Exhaustible resource rents are an important taxable base in many countries, with revenue sharing often part of the scheme. In some cases large shares are retained for the central government. Generally, the discussions of exhaustible resource taxation consider assignment of resource rent tax base and revenue sharing from the limited perspectives of efficiency and stability. Tax assignment and sharing arrangements are assumed to have a neutral effect on investment of resource rents in long-lived public goods. We attempt to demonstrate that this may not be the case, specifically looking at the question of whether rent assignment is neutral to effects on investment of rents in long-lived public goods, a normative policy objective, and under what conditions it occurs. We test the theoretical propositions with data from the Russian Federation to derive empirical results. The results from the Russian Federation point toward an important dimension of rent tax assignment in a federation. They results show that ceteris paribus, higher share of rent for the federation may lead to lower investment in long-lived public goods and may be constrained by stability. Another argument has been made for reconsidering rent tax assignment using assertive ethnic identity as a manifestation strong ownership claims. Communities with strongly valued identities value ownership over land and exhaustible resource endowments in their areas. This may be the case especially if ethnic identity is important to the resource owning community. The empirical results show that a decrease in the regional share of rent resulted in a fall in investments in the republics and regions with strong ethnic identity. Republics among the producing regions have historical claims to a distinct identity and may have a preference for preserving their identity. This preference is manifested as higher levels of rent investment. Following this line of argument, it can be concluded that rent assignment, through rent tax or revenue assignment, should favor producing regions within the range of stability in a federation, if the objective is achieving higher investment in long-lived public goods.

This thesis examines the comprehensive Trade, Investment and Labour Mobility Agreement (TILMA) that was signed in 2006 by the governments of Alberta and British Columbia. The central objective is to examine why two successive Saskatchewan governments chose not to sign the TILMA. This thesis also examines the TILMAs influence on subsequent developments in internal trade policy reform in Canada. The three central research questions are: What is the TILMA, and how does it fit within the existing internal trade regulatory regime established under the Agreement on Internal Trade (AIT)? Why did Saskatchewan not sign the TILMA? What effect, if any, has the TILMA had on establishing a new model or paradigm for internal trade policy in Canada? The key findings are that Saskatchewan did not sign the TILMA because Alberta and British Columbia would not accede to its demands to make exemptions for the procurement practices of municipalities and the subsidiaries of crown corporations. Another factor was the decision by the Saskatchewan government to launch a public consultation process before ratifying the agreement. The public consultation process provided the opponents of the agreement (i.e., municipal government, labour and non-governmental organizations) with an opportunity to organize and express their opposition to the agreement. Their strong opposition to the agreement during those consultations led both the NDP Government and subsequently a cautious Saskatchewan Party Government, which only had a slim majority in the legislature to walk away from what was being portrayed in the media as a very contentious policy decision. Their choice stands in contrast to that of the Liberal and Conservative Governments of British Columbia and Alberta respectively, that chose to sign the TILMA prior to undertaking consultations with the public and community stakeholders. In 2010 the Saskatchewan Party government would sign the New West Partnership Trade Agreement that included almost all of the provisions of the TILMA without public or stakeholder consultation. This thesis reveals that the TILMA has had modest but important effects on establishing a new model or paradigm for internal trade policy in Canada by enhancing the utility and scope of binding enforcement mechanisms and comprehensive interprovincial agreements. It was more comprehensive in scope than interprovincial agreements that had been signed previously to supplement the AIT. Contrary to what some had envisioned or proclaimed, the TILMA did not have substantial transformative effects either in addressing internal trade barriers in Canada or in supplanting the existing framework of internal trade policy established under the AIT.

