A presente tese de doutorado analisa, de forma crítica, como as receitas de recursos naturais devem ser arrecadadas, distribuídas aos entes federativos e aplicadas no Direito Financeiro Brasileiro. Para tanto, parte-se do exame dos contornos econômicos e políticos da exploração de recursos naturais, apresentando breve histórico sobre a cobrança de royalties no estrangeiro, da evolução da legislação brasileira sobre as compensações financeiras, discutindo então a natureza jurídica destas receitas públicas no direito pátrio. Com base nessas premissas, apresentam-se considerações gerais sobre a concentração geográfica de recursos naturais e o dilema da repartição de receitas provenientes da exploração destes recursos nas federações, procedendo-se então ao estudo do modelo de repartição federativa de receitas de compensações financeiras adotado pelo Brasil. Reconhecendo-se a constante evolução deste modelo e apontando-se suas virtudes e seus defeitos, desenvolve-se uma avaliação de proposições normativas de mudanças dos critérios atualmente adotados, especialmente no que diz respeito à equalização fiscal enquanto elemento de promoção de desenvolvimento subnacional e redução das desigualdades inter-regionais e intrarregionais, bem como de coesão política nacional. Finalmente, são discutidos os aspectos teóricos e práticos da aplicação das receitas oriundas da exploração de recursos naturais, bem como analisada a prática brasileira. Com fundamento nesta análise, as vinculações legais das receitas de recursos naturais e a constituição de fundos públicos financiados por estas receitas são avaliadas no contexto brasileiro. As conclusões preliminares desses pontos informam, então, o estudo sobre o papel relevante do controle de contas, da fiscalização e da transparência fiscal na promoção da eficiência e da justiça do gasto público no contexto das receitas de recursos naturais. / This doctoral thesis presents a critical analysis of the collection, intergovernmental distribution and expenditure of natural resource revenues under Brazilian Public Finance law. In order to provide a comprehensive discussion of such proposition, the thesis first examines the economic and political aspects of the natural resources industry, then presents a brief historical overview of natural resources royalties under both comparative and Brazilian law and continues with an analysis of the legal status of royalties in Brazil. Building on such premises, the thesis proceeds with general remarks on the geographical concentration of natural resources in federal countries and on decentralization arrangements for royalties, as well an on the Brazilian revenue sharing instruments. Acknowledging the continuous evolution of these instruments and evaluating their costs and benefits, a discussion on alternative revenue sharing arrangements is presented, especially regarding the promotion of equalizing goals and political cohesion among subnational units of governments in Brazil. Finally, the thesis discusses the theoretical and practical aspects of public expenditures of royalty revenues, presenting an analysis of the Brazilian praxis. Building on this analysis, an evaluation of revenue earmarking procedures and natural resources funds is presented. The preliminary conclusions therein enable a discussion of accountability, public auditing and fiscal transparency in the context of natural resources revenue expenditures.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:54:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcus Vinicius Fraga.pdf: 2197664 bytes, checksum: f6f1dfc1a96e46f3213464da1a4a1583 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-09-20 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This work presents the migration of Brazilians to Quebec. By studying the immigration in Quebec under the context of Canadian asymmetrical federalism, we seek to understand what gave rise to the immigration policy of the French-Canadian province. We aim to have the theoretical support needed to understand the reasons why middle-class Brazilians are attracted to Quebec. After applying socioeconomical questionnaires and qualitative interviews, we believe that social reasons a poor quality of public services, urban violence, and doughts about the Brazilian political system have developed this flow / Esta dissertação apresenta o fluxo migratório de brasileiros para Quebec. Através do estudo da política de imigração de Quebec no contexto do modelo canadense de federalismo assimétrico, buscamos entender o que deu ensejo à política de imigração da província francocanadense. Objetivamos, com isso, ter o respaldo teórico necessário para compreender os motivos que levam brasileiros de classe média a serem atraídos para Quebec. Após a aplicação de questionários socioeconômicos e de entrevistas qualitativas, acreditamos que razões sociais a precária oferta de serviços públicos, a violência urbana, e a descrença da população no sistema político nacional são fomentadores desse fluxo

