This study aims to describe and compare the differences and similarities for US mainstream media’s representation of two different coup attempts by using Robert Entman’s Framing theory in terms of legitimacy. The chosen cases are the coup attempt in Turkey (2016) which is an US ally, having a right-wing government and the coup attempt in Venezuela (2002) which has a strained relationship with the US and having left-wing government. The research applies qualitative approach to conduct a small-n case study for comparing and analyzing how the media framed the legitimacy of acts and actors during these two coup attempts. This is an attempt to describe the problematization of theory becoming practice for the US mainstream media regarding the presentation of what is legitimate and what is not. The definition of legitimacy is very clear, but the US mainstream media have issues to reflect this definition to the reality.

Em 1964, ao menos três IPMs foram instaurados em unidades da Universidade de São Paulo, com o objetivo de apurar atividades subversivas. O único deles a ter efeitos jurídicos no âmbito do Ato Institucional de 9 de abril de 1964 foi o IPM da Faculdade de Medicina, com base no qual o governador demitiu sete professores de vários departamentos (Erney Camargo, Luiz Hildebrando Pereira da Silva, Thomas Maack, Luiz Rey, Pedro Henrique Saldanha, Julio Pudles, Reynaldo Chiaverini). O trabalho pretende mostrar a contribuição da doutrina da Guerra Revolucionária, adotada pelos oficiais superiores das Forças Armadas, para a instauração de IPMs e seu papel no conflito de correntes internas a essas mesmas Forças Armadas, que se manifestou com intensidade nos primeiros meses do governo Castelo Branco. Em particular, o IPM da Medicina demonstra a convergência entre o impulso geral proveniente da doutrina da Guerra Revolucionária e interesses dos que detinham o poder de administrar a Universidade de São Paulo buscando evitar mudanças. / In 1964 at least three Military Police Investigations (IPM in the Portuguese language acronym) were launched in schools of the University of São Paulo, with the stated objective of assessing and curtailing subversive activities. Only one of these had juridical effects, derived from the Institutional Act of April 9, 1964, which was the IPM on the Medical School. Based on it, the State Governor fired seven professors from several departments (Erney Camargo, Luiz Hildebrando Pereira da Silva, Thomas Maack, Luiz Rey, Pedro Henrique Saldanha, Julio Pudles, Reynaldo Chiaverini). This work aims at demonstrating the contribution of the Revolutionary War doctrine, which was at the time adopted by the Brazilian military, for the conduction of the IPM investigation, as well as its role in internal dissensions existing in the Brazilian Armed Forces which manifested itself intensely during the first months of the Castelo Branco government. Particularly, the Medical School IPM can be seen as demonstrating convergence between the momentum given by the Revolutionary War doctrine to the investigation, and the special interests of those who had the power and authority to manage the University of São Paulo with the objective of precluding change.

Esta dissertação busca discutir, o conhecimento veiculado pelos livros didáticos sobre o processo histórico que engendrou o Golpe civil-militar e a posterior consolidação da Ditadura (1964-1985), a partir dos materiais didáticos oferecidos às escolas. Abordo o caso do ensino médio, onde atuo como professor de história na rede estadual do Rio Grande do Sul. A proposta parte da análise dos livros didáticos distribuídos aos alunos de todo o Brasil através do Fundo Nacional de Desenvolvimento da Educação, a partir do seu programa PNLD – Programa Nacional do Livro Didático. Para tal empreitada foi necessário estabelecer uma reflexão crítica entre a pesquisa científica desenvolvida pela historiografia acadêmica e o conteúdo dos livros didáticos recebidos pelas escolas. Pautou-se pelo recorte de quatro tópicos amplamente abordados pela historiografia; a saber: agentes do golpe e nomenclaturas do processo histórico, agentes e beneficiados pela Ditadura, repressão e luta armada e o problema da transição. Atentou-se para as implicações políticas que a História do Tempo Presente carrega, bem como para as limitações implícitas que incidem na composição do livro didático. / This dissertation seeks to discuss the knowledge conveyed by textbooks about the historical process that engendered the Civil-Military Coup and the subsequent consolidation of the Dictatorship (1964-1985), from the didactic materials offered to the schools. I approach the case of high school, where I work as a history teacher in the state network of Rio Grande do Sul. The proposal starts from the analysis of textbooks distributed to students throughout Brazil through the National Fund for Education Development, from its program PNLD - National Program of Didactic Book. For this work it was necessary to establish a critical reflection between the scientific research developed by academic historiography and the content of textbooks received by the schools. It was guided by the clipping of four topics broadly covered by historiography; namely agents of the coup and nomenclatures of the historical process, agents and beneficiaries of the dictatorship, repression and armed struggle and the problem of transition. It was addressed to the political implications that the History of Present Time carries, as well as to the implicit limitations that affect the composition of the textbook.