This thesis examines the comprehensive Trade, Investment and Labour Mobility Agreement (TILMA) that was signed in 2006 by the governments of Alberta and British Columbia. The central objective is to examine why two successive Saskatchewan governments chose not to sign the TILMA. This thesis also examines the TILMAs influence on subsequent developments in internal trade policy reform in Canada. The three central research questions are: What is the TILMA, and how does it fit within the existing internal trade regulatory regime established under the Agreement on Internal Trade (AIT)? Why did Saskatchewan not sign the TILMA? What effect, if any, has the TILMA had on establishing a new model or paradigm for internal trade policy in Canada? The key findings are that Saskatchewan did not sign the TILMA because Alberta and British Columbia would not accede to its demands to make exemptions for the procurement practices of municipalities and the subsidiaries of crown corporations. Another factor was the decision by the Saskatchewan government to launch a public consultation process before ratifying the agreement. The public consultation process provided the opponents of the agreement (i.e., municipal government, labour and non-governmental organizations) with an opportunity to organize and express their opposition to the agreement. Their strong opposition to the agreement during those consultations led both the NDP Government and subsequently a cautious Saskatchewan Party Government, which only had a slim majority in the legislature to walk away from what was being portrayed in the media as a very contentious policy decision. Their choice stands in contrast to that of the Liberal and Conservative Governments of British Columbia and Alberta respectively, that chose to sign the TILMA prior to undertaking consultations with the public and community stakeholders. In 2010 the Saskatchewan Party government would sign the New West Partnership Trade Agreement that included almost all of the provisions of the TILMA without public or stakeholder consultation. This thesis reveals that the TILMA has had modest but important effects on establishing a new model or paradigm for internal trade policy in Canada by enhancing the utility and scope of binding enforcement mechanisms and comprehensive interprovincial agreements. It was more comprehensive in scope than interprovincial agreements that had been signed previously to supplement the AIT. Contrary to what some had envisioned or proclaimed, the TILMA did not have substantial transformative effects either in addressing internal trade barriers in Canada or in supplanting the existing framework of internal trade policy established under the AIT.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Constitutional amendments in federal political systems have to be negotiated between national and sub-national actors. While theories of negotiation usually explain the outcome by looking at these actors, their preferences and bargaining powers, the theoretical model developed in this article also includes their interaction orientation. The article determines a typical sequence of bargaining and arguing and identifies favourable conditions for cooperation based on different interaction orientations. The article states that actors can reconcile the conflicting logics of intergovernmental or party competition and joint decision-making in constitutional politics through a sequence of bargaining and arguing. However, constitutional amendments negotiated in this way run the risk of undermining the legitimacy and functionality of constitutions.

O objetivo central deste trabalho é verificar a existência ou não de esforço fiscal por parte dos sete municípios selecionados para o estudo - Porto Alegre, Canoas, Caxias do Sul, Capão da Canoa, Charqueadas, Marau, Três Forquilhas -, no sentido de maximizar a receita tributária própria independentemente do nível das transferências intergovermamentais no período compreendido entre 2001 e 2010. Aponta o esforço fiscal como medida do esforço realizado pela administração tributária com o objetivo de potencializar a arrecadação dos tributos da sua base tributária disponível. Aborda divergências sobre o tema, apontando efeitos positivos e negativos das tranferências sobre arrecadação local. Apresenta a base teórica do federalismo como uma forma de organização do estado na qual haja compartilhamento de poder entre os diferentes níveis de governo. Mostra que as bases teóricas do federalismo fiscal foram lançadas por Paul Samuelson, que introduziu o conceito de bem público na teoria econômica do bem-estar. O estudo do federalismo fiscal se dá sob dois prismas: um que trata da construção de modelos ideais e outro que investiga as experiências reais. Oferece uma visão a partir de Tiebout, Stiglitz e Oates. Com relação às externalidades envolvidas no processo centralização e descentralização levantadas