A la fin de la Première Guerre mondiale, la France contribue largement à transformer l’ancienne Autriche-Hongrie, et doit assumer une responsabilité quant à la survie et au devenir de la nouvelle Autriche, à travers différents engagements internationaux, même si aucun traité ne lie formellement les deux Etats. On définit généralement la position française vis-à-vis de l'Autriche par cette alternative : ni Habsbourg, ni Anschluss. A partir de 1930, l'héritier du trône, Otto de Habsbourg, accède à la majorité : se pose alors concrètement la question d'une éventuelle restauration. Les années 1930 voient par ailleurs le développement d'une multitude de projets de réorganisation de l'Europe centrale, alternative à ce retour des Habsbourg. L'arrivée d'Hitler au pouvoir en Allemagne doit pousser la France à des prises de position claires : son dessein est la réunion de l'Autriche au Reich, et le gouvernement français doit déterminer quelle attitude adopter envers le gouvernement autrichien qui choisit la voie de l'autoritarisme contre la poussée nazie. Si une part de l'opinion française a des sympathies pour la cause de l'indépendance autrichienne, le gouvernement n'impose jamais de choix clairs en ce sens, en raison notamment de facteurs idéologiques. Il est aussi prisonnier d'une conception trop économique de l'organisation de l'Europe centrale, qui lui fait sous-estimer les problèmes identitaires existant entre l'Autriche et l'Allemagne. L'absence d'une réflexion sur les spécificités de la nation autrichienne en construction conduit à faire le jeu de l'Allemagne, à travers l'idée d'un « germanisme » commun aux deux Etats. L'Anschluss, sans réaction française, vient couronner plus d'une décennie de contradictions et prépare la défaite symbolique de Munich. / At the end of World War I, France is a major actor of the transformation of old Austria-Hungary and becomes one of the main protectors of Austria through several international commitments; yet no treaty ever connects the two countries. The French policy on Austria is generally admitted to be : neither Habsburg, nor Anschluss. In 1930 Otto von Habsburg, the son of the last emperor, attains the age of majority ; so the issue of restauration appears again to be a major problem in Europe. At the same time, many plans and projects are discussed to reorganize Central Europe, as a possible alternative to the come back of the Habsburg family. With Hitler's appointment as Chancellor in Germany in 1933, France has to make up clear decisions, since Hitler's goal is to achieve the unification of Austria with Germany. The French government has to decide whether to support or not the Austrian government, getting authoritative in order to fight against nazi propaganda and terrorism. Many people in France are quite in favour of the cause of the independence of Austria. Yet the French government doesn't make any decisive choices to defend it, in particular because of ideological reasons. The French policy is also confined to an all-economic conception of international relations in Central Europe, and under-estimates the problems of national identity existing between Austria and Germany. The lack of a reflection on the specificities of an Austrian nation to be built tends to be of a great advantage for Germany, which praises for the idea of a common « germanism » for both countries. The Anschluss is made without any real French reaction, as a consequence of more than ten years of political contradictions ; thus it prepares the symbolical defeat of Munich.

Considerando a relação História-Cinema, a presente dissertação é uma reflexão sobre a produção cinematográfica anarquista da CNT durante a Guerra Civil Espanhola (1936-1939), a partir da análise de três de seus principais filmes de ficção: Carne de Fieras (1936/1992), Barrios Bajos (1937) e Aurora de Esperanza (1937). Eles foram construídos numa estrutura de narrativa clássica e melodramática e, dotados de temáticas diversas, como o adultério, a prostituição assediada por gangsteres e o drama do desemprego, representam uma iniciativa ímpar na construção de um cinema social, sob o comando de uma poderosa organização anarquista e durante o processo revolucionário. Neste sentido, consideramos também os meandros do desenvolvimento do anarquismo e do cinema espanhóis, cujas singularidades imprimiram uma dinâmica específica àqueles filmes. / Considering the relation between History and Cinema, this present dissertation will ponder on the anarchist cinematographic production of CNT during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) through the analysis of three of its most important fiction works: Carne de Fieras (1936/1992), Barrios Bajos (1937) and Aurora de Esperanza (1937). They were structured in a classic and melodramatic narrative and, dealing with several themes, as adultery, gangster-linked prostitution and the misfortune of unemployment, they represent a unique initiative in the construction of a social cinema, under the command of a powerful anarchist organization during the revolutionary process. In this sense, well consider the specifics in the development of Spanish anarchism and cinema, for their singular features have given a specific dynamic to those movies.