The purpose of this essay is to investigate the democratic consolidation of Honduras, a country in Latin America. The aim is to look into the democratic consolidation after the military coup in 2009. The method that was applied to this essay was a case study, where the data is qualitative as the essay goes in to depth of Honduras situation. The main theory used to analyze the empirical data is Linz and Stepan’s five arenas; civil society, political society, rule of law, bureaucratic structure, and economic society. The basic stages of democracy and democratic consilidation are also used to get a broader perspective of the phenomenon.  The result of this essay shows the basis of Honduras democratic consilidation from 2009 and forward. In terms of the arenas this essay shows that none of the arenas prerequisite are meet. As a sign of the weak democracy in Honduras the essay identifies that the problems, which they had before the military coup, are still present.

Submitted by Vanessa Nunes (vnunes@unisinos.br) on 2015-03-21T14:06:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 MarcosCeruttiEducacao.pdf: 1503624 bytes, checksum: 2293c89637cb67e742ecc58fda211004 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-21T14:06:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MarcosCeruttiEducacao.pdf: 1503624 bytes, checksum: 2293c89637cb67e742ecc58fda211004 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Nenhuma / A Comissão Especial de Investigação Sumária (CEIS), instalada na UFRGS logo após o golpe militar/64, tinha como objetivo investigar os atos subversivos de professores, funcionários e estudantes dentro da instituição. A presente pesquisa busca saber como tal acontecimento repercutiu na trajetória de vida de alguns estudantes envolvidos naquele contexto. Para tal, utiliza a metodologia da história oral, por meio de cinco entrevistas, além de análise documental (atas, transcrições de depoimentos, fichas de informações, ofícios) e matérias do jornal Correio do Povo no ano de 1964. A pesquisa refere a sociedade da época, destacando o clima de efervescência política e social, o movimento estudantil no Rio Grande do Sul na década de 1960 e conclui com considerações acerca do processo de pesquisa que lida com memória e com algumas constatações em torno da repressão institucionalizada na UFRGS, como a reação dos professores, funcionários e, principalmente, dos estudantes diante da instalação e dos trabalhos da CEIS. / The Special Commission of Summary Investigation (SCSI) placed at UFRGS soon after the military coup/64, had the aim of investigating the subversive acts of the teachers, employees and students inside the institution. This research looks for knowing how that happening reverberated along the life trajectory of some students involved in that context. For that, it uses the oral history methodology, through five interviews, beyond document analysis (records, testimonies transcriptions, information lists, and letters) and Correio do Povo newspaper articles from 1964. The research refers to the society of that time, highlighting the political and social effervescence environment, the student movement in Rio Grande do Sul in the decade of 1960 and it concludes based on consideration concerning the research process, which deals with memory and with some findings about the institutionalized repression at UFRGS, as the reaction of the teachers, employees a nd, mainly, the students in front of the installation and the works of SCSI.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-23T14:32:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Francisco Jose dos Santos.pdf: 1957295 bytes, checksum: 53d492dfaf85f2b2f1e9bbe779703a86 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-09 / Study on the Campanha da Legalidade and the government of João Goulart (1961-1964) and its impact on political and economic state of Espírito Santo. The research scrutinizes the same wording investigative moments arising from the political context of the Cold War (1946-1989), as well as to the Espírito Santo s history, the nuance of politics and partisan coronelista in Espírito Santo state and nationally. Political parties highlighted as the Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro, the Partido Social Democrático, the União Democrática Nacional, the Partido Comunista Brasileiro and others, whose actions were part of Brazilian political history. The coup of 1964, the performance of military and civilians involved in the action coup, itself also, the statements on combating communism, corruption and moralizing in the military, are studies that have become indispensable in this research. Goulart government, its proposals for basic reforms and controlling inflation through the Triennial Plan, on occasion, the Alliance for Progress, planned by the United States as a direct path to keep Latin America submissive to the yoke U.S.. The methodology