pelo estudo de Oates, foi apresentada a visão de Gordon. Aborda a prática federativa no Brasil onde trata a questão da divisão dos recursos públicos entre os entes da federação desde a Constituição de 1891 até a Constituição de 1988. Divide em três períodos a história da tributação no Brasil: o período compreendido entre 1891 e 1965; a reforma da década de 60 e a evolução do sistema tributário até 1988; e a reforma tributária de 1988 e os ajustes posteriores. Busca esclarecer quem arrecada este ou aquele tributo, como se distribuem os recursos obtidos por esta arrecadação, quem é responsável pela oferta de determinado serviço público e como são financiados os programas e projetos públicos. Tabula informações que mostram como ficam as competências tributárias e como foram definidas as funções de cada ente federativo e os recursos arrecadados a partir da Constituição Federal de 1988, os percentuais das principais receitas municipais, em anos selecionados, e a distribuição das funções públicas por esfera de governo. Apresenta como são formadas as receitas municipais, mostrando a metodologia de distribuição das transferências intergovernamentais. Analisa quali- e quantitativamente o comportamento das receitas municipais. Compara o esforço fiscal realizado pelos municípios escolhidos em arrecadar os impostos de competência própria e sua relação com as transferências intergovernamentais que, por ser uma fonte de receita que não traz o ônus político da cobrança para os gestores locais, desestimularia o esforço fiscal dos municípios. Analisa, ainda, a existência ou não de cadastros atualizados, legislação tributária adequada à realidade local e a eventual insuficiência de fiscalização que permitam aos municípios a exploração do seu potencial tributário e que pode levar à ineficiência da arrecadação tributária municipal. / The central objective of this work is to verify the existence of tax effort by seven municipalities selected for the study: Porto Alegre, Canoas, Caxias do Sul, Capão da Canoa, Charqueadas, Marau, três Forquilhas, in order to maximize the own tax revenue regardless of the level of intergovermamentais transfers in the period between 2001 and 2010. It points the fiscal effort as a measure of the effort made by the tax administration with the aim of enhancing the collection of taxes from its tax base available. It broaches disagreements on the subject, pointing the positive and negative transfers on local revenue effects. It Presents the theoretical basis of federalism as a form of state organization in which there is power sharing among different levels of power. It shows that the foundations of fiscal federalism were launched with Paul Samuelson, who introduced the concept of public good in the economic theory of welfare. How the study of fiscal federalism has two angles: one that deals with the construction of ideal models and another that investigates the actual experiences. Offers an insight from Tiebout, Stiglitz and Oates, regarding the externalities involved in the process of centralization / decentralization raised by the study of Oates's vision Gordon’s vision was presented. Addresses the federal practice in Brazil where comes the question of the division of public resources in Brazil between federal entities from the 1891 Constitution to the 1988 Constitution divides in three periods of the history of taxation in Brazil, through a brief history taxation in Brazil in the period between 1891 and 1965, the reform of the 60s and the evolution of the tax system until 1988 and the tax reform of 1988 the subsequent adjustments. Seeks to clarify: those who receive this or that tribute? How are distribute the proceeds from this collection? Who is responsible for the provision of a certain public service? How are programs funded and public projects? Spending on health or education, for example, is a responsibility of which competencies level of government? Charts information that shows how the tax powers are and how the functions of each federative entity and the funds raised from the 1988 Federal Constitution, what are the percentages of the main municipal revenues in selected years, the distribution of public functions by sphere of government. Shows how methodology municipal revenues are formed, showing the distribution of intergovernmental transfers. Analyzes qualitatively and quantitatively the behavior of municipal revenues. Compares the tax effort of the chosen municipalities to levy taxes of its competence and its relationship with intergovernmental transfers that by being a source of revenue that does not bring the political burden of charges for local managers discourage tax effort of the municipalities. It also analyzes the lack of updated records, proper tax laws sustable to local realities and the lack of supervision that allow municipalities to exploit their tax potential and that can lead to inefficiency of municipal tax collection.