Diploma thesis focuses on internal audit and conditions for this job. At the beginning is some history and development of internal audit. Another part deals with internal audit, relation to the external audit and internal control systems. Other passage look into processing of internal audit and preparing of internal auditor's report. There are some requirements for person of internal auditor and his/her role in company. A part of thesis is devoted to Institute of internal auditors, membership terms and European confederation for institutes of internal auditors. Other part focuses on risks and frauds join with profession of internal auditors. Practical part deals with real situation of internal audit profession in private enterprise and banking sector.

Society is becoming increasingly dependent on the development of institutions generatingsustainability. In order to speed up this development there is a need to find, evaluate andgeneralize existing institutional mechanisms holding this characteristic. In this study, the current theoretical framework is expanded to describe how an institution shouldbe designed to generate sustainability. To explain this, a distinction is made between short-termefficient markets (currently known as Pareto-efficient markets) and long-term efficient markets(currently known as ‘strong’ or ecologic sustainability). Further, a sustainable development isdefined as a combination of short-term and long-term Pareto-efficiency. This implies that aconsumption decision today cannot make an individual better off, without making anothercurrent or future individual worse off. Green building certifications are an interesting candidate to empirically test the theoreticalframework. An empirical study was made in cooperation with Confederation of Indian Industry -Indian Green Building Council, consisting of 18 qualitative interviews with companies andexperts in the Indian building industry. The main purpose of the study has been to investigatewhy actors engage in green building and green building certifications, or why they do not. Theresults have then been analyzed and put in an institutional context. Building on these results, conclusions have been drawn that bring a valuable perspective to theongoing debate on sustainability. Green building certifications have several interestingcharacteristics contributing to a sustainable development. Most importantly, results areindicating that short-term economic efficiency can lead to long-term mechanisms generatingsustainability. However, there are also limitations to the growth of certifications as an institution,e.g. cultural aspects, risk of ambiguity and insufficient levels of human capital. / Utvecklingen av institutioner som genererar hållbarhet blir allt viktigare. För att påskynda dennautveckling finns det ett behov av att hitta, utvärdera och generalisera befintliga institutionellamekanismer som uppfyller denna egenskap. För att kunna beskriva hur en institution bör utformas för att generera hållbarhet, utökar dennastudie det aktuella teoretiska ramverket. En distinktion görs mellan kortsiktigt Pareto-effektivamarknader (detta är att likställas med nuvarande begreppet ’Pareto-effektiva marknader’) ochlångsiktigt Pareto-effektiva marknader (detta är att likställas med ’ekologisk hållbarhet’). Vidareär hållbar utveckling definierad som en kombination av kortsiktigt- och långsiktigt effektivamarknader. Detta innebär att ett konsumptionsbeslut idag inte kan öka välfärden för en individ,utan att minska välfärden för en annan nuvarande eller framtida individ. Certifieringar för hållbart byggande är en intressant kandidat för att empiriskt testa det teoretiskaramverket. Fallstudien gjordes i samarbete med Confederation of Indian Industry - Indian GreenBuilding Council, och består av 18 kvalitativa intervjuer med företag och experter inom denindiska byggindustrin. Det huvudsakliga syftet med studien har varit att undersöka varför aktörerengagerar sig i grönt byggande och certifieringar, eller varför de väljer att inte göra det.Resultaten har sedan analyserats och satts i ett institutionellt sammanhang. Som institution har certifieringarna flera intressanta egenskaper som bidrar till en hållbarutveckling. Slutsatserna i studien skänker ett värdefullt perspektiv till den pågåendehållbarhetsdiskussionen, framförallt genom att påvisa att kortsiktig ekonomisk effektivitet kanleda till mekanismer som skapar hållbar utveckling. Det finns också begränsningar i tillväxten avdenna typ av institution som kan härledas till t.ex. kulturella skillnader, antalet certifieringar påmarknaden samt tillgång till humankapital.