relies on historical and dialectical materialism, and sometimes critical comment on the analysis of political discourse. The results serve as a guideline to realize hallmarks Brazilian historiography and the culmination of it, did know: neither democracy nor reforms. The initial step to understanding the political history of the Espírito Santo in the early years of the 1960s was given, but there are issues of paramount importance, given their complexity, are no longer highlighted in this research, they warrant further studies / Estudo sobre a Campanha da Legalidade e o governo de João Goulart (1961-1964) e suas repercussões político-econômicas no estado do Espírito Santo. A pesquisa perscruta, de igual teor investigativo, os momentos políticos advindos do contexto da Guerra Fria (1946-1989), assim como, para a história espírito-santense, o nuançar da política coronelista e partidária no estado capixaba e no âmbito nacional. Realça os partidos políticos em destaque, como o Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro, o Partido Social Democrático, a União Democrática Nacional, Partido Comunista Brasileiro e outros, cujas atuações fizeram parte da história política brasileira. Do golpe de Estado de 1964, da atuação de militares e civis envolvidos na ação golpista, propriamente, também as falas sobre o combate ao comunismo, à corrupção e pela moralização nas Forças Armadas, são estudos que se tornaram imprescindíveis nesta pesquisa. Do governo Goulart, suas propostas de reformas de base e controle da inflação por meio do Plano Trienal, no ensejo, a Aliança para o Progresso, planejada pelos Estados Unidos como caminho direto para manter a América Latina submissa ao seu jugo. A metodologia repousa no materialismo histórico-dialético, e por vezes, na observação crítica das análises dos discursos políticos. Os resultados serviram de fio condutor para se perceber traços marcantes historiográficos brasileiros, e a culminância disso fez saber: nem democracia nem reformas. O passo inicial para compreender a história política do Espírito Santo nos anos iniciais da década de 1960 foi dado, mas há problemas de suma importância que deixaram de ser destacados nesta investigação e que, dada a sua complexidade, merecem estudos mais aprofundados

O governo de Getúlio Vargas trouxe características peculiares à função do Estado, o que garantiu, no Tempo Presente, uma influência muito grande deste período chamado de Era Vargas (1930-1945) sobre o Estado brasileiro atual. Nosso interesse é estudar como foi estruturado este Estado varguista sob o olhar da oposição paulista e do distanciamento do ex-presidente Washington Luis. Este trabalho tem como objetivos: interpretar as relações políticas no processo histórico através da perspectiva do ex-presidente Washington Luis; analisar as relações do Estado varguista com a oposição perrepista e as garantias dos direitos humanos, sobretudo, dos civis e políticos; compreender se este ex-presidente, um paulista de Macaé, participou da organização dos movimentos oposicionistas durante o seu exílio e discutir a memória coletiva produzida sobre Washington Luis a partir do registro e das ações políticas de seus correligionários. Os embates políticos, as manobras e a habilidade de Getúlio Vargas foram responsáveis pela maior parte do conteúdo exposto na leitura das cartas selecionadas que foram usadas neste trabalho. A análise das cartas entre Washington Luis e seus correligionários foi comparada com a leitura da historiografia do período e sobre o período e de alguns jornais escritos da imprensa de São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro, sobretudo, OESP e a Folha da Manhã. A introdução explica como foi pensado e organizado o trabalho e teoriza o trabalho do historiador com o uso das correspondências como fontes históricas. O capítulo inicial trabalha o conceito de Estado e de Direitos Humanos, faz uma breve trajetória sobre estes direitos no Brasil, apresenta uma biografia de alguns personagens desta trama e descreve os últimos meses de Washington Luis no poder e as articulações para o golpe de 1930 da Aliança Liberal. O capítulo II trabalha a situação de exilado, tendo como tema o exílio e a situação do ex-presidente Washington Luis como um exilado involuntário, a ciranda de interventores e os acontecimentos do movimento paulista de 1932. No capítulo III, analisamos a formação da Assembléia Constituinte, as relações políticas da Câmara dos Deputados com o correligionário Roberto Moreira e os conflitos entre a Aliança Nacional Libertadora e os integralistas. Com a intensificação da coerção política a partir do malogrado golpe dos comunistas com Luis Carlos Prestes, o país entrava num período mais complicado ainda para os direitos humanos, sobretudo, para os direitos civis e políticos. Em 1937, com a promulgação da nova Constituição, estava instaurado o Estado Novo e a censura prévia institucionalizada como