O presente trabalho é uma reflexão sobre as origens do federalismo no Brasil do século XIX. A análise tem como escopo evidenciar a trajetória dos maiores protagonistas desse tema, pois somente com o discernimento de suas experiências é que podemos verificar seus estudos e doutrina sobre o federalismo. Assim, o presente trabalho tem como início uma breve explicação sobre o que é federalismo, depois, um estudo da realidade brasileira de 1824, passando a direcionar para o campo de investigação científica sobre Ato Adicional, Lei de Interpretação do Ato Adicional e legislação correlata. Após, um estudo sobre a vida e obra do maior expoente da sua época, em defesa da centralização do poder, o representante da ideologia conservadora, o senhor Paulino José Soares de Sousa, mais conhecido como o Visconde do Uruguai. Ainda, estudamos a vida e a obra de Tavares Bastos e seus estudos contrários a centralização exacerbada do poder, através da proposta liberal sobre o federalismo. Encerramos o trabalho com a análise da vida e obra de João de Azevedo Carneiro Maia, conforme apresentado na monografia de Mario Maia Coutinho “O Pai do Municipalismo”. Por fim, demonstramos os fundamentos federalistas ainda no Brasil Império. / The present work is a reflection on the origins of federalism in Brazil in the 19th century. The analysis is scoped to show the trajectory of the greatest protagonists of this issue, because only the discernment on their experiences is that we can verify their studies and doctrine on federalism. Thus, the present work starts with a brief explanation of what federalism is, then, a study of Brazilian reality in 1824, going to direct into the field of scientific research in the Additional Act, Interpretation law of the Additional Act and related legislation. After a study of the life and work of the greatest exponent of that time, in defense of government centralization, the representative of conservative ideology, Mr. Paulino José Soares de Sousa, better known as the Viscount of Uruguay. Still, we study the life and work of Tavares Bastos and his studies opposed to the exacerbated government centralization, within the liberal proposal on federalism. We finish the study with the analysis of the life and work of João de Azevedo Carneiro Maia, according to Mario Maia Coutinho monography "O Pai do Municipalismo". Finally, we demonstrate the federalist grounds still in Brazil Empire.

O propósito deste trabalho é analisar a regulação jurídica brasileira da intervenção do Estado, por meio da tributação, sobre a economia. Esta tarefa se desenvolve em três momentos teórico, dogmático e histórico/institucional que se estendem ao longo dos três capítulos do trabalho, respectivamente. O primeiro momento lida com a dimensão doutrinária jurídica de análise, interpretação, metodologia e abordagem deste fenômeno. Buscamos recuperar historicamente a trajetória da doutrina do direito tributário brasileiro em contraposição à doutrina do direito econômico brasileiro, recuperando o conceito de extrafiscalidade como ponto limite da doutrina tributária e ponto de partida para uma análise sistemática da intervenção estatal pela tributação. O segundo momento é a tentativa de traçar uma abordagem pertinente para essa análise da extrafiscalidade tributária pelo direito econômico, problematizando-a à luz do ordenamento brasileiro, sobretudo, em nível constitucional. Para tanto, assumimos as categorias de Eros Roberto Grau, sobre a intervenção estatal na economia, e as de Richard A. Musgrave, sobre as finalidades da política fiscal, para aprofundarmos a classificação do fenômeno quanto à sua forma (indução), suas técnicas (oneratórias/ desoneratórias), suas finalidades (extrafiscalidade alocativa/ extrafiscalidade distributiva/ extrafiscalidade estabilizadora) e seu regime de competências. O terceiro momento remonta um panorama da evolução histórica do sistema tributário nacional, seus principais diplomas normativos, encadeado em uma narrativa que envolve os atores, interesses, ideias e modelos institucionais e jurídicos adotados pelo Brasil, principalmente em torno do federalismo fiscal. Por fim, concluímos haver uma tendência à separação progressiva do regime jurídico da fiscalidade e da extrafiscalidade, por conta da própria trajetória econômica, política, histórica, normativa e institucional do sistema tributário brasileiro. Fato diante do qual resta ao conhecimento jurídico, como saber tecnológico que é, reconhecer, compreender, se aprofundar e performar. / The purpose of this paper is to analyze the legal regulation of the Brazilian state intervention through taxation on the economy. This task is unfolded in three parts - theoretical, dogmatic and historical/ institutional - that are developed in the three chapters of the work, respectively. The first deals with the doctrinal legal dimension of analysis, interpretation, methodology and approach of this phenomenon. We seek to recover the historical trajectory of the Brazilian tax law doctrine in contrast with the Brazilian economic law doctrine, recovering the concept of taxation based on police powers as a threshold point of the tax law doctrine and a starting point for a systematic analysis of state intervention through taxation. The second part is an attempt to draw a pertinent approach to the analysis of the taxation based on police powers by the economic law doctrine, questioning it under the lens of the Brazilian legal system, especially at the constitutional level. Therefore, we assume Eros Roberto Graus categories about the state intervention in the economy, and Richard A. Musgraves categories about the aims of fiscal policy, to further classify the phenomenon by its shape (induction), its techniques (overtax/ exonerate), its purposes (allocative/ distributive/ stabilizer) and its regime of competence. The third part is an overview of the historical evolution of the Brazilian tax system, its main laws and regulatory instruments, through a narrative that involves actors, interests, ideas, and institutional and legal models adopted by Brazil, particularly around fiscal federalism. Finally, we conclude that there is a tendency to a progressive separation between the legal regime of taxation based on revenues and of the legal regime of taxation based on police powers because of the economic, political, historical, normative and institutional trajectory of the Brazilian tax system. As a consequence of that, we believe that legal thought should, as technological knowhow, recognize this fact, understand it, deepen it and perform it.