Svensk idrottsrörelse är en marknad i förändring, idrottande utanför idrottsföreningar har ökat under de senaste åren och privata aktörer har tagit stora steg framåt. Runt om i världen sprids en ekonomisk nyliberalism där privata aktörer blivit vanligare genom avregleringar och fått tillgång till marknaders principer för att tillgodose behov på bästa sätt.  Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka hur ideella idrottsföreningar upplever konkurrensen från privata aktörer på idrottsmarknaden. Vidare syftar denna studie till att undersöka hur ideella idrottsföreningar hanterar denna konkurrens samt hur ideella idrottsföreningar kan komma att påverkas av den konkurrens som idag finns från privata aktörer på idrottsmarknaden. Studien har en kvalitativ ansats och empiri har samlats in genom åtta semistrukturerade intervjuer som genomförts genom digitala möten eller över telefon med anledning av rådande Covid-19 pandemi och dess begränsningar i fysiska möten. Respondenterna representerade varsin idrottsförening i Stockholmsområdet inom fyra olika idrotter: fotboll, ishockey, simning och friidrott.   Empirin har analyserats utifrån den teoretiska referensramen bestående av konkurrens, nyinstitutionell teori, organisationsformer och sektorböjning. Samtliga föreningar i studien upplever konkurrens från privata aktörer på något sätt. Det är tydligt att de som upplever den största konkurrensen är lagidrotterna ishockey och fotboll, vilka också kommit längst i sin hantering av den uppstådda konkurrensen. De upplever i dagsläget den största konkurrensen från privata aktörer inom lov- och campverksamheter. Inom friidrott och simning upplevs en annan typ av konkurrens primärt gällande anläggningar och med kommunen som konkurrent. En effekt som de privata aktörerna medför är att föreningarna förlorar deltagare i sin camp- och lägerverksamhet och att pengar går från idrottens föreningsliv till de privata aktörerna. För att hantera detta arbetar föreningarna med att utveckla kvaliteten i hela sin verksamhet för att bli mer konkurrenskraftiga. Den större delen av den löpande verksamheten påverkas i dagsläget dock inte av de privata aktörerna, men detta kan komma att förändras. / The Swedish sports movement is a market in transition, people engaging in sports outside of the typical sports clubs have raised in popularity over the last years and private players have taken big steps forward. Economic new liberalism, where private players are more common have gained access to previous regulated markets due to deregulation. The purpose of this study is to examine non-profit sports clubs ́ experience of competition from private players in the sports market. Furthermore, this study aims to examine how non-profit sports clubs are affected by the competition and how their organization handles it. This study has a qualitative approach and data has been collected through eight semi-structured interviews. The interviews were conducted through digital meetings or via telephone, due to the prevailing Covid-19 pandemic and the limitations it caused in physical meetings. Every respondent represented a sports club in the Stockholm area in different sports: soccer, ice hockey, swimming, and athletics. The collected data were analyzed with takeoff from previous research regarding competition, new institutional theory, organization forms, and sector-bending. All clubs in the study are exposed to competition with private players. The sports experiencing the most competition are the soccer and ice hockey clubs who are once facing this issue much more compared to the athletics and swimming clubs. The competition that ice hockey and soccer face is primarily through holiday camps. In the athletics and swimming clubs, the competition is primarily regarding facilities and the fact that the municipality is an actor in the market as well. The effects caused by the private players ́ existence is that the clubs lose participants in their camps and that money outflows from the sports clubs to the private sector. To manage this the clubs work with quality development to become more competitive. The clubs’ day-to-day operations are not affected by the private players in this current situation, but that might change.