política de Estado. Aliás, era o fim das oposições e a iminência da guerra mundial dava aspectos de que o Brasil precisaria se posicionar. O ex-presidente Washington Luis aguardava os acontecimentos da conclusão da guerra mundial em 1945 para retornar ao Brasil, porém isso só ocorreria em 1947. No capítulo IV, vemos a escassez de cartas que mostrava a falta de resistência da oposição e a sua indefinição como influência política na sociedade. A memória ausente de Washington Luis foi trabalhada de forma a garantir a análise da construção de sua história como exilado e seu legado político. Ele esteve dezessete anos fora do país, vivendo muito bem, mas expatriado e impedido de usar os seus direitos de cidadão. Ao analisarmos a documentação diante do procedimento proposto pôde-se observar que o papel desempenhado por Washington Luis na oposição foi de mero receptor das notícias, fazendo projeções e conjecturas sobre os assuntos tratados nas correspondências. Esta documentação atendeu a uma necessidade de conhecer características sobre um outro olhar das relações políticas nos bastidores da capital federal e da oposição em São Paulo, sobretudo, do desrespeito aos Direitos Humanos e do engodo dilacerado pelo populismo. / Getulio Vargas\' government brought out peculiar characteristics to the function of the State. Nowadays, this period called Vargas Era (1930-1945) exerts enormous influence on the current Brazilian State. Our interest is to study how this Vargas State was structured under the Paulista oppositions eye and distant from the ex-president Washington Luis. This paper has as its aims: interpret the political relationships in history from ex-president Washington Luiss point of view; analyze the relationship between the Vargas State and the Perrepista opposition and the guarantee of human rights, especially, civil and political ones; understand if this ex-president, a paulista from Macaé, took part in organizing oppositional movements during his exile and discuss the collective memory of Washington Luis, based on documents and on the political actions of his coreligionists. Getulio Vargass political clashes, maneuvers and skills were responsible for most of the content presented on such letters, which were especially selected to be used on this paper. The analysis of the mail between Washington Luis and his coreligionists was carried out by comparing the historiography of the period and some newspapers written by the press from São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, mainly, OESP and Folha da Manhã. The introduction explains how this paper was thought and organized, describing a brief timeline of the human rights in Brazil and theorizing the role of a historian while using mail as historical sources. The first chapter works on the biography of one of these characters and describes the last months in which Washington Luis held office, besides the articulations of the liberal alliance to mount the 1930 coup détat. The Second chapter deals with the situation of the exiled, approaching this theme and portraying ex-president Washington Luis as an involuntary exiled, besides the intervention and the widespread occurrences of the Paulista Movement of 1932. The third chapter analyzes the formation of the Constituent Assembly, the political relationships between the chamber of deputies and the coreligionist Roberto Moreira, in addition to the conflicts between the National Liberty Alliance and the Integralists. As the political coercion became more intense due to the unsuccessful coup planned by communists such as Luis Carlos Prestes, the country started to go through an even harder period for human rights, above all, to civil and political ones. With the promulgation of the new constitution in 1937, the New State was established and strict censorship would become, at that time, official and institutionalized as the State policy. Actually, the end of oppositions and the imminence of the World War indicated that Brazil would have to take a side. The ex- president Washington Luis waited for the end of the World War in 1945 to return to Brazil, but that would only take place in 1947.The fourth chapter studies the absent memory of Washington Luis to make sure we could analyze his history as an exiled and his political legacy as well. He had been away from his country for seventeen years, living fairly well, though expatriated and impelled to use his citizen rights. While analyzing documents with the previously set aims, its noticeable that Washington Luiss role as opposition was as a mere news receiver, making projections and conjectures only based on the content of his mail. These documents fulfilled the need to identify, from another point view, characteristics of the backstage of political relationships in the federal capital and the Paulista opposition, mainly concerning the disrespect for human rights and the lacerating enticement for populism.