O objetivo dessa dissertação é o de oferecer uma ampla contextualização das ações necessárias para viabilizar os serviços de limpeza urbana e manejo de resíduos sólidos, com a adequada observância das diretrizes impostas na legislação. Para tanto, a dissertação se estrutura na análise das inovações trazidas pela Política Nacional de Resíduos Sólidos - Lei 12.305/10, e pela Lei das Diretrizes Nacionais do Saneamento Básico Lei 11.445/07. Apresentamos as condições exigidas para a prestação de serviços públicos de saneamento básico, bem como os padrões impostos para a adequada disposição final ambientalmente adequada dos resíduos. Marco relevante da Política Nacional de Resíduos Sólidos é a obrigação de que os lixões sejam encerrados até agosto de 2014, o que exigirá amplo esforço por parte de todos os entes federados para que seja cumprida. Tal esforço envolve extensa cooperação e articulação entre os entes federados, razão pela qual toda a pesquisa se contextualizou no cenário do federalismo brasileiro, suas características, possibilidades e limitações. A pesquisa se propõe, desse modo, a avaliar as mais diversas combinações dos instrumentos de cooperação e gestão compartilhada de serviços públicos, disponíveis aos entes federados, que possibilitem a cooperação, traçando sugestões de usos possíveis, com aplicação direta no contexto dos resíduos sólidos. Com isso, pretende-se oferecer um instrumento de valia aos diversos atores envolvidos no setor, demonstrando quais as exigências impostas quanto aos resíduos sólidos, e os caminhos possíveis para que sejam cumpridas. / The aim of this dissertation is to provide a broad context of the actions required to enable urban sanitation and solid waste management, with proper compliance with the guidelines imposed by the legislation. Therefore, the dissertation is structured in the analysis of the innovations brought by the National Solid Waste Policy - Law 12.305/10, and Law of the National Sanitation Guidelines - Law 11.445/07. We present the conditions for the provision of public sanitation services, as well as the standards imposed for proper environmentally sound disposal of waste. Important milestone of the National Solid Waste Policy is the requirement that landfills will be closed until August 2014, which will require extensive effort on the part of all federal entities in order to be fulfilled. This effort involves extensive cooperation and coordination among federal entities, which is why all the research is contextualized in the scenario of Brazilian federalism, its characteristics, possibilities and limitations. The research intends, thereby, to evaluate various combinations of cooperation and shared management utility tools available to federal entities, enabling cooperation, and making suggestions for possible uses, with direct application in the context of solid waste. In this way, we intend to offer a valuable tool for the various actors involved in this sector, demonstrating the requirements regarding solid waste, and the many possible ways for these requirements to be fulfilled.

No description available.