Submitted by Catarina Ianni Segatto (catarina.segatto@gmail.com) on 2015-03-19T19:43:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 tese_Catarina (1).pdf: 2965868 bytes, checksum: 6eb6a9cdc7bfc34fb3269dee3ccc6a28 (MD5) / Rejected by PAMELA BELTRAN TONSA (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br), reason: Prezada Catarina, Seu trabalho não esta conforme as normas da ABNT/APA, segue então os pontos para correção: *Capa e contra-capa deverá constar apenas FUNDAÇÃO GETULIO VARGAS - ESCOLA DE ADMINISTRAÇÃO DE EMPRESAS DE SÃO PAULO. * A numeração das paginas devem aparecer somente a partir da listas. *AGRADECIMENTO - RESUMO - ABSTRACT deve : Titulo: caixa alta, fonte tamanho 12, centralizado, entrelinhas 1,5 Texto: fonte tamanho 12, entrelinhas 1,5 , alinhamento justificado *Fonte Arial ou Times New Roman - Tamanho 12 Qualquer duvida estou a disposição, Att, Pâmela Tonsa 3799-7852 on 2015-03-19T20:16:32Z (GMT) / Submitted by Catarina Ianni Segatto (catarina.segatto@gmail.com) on 2015-03-20T19:09:04Z No. of bitstreams: 2 tese_Catarina (2).pdf: 2949576 bytes, checksum: 53ea05b82485991c7b7a6dc841fa9f19 (MD5) tese_Catarina (2).pdf: 2949576 bytes, checksum: 53ea05b82485991c7b7a6dc841fa9f19 (MD5) / Rejected by PAMELA BELTRAN TONSA (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br), reason: Boa tarde Catarina, Você deverá colocar a palavra AGRADECIMENTO em letra maiúscula e não pode ter SÃO PAULO 2015 na folha de assinaturas. Qualquer duvida estamos a disposição. Pâmela Tonsa 3799-7852 on 2015-03-20T19:23:01Z (GMT) / Submitted by Catarina Ianni Segatto (catarina.segatto@gmail.com) on 2015-03-22T22:34:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 tese_Catarina (2) (1).pdf: 2948492 bytes, checksum: 2a4cdc0b9c4d2370b4293dbaefdceb80 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by PAMELA BELTRAN TONSA (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2015-03-23T11:46:17Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 tese_Catarina (2) (1).pdf: 2948492 bytes, checksum: 2a4cdc0b9c4d2370b4293dbaefdceb80 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-23T13:00:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 tese_Catarina (2) (1).pdf: 2948492 bytes, checksum: 2a4cdc0b9c4d2370b4293dbaefdceb80 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-23 / The objective of this Thesis is to comprehend Brazilian states’ role in intergovernmental relations in Brazil. Particularly, its goal consists in analyzing if they can perform a state coordination role, as federal government does in some federations aiming to reduce diversities, mainly, socioeconomic and institutional ones. This relationship is analyzed in education because the Federal Constitution of 1988 determines that states and municipalities must share competences in elementary education and they must cooperate in this level. However, the trajectory of this policy is characterized by a great variety in enrollments and in cooperation between Brazilian states and municipalities, which was never regulated. The research has involved the understating of the trajectory of educational policy, the National Education System, the relations between states and municipalities in this policy, the results of cooperation in municipal education policies in four states – Ceará, Mato Grosso do Sul, Pará e São Paulo – and on students’ performance. As a result, there are different models of cooperation between subnational governments in education, in which only the Ceará case is characterized as a state coordination one. / O objetivo desta Tese é compreender o papel dos estados brasileiros nas relações intergovernamentais no Brasil. Especificamente, busca-se analisar se os mesmos podem desempenhar um papel de coordenação estadual, como o governo federal o faz em algumas Federações com a finalidade de reduzir diversidades, principalmente, desigualdades socioeconômicas e institucionais. Essa relação é analisada na Educação, já que a Constituição Federal de 1988 determinou que estados e municípios compartilhem competências na oferta do ensino fundamental e que deve haver colaboração, especialmente, nessa etapa do ensino. No entanto, a trajetória dessa política é caracterizada por uma grande diversidade na sua oferta e na cooperação entre os estados e os municípios, na medida em que o regime de colaboração nunca foi regulamentado. A pesquisa envolveu o entendimento sobre a trajetória da política educacional, o funcionamento do Sistema Nacional de Educação, as relações entre estados e municípios na Educação, os resultados da cooperação nas políticas municipais de Educação em quatro estados – Ceará, Mato Grosso do Sul, Pará e São Paulo – e nos resultados educacionais. Como resultado, conclui-se que há diferentes modelos de cooperação entre os governos subnacionais na Educação, sendo que, somente o caso cearense se caracteriza como de coordenação estadual.