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Syfte: Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka hur Hammarby Fotboll utövar socialt entreprenörskap genom Spontanfotboll. Detta bidrar med viktig kunskap om hur socialt entreprenörskap praktiseras. Studien visar ett exempel på hur Riksidrottsförbundets policyer påverkar idrottsföreningars arbete med inkludering och att nå vissa grupper i samhället.  Metod: Studien grundar sig i kvalitativ induktiv metod, vilket innebär att materialet samlas in först och analyserar för att sedan skapa teori, modell eller förklaring. Materialet har samlats in genom semistrukturerade kvalitativa intervjuer, en fallstudie samt dokumentanalys.  Teori: Studiens teoretiska perspektiv är Pierre Bourdieus fält och kapitalbegrepp samt CSR och socialt entreprenörskap.  Resultat och slutsatser: Att arbeta med socialt entreprenörskap handlar om att kunna tillfredsställa sociala behov som samhället står inför. Genom Samhällsmatchens (Hammarby Fotbolls avdelning för social entreprenörskap) initiativ Spontanfotboll erbjuder de ungdomar en kostnadsfri aktivitet där de kan spela fotboll under helgkvällar istället för att vara ute under vintermörkret. Detta skapar en meningsfull fritid för ungdomarna där de inte är ute sena kvällar i riskfyllda miljöer, vilket leder till att det upplevs lugnare i området under de tider Spontanfotboll bedrivs. Att använda sig av lokala ledare som leder aktiviteten har visat sig funka bra för Samhällsmatchen. De använder de lokala ledarna för att marknadsföra aktiviteten och når de lokala invånarna mer effektivt samtidigt som de ger ett första jobb för ungdomarna. Detta skapar en trygghet och legitimitet för Spontanfotboll. Resultaten visar hur socialt entreprenörskap kan praktiseras i en av Sveriges största idrottsföreningar, samt tillvägagångssätt för att påverka ungdomars idrottsdeltagande positivt. Studiens slutsats är att Samhällsmatchen och Hammarby Fotboll initiativ Spontanfotboll är framgångsrikt för att de är medvetna om sin roll i lokalsamhället, värnar om de lokala invånarna, samarbetar med lokala aktörer och tillfredställer sociala behov. / Purpose: The purpose of this study is to investigate how Hammarby Football practices social entrepreneurship through Spontanfotboll. This contributes important knowledge about how social entrepreneurship is practiced. The study shows an example of how the Swedish Sports Confederation's policies affect athletic clubs' work with inclusion and reaching certain groups in society. Methodology: The study is based on a qualitative inductive method. The material has been collected through semi-structured qualitative interviews, a case study and document analysis. Theory: The study's theoretical perspective is Pierre Bourdieu's concept of field and capital. as well as CSR and social entrepreneurship. Results and Conclusions:  Working with social entrepreneurship is about being able to satisfy social needs that society faces. Through Samhällsmatchen's (Hammarby Football's department for social entrepreneurship) initiative Spontanfotboll, young people are offered a free activity where they can play football during weekend evenings instead of being out in the winter darkness. This creates a meaningful free time for the young people where they are not out late at night in risky environments, which leads to a safer feeling in the area during the times Spontanfootball is played. Using local leaders who lead the activity has proven to work well for Samhällsmatchen. They use the local leaders to promote the activity and reach the local residents more effectively while providing a first job for young people. This creates a feeling of security and legitimacy for Spontanfotboll. The results show how social entrepreneurship can be practiced in one of Sweden's largest athletic clubs, as well as approaches to positively influence young people's sports participation. The study's conclusion is that Samhällsmatchen and Hammarby Football ́s initiative Spontanfotboll are successful because they are aware of their role in the local community, they care for the local residents, cooperate with local actors and satisfy social needs.

Submitted thesis deals with selected points from the development of the tribal society of the Polabian Slavs in the area called Slavic Polabia, i.e. the area between the Ore Mountains and the Lusatian Mountains in the south, rivers Elbe and Saale in the west, Baltic Sea in the north and river Oder in the east. The thesis is divided into the introduction and four longer chapters; together, they introduce the forms and manners of the medieval tribal society. The introduction defines the aims and methodology of the thesis, while also emphasizing the necessity to observe the diversity of each tribal societies, even in the context of the Slavic Polabia, which was supposed to be a home of the three big tribal societies or tribal confederations. Because of the differencies in the socio-political development of these three tribal confederations, the first chapter introduced its own proposition of periodization of the Polabian Slavs' history. This proposition is not based on the traditional criteria used by the older and contemporary medieval studies relying on the external factors, level of social differentiation or structural changes in the political system. The proposed periodization set a few development phases, which each of the tribal societies either passed or never reached. In its three parts (head,...