Economia / Doctoral in Economics / A constatação da existência de um desequilíbrio importante entre as vertentes política e económica do processo de integração europeia, com a primeira num clima de debilidade e a segunda quase no limite máximo, constitui o ponto de partida para a presente dissertação. Associando-se tal situação aos principais défices actuais da União Europeia (UE) de competitividade, crescimento e emprego, de peso político, de participação e legitimidade democrática, e de capacidade de decisão e acção e ao actual modelo de organização política, institucional e económica da União, argumenta-se a favor de uma profunda mudança no mesmo. Nesse contexto, são observados vários modelos sugeridos no passado recente, com base numa análise custo-benefício assente nas respostas dos mesmos aos binómios unidade/diversidade e flexibilidade/compromisso . Associando a essa análise alguns elementos históricos e o êxito do modelo federal em sociedades com larga diversidade, argumenta-se a favor da evolução da UE para uma Federação de Estados-Nação fortemente descentralizada, baseada numa Constituição e com organização institucional federal, cujas características básicas são descritas. Nota-se adicionalmente que a mudança para este modelo deverá ser acompanhada por alterações importantes ao nível económico. Confrontando a literatura do federalismo fiscal com a actual situação ao nível da definição e implementação das políticas orçamentais nacionais e ao nível da composição e aplicação do orçamento comunitário, conclui-se que a UE se encontra ainda bastante longe de uma situação de federalismo orçamental. Neste âmbito, procede-se a um conjunto de sugestões de mudança a dois níveis temporais distintos. No médio e longo prazo, aponta-se para a necessidade de alargamento da dimensão e de alterações no modo de financiamento do orçamento comunitário, incluindo-se a sugestão de criação de um novo recurso próprio assente na tributação do rendimento individual, como forma de possibilitar uma resposta eficiente aos novos desafios da União e de permitir algum exercício da função de estabilização macroeconómica ao nível central. No curto prazo, aponta-se para a necessidade de alteração ao enquadramento institucional relativo à coordenação das políticas macroeconómicas, de construção de um mecanismo limitado de absorção de choques assimétricos, e de uma reforma mais credível do Pacto de Estabilidade e Crescimento, incluindo a possibilidade de diferenciação temporária das regras de disciplina orçamental, em função da dimensão e do nível de desenvolvimento dos Estados-Membros, e de tratamento mais favorável dos incentivos à Investigação e Desenvolvimento, sugestões assentes na apresentação e resolução numérica de um modelo de união monetária a dois países. / The existence of an important disequilibrium between the two faces economic and political of the process of European integration is the departing point of this thesis. By associating such disequilibrium with the major present deficits in the EU of competitiveness, growth and employment; of political weight; of participation and democratic legitimacy; of capacity for decision and action and the present model of political, institutional and economic organisation, we argue for a profound change in such model. In this context, we analyse several models that have been suggested for the case of the EU in the last years. A cost-benefit analysis is thus carried and based on the capacity of these models to deal with two essential binomials unity/diversity and flexibility/compromise. By adding several elements from the European history and the success shown by federal models in societies with large diversity, we argue for an evolution of the EU towards a highly decentralised Federation of Nation-States . This Federation should be based on a true Constitution whose characteristics we describe, together with those of a federal organisation. We also note that the evolution towards this model should be accompanied with important changes at the economic level. By comparing the theory of fiscal federalism with the current situation in terms of the definition and implementation of national fiscal policies and of the composition and use of the European budget, we conclude that the EU is still far away from the case of fiscal federalism and that several changes should happen at two distinct temporal levels. In the medium to long term, we call for an important enlargement of the EU budget together with substantial changes in its financing, including the creation of a new own resource based on individual income taxation. This measure would raise the capacity of the EU to deal with its new challenges and allow the EU to have a significant role in terms of macroeconomic stabilisation. In the short run, we argue for a relevant change in the institutional framework for the coordination of macroeconomic policies, the creation of a limited shock-absorber mechanism and a more credible reform of the Stability and Growth Pact. This reform would allow for a temporary differentiation of fiscal discipline rules, by taking into account the economic dimension and level of development of the Member-Countries, and for a more favourable treatment of public expenses related to Research and Development, with these suggestions sustained by the numerical solution of a model of monetary union with two countries.