Submitted by Neuza Corte de Oliveira (ncortedeoliveira@gmail.com) on 2017-08-09T20:28:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE_FINAL_ago.pdf: 2684580 bytes, checksum: 1169274f826d745ea3a7d8a50f1fe709 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Tereza Fernandes Conselmo (maria.conselmo@fgv.br) on 2017-08-09T21:27:06Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE_FINAL_ago.pdf: 2684580 bytes, checksum: 1169274f826d745ea3a7d8a50f1fe709 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-10T12:16:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE_FINAL_ago.pdf: 2684580 bytes, checksum: 1169274f826d745ea3a7d8a50f1fe709 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-07-12 / De modo geral, em países como o Brasil, em que há muita desigualdade na distribuição de renda, o arranjo constitucional federativo adota o princípio da responsabilidade pela provisão da maioria dos serviços públicos, em especial na área de políticas sociais, comum aos três níveis de governo. Nesse sentido, o desenho institucional das relações intergovernamentais entre os diferentes níveis de governo pode ser entendido como um conjunto de mecanismos e estratégias para induzir as esferas de governo a aderirem às políticas públicas nacionais. Assim, o presente trabalho procura analisar as formas de interação entre as três esferas governamentais no Brasil, olhando, particularmente, o Programa de Aquisição de Alimentos na modalidade compra com doação simultânea, modelo misto. A escolha desse objeto empírico justifica-se não só pela sua importância social no combate à extrema pobreza no país, mas sobretudo pelo fato de se constituir em política pública cuja implementação se faz pela atuação conjunta entre União, Estado e Município. Para atender o proposto no estudo, a estratégia metodológica adotada foi o estudo de caso único, que permite explicar as ligações causais em intervenções ou situações da vida real demasiadamente complexas para serem tratadas por meio de estratégias experimentais ou de comparações mais amplas de dados, que exigem aprofundamento de vários níveis de análise, adotando-se uma combinação de técnicas ou fontes de informação para validar os resultados, tais como leis, resoluções, decretos, relatórios, atas de reuniões, entrevistas e observação direta. A escolha do Estado do Paraná e o Município de Maringá como o lócus empírico da pesquisa foi feita por razões de ordem prática que facilitam a coleta de informações. Como conclusões, a investigação reforça argumentação da literatura de que a existência de um padrão de relacionamento interdependente na implementação de uma política pública é fundamental para seu sucesso. Entretanto, ressalta que os acordos entre as esferas de governo são essenciais para atingir o objetivo traçado no desenho da política. Desse modo, na Autoridade Independente de Wright (1988), existe entre os governos um relacionamento de total independência e autonomia, o que seria conseguido a partir da completa clarificação dos papéis de cada uma das esferas de governo. Portanto, o tipo de autoridade hierárquica, modelizado por Wright, exige que a implementação da política pública compartilhada, uma clara delimitação dos papéis de cada esfera de governo. Por outro lado, não é suficiente a delimitação dos papéis nas três esferas de governo; é necessário que os objetivos da política sejam claros para os implementadores e o que esperam deles. Essas questões vinculam-se à maior ou menor possibilidade de resistência ao plano. Somam-se a isso a previsão e a disponibilidade de recursos, financeiros, principalmente. Conclui-se que a hipótese que fundamenta a investigação, o ‘fracasso’ ou a impossibilidade de o Programa de Aquisição de Alimentos (PAA) concretizar uma relação intergovernamental – exigência tida como necessária para que ele atinja seus objetivos – deve-se à ausência de um padrão de relacionamento interdependente (ou de barganha) entre seus atores é comprovada pela pesquisa. / Generally speaking, in countries like Brazil, where there is a lot of inequality in income distribution, the constitutional arrangement of Federation adopts the principle of responsibility for the provision of most public services, particularly in the area of social policies, common to the three levels of Government. In this sense, the institutional design of intergovernmental relations between the different levels of Government can be understood as a set of mechanisms and strategies to induce the Government to adhere to national public policies. Thus, this paper seeks to analyse the forms of interaction between the three governmental spheres in Brazil looking particularly the food acquisition Program in purchase mode with simultaneous donation, mixed model. The choice of this empirical object is justified not only by your social importance in the fight against extreme poverty in the country, but above all by the fact become public policy whose implementation is done by the performance. To meet the proposed in the study, the methodological strategy adopted was the single case study, that allows to explain the causal links in speeches or real life situations too complex to be handled through experimental strategies or broader comparisons of data that require deepening of various levels of analysis, adopting a combination of techniques or information sources to validate the results , such as laws, decrees, resolutions, reports, minutes of meetings, interviews and direct observation. The choice of the State of Paraná and the municipality of Maringá as the locus of empirical research was made for practical reasons that facilitate the collection of information. As the research reinforces findings the literature of the existence of a pattern of interdependent relationship in the implementation of a public policy is key to your success. However, points out that the agreements between the spheres of Government are essential to achieve the goal outlined in the design of policy. Thus, the independent authority of Wright (1988), exists between Governments a total independence and autonomy relationship, which would be achieved from the complete clarification of the roles of each of the spheres of Government. Therefore, the type of hierarchical authority, modelizado by Wright, requires the implementation of shared public policy, a clear delineation of the roles of each sphere of Government. On the other hand, are not sufficient the delimitation of roles in the three spheres of Government, it is necessary to be clear policy objectives for implementers and what's expected of them. These issues are linked to a greater or lesser possibility of resistance to the plan. Add to that the forecast and availability of resources, especially financial. It is concluded that the hypothesis on which the investigation the ‘failure’ or the impossibility of the food acquisition Program (PAA) to intergovernmental relationship – demand taken as needed so that it reaches your goals – is due to the absence of an interdependent relationship pattern (or of bargaining) between his actors is proven by research.