Die Reaktionen von Hochschullehrern und Unternehmern auf Bildungsreformen und -expansion in Westdeutschland und Britannien nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg sind Gegenstand dieser Arbeit. Sie untersucht, wie sich beide Gruppen zu Hochschul- und Schulreformen im Besonderen und zur sozialen Öffnung im Allgemeinen äußerten. Welche bildungs- und hochschulpolitischen Interessen verfolgten diese Gruppen? Mit welchen Argumentationen versuchten sie, ihre Interessen durchzusetzen? Spielten bürgerliche Werte und Bildungsideale dabei noch eine Rolle? Herrschte eine bildungspolitische Werte- und Interessenübereinstimmung zwischen Hochschullehrern und Unternehmern, und knüpften sie gemeinsame Netzwerke zur Durchsetzung dieser Interessen? Die Arbeit bietet im ersten Teil einen Überblick über bildungspolitische Veränderungen und über gesellschaftliche Entwicklungstendenzen der Vermögens- und Einkommensverteilung sowie der Einordnung der beiden Akteursgruppen in die jeweilige Prestige- und Sozialstruktur ihrer Länder. Im zweiten Teil folgt eine Analyse ihrer bildungspolitischen Aussagen auf Hinweise einer Existenz von bürgerlichen Werten und Abgrenzungsversuchen gegenüber nicht-bürgerlichen Schichten. Im dritten Teil werden schließlich bildungspolitische Netzwerke und Gremien nach ihrer Zusammensetzung und -arbeit betrachtet. Damit möchte die Arbeit einen Beitrag zur Frage leisten, ob nach 1945 weiterhin ein Bürgertum mit einem Berufsgruppen übergreifenden Standesbewusstsein existierte, oder ob dieses in einzelne Berufsgruppen wie Hochschullehrer und Unternehmer mit je eigenen Interessen und Identifikationen zerfallen war. / This thesis compares the responses of university lecturers and business people to educational reform and expansion in West Germany and Britain in the postwar period. It examines how these groups reacted to increased social mobility in general, and university and school reform in particular. How did they attempt to persuade others of their position? Did middle-class values and educational ideals play a role? To what extent did the values and interests of university lecturers and business people intersect, and did they create networks to achieve their goals? The first part of this study surveys the postwar social and educational landscape, changes in income and wealth distribution, as well as the position of university lecturers and business people in each country. Part two analyses both groups’ positions on education, with particular reference to the existence of middle-class values and attempts to define themselves in relation to other classes. The final part explores how networks and bodies on education issues were set up and how they pursued their work. This study contributes to the debate as to whether a middle-class group identity existed in the postwar period, or whether this identity had disintegrated into individual professional groups, each with their own interests and identifications.

Dès 1919, la France et l’Italie se tournent vers l’espace balkanique et danubien, issu de l’effondrement des empires multinationaux, pour assurer leur sécurité et leur puissance. Alors que la question adriatique éloigne les deux pays, ils trouvent un consensus provisoire sur l’Europe danubienne : ni Anschluss, ni confédération danubienne. Ce modus vivendi va cependant voler en éclats à partir de 1924, lorsque la volonté française de mieux organiser son système d’alliances rencontre le révisionnisme fasciste. L’une et l’autre puissance tentent de surmonter les difficultés internationales créées par le mouvement pour l’Anschluss, l’opposition de la Petite Entente et de la Hongrie, le statut de la Yougoslavie, mais la divergence de leurs représentations sur ce que devait être un concert européen rénové empêcha toute collaboration. Leur confrontation favorisa la déstabilisation de l’Europe balkanique et danubienne : le lien entre les deux phénomènes éclata au grand jour lors des négociations économiques pour la reconstruction de l’Europe entre 1931 et 1933. Dans le sillage de ces dernières, le Pacte à quatre fut conçu par la diplomatie française comme une occasion d’arrimer l’Italie à la vision française de l’organisation du continent, tandis que Mussolini en faisait la première étape d’un bouleversement de l’ordre issu des traités de paix : l’Europe balkanique et danubienne fut le grand enjeu tacite du Pacte à quatre. / By 1919, France and Italy look to the Balkan and Danubian Region, shaped by the collapse of multinational empires, to ensure their safety and power. While the Adriatic question drives away the two countries, they find a temporary consensus on Danubian Europe: neither Anschluss, nor Danubian confederation. This modus vivendi is however shattered in 1924 when the French desire to better organize its system of alliances meets fascist revisionism. Both powers try to overcome the difficulties created by the international movement for the Anschluss, the opposition of the Little Entente and Hungary, the status of Yugoslavia, but their divergent representations of what should be a renovated European concert prevent any collaboration. Their confrontation promotes the destabilization of the Balkans and the Danubian Region : the link between the two phenomenons breaks out in the open during the negotiations for the economic reconstruction of Europe between 1931 and 1933. In the wake of these, the Four Power Pact was designed by French diplomacy as an opportunity to tie Italy to the French vision of the organization of the continent, while Mussolini figures it as the first step in the disruption of the order created by the peace treaties: the Balkans and Danube was the great unspoken issue of the Four Power Pact.