Le Tea Party entre en scène en février 2009 aux États-Unis. C’est notamment la tirade d’un journaliste qui s’insurge contre les plans de sauvetage de l’économie votés par le Président Barack Obama, en direct sur la chaîne CNBC le 19 février, et invite à organiser une « Tea Party » dans le port de Chicago, qui déclenche ce phénomène sans précédent. S’ensuivent de nombreux rassemblements protestataires de masse à travers le pays, puis la création de dizaines, puis de centaines de groupes Tea Party locaux. La rapidité et l’ampleur de ce mouvement surprennent les spécialistes. D’autant que dès 2010, le Tea Party affirme des objectifs politiques et une volonté d’institutionnalisation, se révélant une menace pour l’establishment républicain. Mais en 2012, la réélection du Président Obama peut être lue comme une défaite colossale pour le mouvement, et des chroniques de mort annoncée sont publiées par la presse libérale (au sens américain). Des résultats peu spectaculaires aux élections de mi-mandat en 2014 semblent confirmer ce pronostic, surtout que le Parti républicain réussit à tenir le mouvement en respect jusqu’aux primaires pour l’investiture présidentielle en 2015. C’est alors qu’on assiste à un retournement de situation ; la radicalisation du Grand Old Party est nette, visible entre autres dans la plate-forme très conservatrice des candidats républicains. En novembre 2016, l’élection de l’outsider Donald Trump à la présidence, conjonction de nombreux facteurs électoraux, est également le résultat d’efforts organisationnels de la Droite auxquels le Tea Party a largement contribué. Pour appréhender ce mouvement, il faut comprendre qu’il combine des forces top-down et bottom-up. Certes, le Tea Party bénéficie depuis son émergence de ressources inestimables de la part de groupes de pression et de think tanks comme FreedomWorks, American Majority, Americans for Prosperity ou Heritage Foundation, ainsi que des médias conservateurs. De nature organisationnelle ou rhétorique, ces ressources sont fondamentales car elles permettent au mouvement de s’organiser et de mener ses actions militantes. Il n’en reste pas moins qu’à la base se trouvent des acteurs bénévoles, qui consacrent leur temps et leur énergie au Tea Party, et revendiquent leur caractère grassroots. Des organisations nationales comme Tea Party Patriots s’imposent pour fédérer les groupes qui leur sont affiliés, cependant certains groupes locaux cherchent à protéger leur indépendance. Autour des groupes Tea Party gravitent des organisations libertariennes et conservatrices, l’ensemble formant une nébuleuse complexe, qui fonctionne par réseaux à différents niveaux et selon diverses configurations. L’objet de cette étude de terrain est donc d’apporter un éclairage de l’intérieur du mouvement Tea Party, par l’observation en immersion de groupes locaux situés dans les régions de Philadelphie en Pennsylvanie, et de Boston dans le Massachusetts. Il s’agit d’abord de comprendre les motivations et l’idéologie des militants, principalement d’orientation conservatrice, libertarienne et populiste. Ce sont les notions de souveraineté individuelle, d’anti-fédéralisme, et de respect de la Constitution qui dictent toute lecture des Tea Partiers. Ensuite, l’analyse des modes opératoires des groupes permet de clarifier le fonctionnement de l’ensemble. Le Tea Party se démarque en tant que mouvement de droite recourant à des stratégies organisationnelles jusqu’ici plutôt réservées aux mouvements progressistes - la façon dont il applique les principes de l’organisation communautaire est l’une de ses forces indéniables, en particulier à l’ère des nouvelles technologies, et des réseaux sociaux. Son utilisation de ressources Web et d’outils concrets pour l’action militante est remarquable. Enfin, il est essentiel de saisir que le Tea Party veut s’implanter dans le tissu décisionnel local. Pour y parvenir, l’une de ses tactiques consiste à infiltrer progressivement le Parti républicain / The Tea Party enters the scene in February 2009 in the United States. On February 19, a CNBC journalist protests on-air against the economic bailout plans voted by President Barack Obama, and invites viewers to organize a « Tea Party » in the Chicago harbor. This contributes to trigger an unprecedented phenomenon, as numerous mass protest rallies soon organize throughout the country, followed by the creation of dozens, then hundreds of local Tea Party groups. Experts are astonished at the swiftness and magnitude of the movement. All the more so in 2010, when the Tea Party starts claiming political objectives and shows intent of institutionalizing, proving a threat to the Republican Establishment. However, President Obama is reelected in 2012 and this is interpreted as a devastating loss for the movement, for which obituaries are published in several liberal media. Lackluster results in the 2014 mid-term elections seem to confirm this forecast, especially since the Republican Party succeeds at keeping the movement at bay until the primaries for the presidential candidate nomination in 2015. But then there is a reversal; the Grand Old Party clearly radicalizes, as the extremely conservative Republican platform notably shows. And the election of outsider Donald Trump to the presidency in November 2016, a conjunction of numerous electoral factors, is also the result of organizational efforts on the right side of the political spectrum, to which the Tea Party largely contributed. To better apprehend this movement, it is necessary to understand that it combines top-down and bottom-up forces. From its appearance, the Tea Party has indisputably benefitted from colossal resources from interest groups and think tanks such as FreedomWorks, American Majority, Americans for Prosperity or The Heritage Foundation, but also from