cuenta la formación de la organización docente y el mapeamiento de sus principales luchas en dirección a una escuela pública, democrática y popular. El estudio se sitúa en la triangulación entre las metodologías cualitativa, dialéctica y comparativa, buscando entendimientos con respecto a las aproximaciones y los distanciamientos existentes en cada realidad, pero de forma que no inviabilicen un proceso dialógico y de solidaridad. El campo empírico es aquí enfocado en las confederaciones detrabajadores de la educación – CNTE (Brasil) y CTERA (Argentina). Los instrumentosde recolección in locoy las páginas electrónicas fundamentan la investigación sobre las Confederaciones de los trabajadores de la educación y sus prácticas de insubordinación, las políticas educacionales de evaluación a gran escala, la legislación existente y las entrevistas semi-estructuradas con dirigentes de estas entidade s sindicales. De esta forma fue posible percibir que estos países durante la décadade 1990 se lanzaran a corresponder al modelo neoliberal más enfáticamente, mientras en contraposición, los procesos de redemocratización ganaban fuerza enlos movimientos sociales. El proyecto neoliberal que apuesta en una regulación fundamentada en el mercado, en detrimento de la comunidad y que dimensiona el Estado para este fin, encontró en la organización docente un referente importante de contra-hegemonía. Se concluye que tanto la CTERA como la CNTE indilgan prácticas insubordinadas que buscan un Estado regulador pautado en la democracia, en el derecho y en la ciudadanía. Esto se pone en práctica por medio de procesos democráticos que se contraponen al neoliberalismo y, delimitados por la superación de la desigualdad, pasan a fomentar e intencionalmente promover la participación popular. Sin embargo, existe un distanciamiento entre las confederaciones y la institución escolar, aquellas raramente se ven exigidas a operar sobre tal construcción. Es posible, finalmente, que esta realidad afirme que los juegos de influencia ocurran en el nivel de formación del texto legal y por eso, tanto en las propuestas de una evaluación de gran escala, en el sentido de cualificar la educación, como a la constitución de una política más democrática, son inviabilizadas, porque son propuestas fuera del ámbito de la institución escolar. Finalmente, las grandes transformaciones que son indispensables para que la educación sea efectivamente un instrumento de ciudadanía, democracia y emancipación necesiten de la participación efectiva de los actores sociales en ella involucrados.