Previous research has not specified the circumstances under which foreign aid may increase the probability of armed conflict. The purpose of this dissertation is to address this gap by employing a theoretical framework in which foreign aid produces incentives for a rent-seeking scramble among elites. A set of conditions affecting the likelihood of armed conflict are identified and tested on global data in a series of statistical analyses. Paper I argues and finds that foreign aid increases the probability of armed conflict in states where there are few constraints on executive power, allowing for a scramble for rents. Paper II proposes and finds a threshold effect of aid, such that the likelihood of armed conflict increases only when aid has reached a certain level. Paper III suggests and demonstrates that sudden negative changes in aid flows enhance the risk of armed conflict as well as coup attempts, as aid shortfalls accelerate distributional conflict over aid rents. Paper IV claims and shows that civil wars are less likely to be terminated by settlement in the form of elections when conflict parties are dependent on rents. In sum, this dissertation contributes by theoretically specifying and empirically identifying conditions under which foreign aid increases the probability of armed conflict.

Why has the United States frequently intervened in the affairs of Latin American governments? How have the motivations changed over time, and how have they stayed the same? Are American Presidents more motivated by economic or political threats to hegemony? What methods has the United States used to maintain its dominance over the Western Hemisphere, and how have they changed? This paper seeks to address all of these questions, using a full historical examination as well as the case study of Salvador Allende's Chile. Drawing upon numerous scholars' work as well as individual research and investigation, this paper seeks to prove the following hypotheses: Since the creation of the Monroe Doctrine, which marked America’s entry into regional foreign affairs as a major player, the United States has acted upon a self-created moral imperative and entitlement to dominate the Americas. The motivation behind the indispensable maintenance of hegemony is as much symbolic as concrete. Many factors such as the threat of communism or European influence have been used as justification for American meddling. In fact, the main motivations are economic control of the hemisphere and the perception of American ideological supremacy among Latin American people (most importantly political leaders), not the spread of democracy or the promotion of human rights. Earlier in the United States' history, military intervention was more commonly used to achieve the aforementioned goals. With the onset of the Cold War, covert operations, equally potent, became increasingly prevalent. The following chapters present a story of the United States constantly positioning itself to be in the sole position of dominance (economic, political, and ideological) in the region of the Americas.

La mémoire du corps comme source de création pour une dramaturgie scénique engagée : tel est le point de départ de cette recherche-création. Ce mémoire présente le parcours emprunté pour aller de la théorie à la pratique, en proposant une méthodologie de travail d'écriture scénique à partir du corps - la corpographie, liée à l'idée de traces. Partant des souvenirs de quatre femmes ayant vécu le coup d'État en 1973 au Chili, la notion de mémoire du corps est conçue comme un processus dynamique, un système complexe créant un lien permanent entre le présent et le passé, élément de base pour la composition de Traces, notre mise en scène. La thématique de la mémoire, l'histoire et les phénomènes mnémoniques ainsi que l'étude de la corporéité sont les enjeux essentiels de cette recherche. L'action physique induit des résonances au niveau sensoriel et rationnel qu'il faut découvrir et apprendre à lire afin de les utiliser dans la création scénique. C'est pourquoi l'approche de Laban en analyse du mouvement, à partir de l'observation des paramètres temporaux, spatiaux et dynamiques est étudiée et appliquée dans cette démarche. Elle a permis la lecture du corps et la collecte de matériel pour la création, et l'étude de la corporéité de quatre femmes qui ont bien voulu partager souvenirs, émotions et traumatisme, comme autant de pistes pour la conception du spectacle. Sont également abordés les mécanismes de la mise en jeu du travail du corps et du mouvement, dans le passage du langage du corps quotidien à un langage extra-quotidien, tel que décrit par Eugenio Barba, nécessaire pour la scène. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : mémoire du corps, corporéité, écriture scénique du corps, coup d'État au Chili, femmes chiliennes, corpographie, Laban, Barba.