conservative media. Either organizational or rhetorical, these resources are primeval for the movement’s organization and activism. Nevertheless, there are voluntary activists working at the basis of the movement, who devote their time and energy to the Tea Party, and claim its grassroots nature. National organizations such as Tea Party Patriots try to establish themselves as federations for the groups affiliated to them, while some local groups seek to remain independent. Libertarian and conservative organizations gravitate around Tea Party groups, the whole forming a complex cluster that operates at different levels and following diverse configurations. Thus the object of this field study is to shed light on the Tea Party movement from the inside, thanks to the observation of local groups from an embedded position. These groups are located in the Philadelphia and Boston areas, respectively in Pennsylvania and Massachusetts. First, it is necessary to understand activists’ motivations and ideologies, which are mainly conservative, libertarian and populist; and that Tea Partiers interpret everything though the lens of individual sovereignty, anti-Federalism, and respect of the Constitution. Then, analyzing the modi operandi of the groups allows to illuminate how the whole system works. The Tea Party distinguishes itself as a right-wing movement that recurs to organizational strategies that were predominantly used by progressive movements until recently – the way the movement applies the principles of community organizing is undeniably one of its strengths, particularly considering the new media revolution, and social networks. Its use of Web resources and concrete tools to encourage activism is impressive. Lastly, it is indispensable to grasp that the Tea Party aims for local decision-making positions. To this end, one of its tactics consists in progressively infiltrating the Republican Party

In the mid-1970s, state courts began to interpret state constitutions independently of the federal constitution in a way that provided greater protection for individual rights at the state versus federal level. Scholars have generally attributed the rise of this movement, known as state constitutionalism, to the actions and scholarship of judges and point to the cause as a fear that the Burger court would rollback Warren court era protections for individual rights. In reality, the concept of state constitutionalism had been present throughout the 1950s-1970s period of state constitutional revision and was deeply influenced by concerns over the status of the federal system. Montana's 1972 Constitutional Convention illustrates the role that constitutional revision had in the subsequent adoption of state constitutionalism. In particular, the creation, adoption, and interpretation of two provisions--the privacy and dignity clauses--shows that the public was engaged in a conscious decision to go beyond the federal protections for individual rights. Montana's experience suggests that further research is needed in order for scholars to fully understand the rise and adoption of state constitutionalism.

Si la littérature du biais inflationniste de la Nouvelle École Classique, au travers des concepts decrédibilité et de transparence, a conduit à l'indépendance des Banques centrales, sa critique par laNouvelle École Keynésienne l'a réduit à une indépendance instrumentale et a mis en exergue le rôlede sa gouvernance, de l'importance de sa relation avec la sphère politique pour la légitimité de sonaction, ainsi que le rôle essentiel des Conseils de politique monétaire (CPM).Aussi bien en théorie que dans les faits, ce cadre institutionnel qui reflète la gouvernance montre uneBanque centrale non pas séparée du politique mais plutôt en relation avec celui-ci. Dans la mesure oùles décisions de politique monétaire sont prises par un CPM, la gouvernance concerne également sonorganisation et les procédures d’élaboration de la décision.L’objectif de cette thèse est d’analyser à la lumière de ses développements récents, la gouvernance àla BCEAO et à la BEAC qui sont les Banques centrales couvrant les deux unions monétaires de lazone franc, à savoir l’UEMOA pour la première et la CEMAC pour la seconde. Cette thèse a aussipour objectif de montrer que la pérennisation de ces deux unions monétaires passe par une meilleuregouvernance et la nécessité d’un fédéralisme budgétaire en leur sein impliquant donc une plus forteunion politique. Toutefois, nous soulignons les obstacles rendant très difficile la réalisation de cetteultime étape de l’intégration. / If the literature of the inflationary bias of the New Classical School, through the concepts of credibilityand transparency, led to the independence of Central Banks, its review by the New Keynesian Schoolreduced it to an instrumental independence and has highlight the role of its governance, of theimportance of its relationship with politicians for the legitimacy of its action and the essential role of theCouncils of monetary policy.In theory and in practice, this institutional framework that reflects governance shows a Central Bank(MPC) not separated from politics but rather in connection therewith. Insofar the monetary policydecisions, the governance, and procedures for the preparation of the decision are taken by a CPM.The objective of this thesis is to analyze in the light of recent developments, governance at theBCEAO and the BEAC which are the central banks covering two monetary unions from franc zonenamely WAEMU and CAEMC. This thesis also aims to show that the sustainability of these twomonetary unions through the benefits might enjoy better governance and the need for fiscal federalismwithin them thus implying a stronger political union. However, we highlight the barriers embarrassingthis final stage of integration.