xv, 372 p. / In my dissertation I argue that because the European Union and the United States of America have been largely treated as unique or at least special cases, both the literature on American-state building and that on European market integration have missed how close comparison alters both our descriptive views and social-scientific explanations of the shape of each polity. In particular, scholars have not sufficiently recognized that the European Union has gone further than the United States in many elements of the creation of a centralized, liberalized single market, nor have they produced explanations that account well for this development. This study challenges the dominant assumption that the United States is generally more hierarchical and centralized than the European Union and more of a single free market in the sense of fewer allowable trade barriers. By analyzing the rules of market integration in services (over 70% of GDP), public procurement (15 - 20% GDP) and the regulated goods markets (goods like elevators with their own regulatory regimes), I demonstrate that in all these major cases the European Union has adopted rules that open exchange to competition more than the United States. While the actual integration of flows on the ground is still generally less across European states than American ones, the political rules are more - and more liberally - integrated in Europe. I offer an institutional and ideational argument to explain these differences, with two main parts. First, there is no American parallel to the institution of the European Commission, which is mandated to continually push liberalization forward. My research shows that Commission leadership has been critical to each of the examined cases. Second, broader norms of legitimate governance favor centralized authority - including liberalizing central authority - more in the European Union than in the United States. Despite all the criticism we hear of the European Union, the basic notion of federal governance of market integration is far more strongly accepted across Europe at both elite and mass levels than in the United States. As interview evidence in this study displays, many Americans consistently object to any role for the federal government. / Committee in charge: Dr. Craig Parsons, Chairperson; Dr. Gerald Berk, Member; Dr. Lars Skålnes, Member; Dr. Alexander B. Murphy, Outside Member

O presente trabalho aborda os fundamentos do princípio da ordem econômica da redução das desigualdades regionais e sociais previsto no artigo 170, VII, e, paralelamente, o artigo 3º, III, ambos da Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988 sob o viés do Direito Econômico. Inicialmente são expostas considerações propedêuticas acerca do Direito Econômico e da hermenêutica para a introdução do leitor à abordagem do princípio da ordem econômica. Após, é apresentada a evolução das classificações de regiões no Brasil, o cenário hodierno das desigualdades regionais brasileiras, fundamentos do princípio da ordem econômica da redução das desigualdades regionais e sociais, o federalismo cooperativo brasileiro, a relação entre o planejamento e o princípio da ordem econômica, a utilização de organismos regionais para a redução das desigualdades regionais (utilizando como exemplo a Superintendência do Desenvolvimento do Nordeste – SUDENE), a relação dos princípios e as regras próprios do Direito Econômico com o princípio da ordem econômica da redução das desigualdades regionais e sociais e a análise do Recurso Extraordinário n. 480.107-8 do Supremo Tribunal Federal. / The current work deals with the fundamentals of the economic order principle of reducing regional and social inequalities present in the article 170, VII, and, in parallel, article 3rd, III, both of the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil of 1988 under the bias of Economic Law. Initially, propaedeutic considerations about economic law and hermeneutics are presented for introducing the reader to the approach to the principle of economic order. Afterwards, the evolution of the classifications of regions in Brazil, the current scenario of Brazilian regional inequalities, foundations of the economic order principle of reducing regional and social inequalities, Brazilian cooperative federalism, the relationship between planning and the principle of the economic order, the use of regional bodies to reduce regional inequalities (using the Superintendência do Desenvolvimento do Nordeste - SUDENE as an example), the relation between principles and rules specific to Economic Law with the principle of the economic order of reducing regional and social inequalities and the analysis of Extraordinary Appeal no. 480.107-8 of the Supreme Court.