Considerando as exposições universais como espetáculos produtores de vitrines da geopolítica do capitalismo, elaboradas com o intuito de comparar os centros e as periferias do mercado mundial, a presente investigação compõe uma análise sobre as informações gratuitas oferecidas pelo Brasil no contexto da aproximação geopolítica com os Estados Unidos na transição do século XIX para o século XX. Organizamos nossa pesquisa a partir de fontes documentais que se referem a produção de livros, de catálogos e de relatórios escritos, bem como, das amostras dos produtos da natureza e da agricultura que foram selecionadas, inventariadas e dispostas para serem juntamente apresentadas na exposição universal de Chicago. Os textos e amostras sobre o território do Brasil ocultavam um encontro de processos históricos entre centro e periferia: por um lado, os Estados Unidos buscavam operacionalizar o pan-americanismo da Doutrina Monroe, definindo a América Latina como sua área de influência, seu espaço novo no presente e para o futuro de seus domínios, naquela era de neocolonialismo das grandes potências; por outro lado, as frações de classes dominantes e os representantes de oligarquias no Brasil no início da República emitiam, por meio de textos e propagandas em tom científico, as seguranças para a reprodução do capitalismo no Brasil, a partir da demonstração de que se tinha o controle da propriedade, os extensos espaços virgens ainda existentes para serem explorados, produtos primários para exportação e capacidade para importar os excedentes de capital e de trabalho. Além do mais, esses documentos permitiam que partes do território do Brasil pudessem ser estudadas e arquivadas por aqueles que tivessem acesso a essa produção intelectual, documentos que demarcavam com precisão as riquezas naturais e as potências da exploração da natureza para mineração, monocultura ou mesmo para investimentos no desenvolvimento de infraestrutura de transporte, como as ferrovias. Afinal, mesmo que a apresentação de qualquer Estado moderno na exposição universal de Chicago não permitisse ser reduzida a intenções bilaterais, o escoamento de grande parte da produção do café e do açúcar para os Estados Unidos, a criação de uma Constituição brasileira com aportes políticos e jurídicos americanos, a disposição e intervenção dos Estados Unidos na Revolta da Armada e um início de acordo comercial travado entre os dois Estados, salvando a balança comercial brasileira no início da década de 1890, permitem que entendamos o envio da elaboração intelectual sobre os produtos primários como parcela dos estoques de ideias e de fontes atrativas que ocultavam prenúncios da subordinação do território do Brasil aos possuidores de capital e aos representantes políticos do imperialismo americano. / Considering Universal Fairs as geopolitical showcase spectacles of capitalism, created in the aim to compare the centers and periphery of global market, the present investigation dispose an analysis over the Brazilian territory in the transition from XIXth to XXth century, right after the abolition of slavery and the beginning of the First Republic. It was discussed the free information which was offered do the American imperialism, in one hand, shaped by an array of intellectual products about the Brazilian territory, produced by State representatives, from fractions of dominant class or their intellectual partners, such as books, catalogues and reports, and, in another hand, by the reports of combined samples of manufactures from foreign and internal markets, both elected to be exposed in the Brazils exposition in the Universal Fair of Chicago, in 1893. Despite the intense subordination to the free-commerce imperialism of Great Britain and other European centers, the transition from eighteenth to nineteenth century presented a major part of fractions from the dominant classes and the Brazilians State deputies, seeking for closeness to the capital holders and political chiefs from the United States of America, relations that became reciprocal by supporting the very military coup in the foundations of the Brazilians first Republic, in 1889, recognized by the United States. In this way, the United States of America managed to proceed with their pan-americanism by the Monroes Doctrine, which was already prepared. On the other side, Brazilian oligarchies emitted texts and propaganda in scientific language over the reproduction of capitalism in Brazil, the control of property, the extensive virgin spaces that already existed to be explored. Adding to this, these documents allowed that parts of the Brazilian territory could be studied and archived by those who had access to this intellectual products, documents which stated with precision the natural richness and the potentialities of the exploration of nature to mining, monoculture, or even to investments for developing transportation infrastructure, such as railways. After all, the trade of great part of the coffee to the United States of America, the creation of a Brazilian constitution with political and juridical affairs to Americans, the United States interventions in Revolta da Armada, and the beginning of a trade agreement signed by both States, saving the Brazilian trade balance in the beginning of the 1890 decade, enable us to understand how sending the intellectual production over its natural resources and their products to all who demonstrate interest hide, especially, part of the stock of ideas and attractive sources that accumulated as part of the subordination of the Brazilian territory to the capital holders and political representatives of the American imperialism.

Le XVe siècle voit la naissance de la nation France et l'unification progressive du pays sous le pouvoir de l'État royal. En ces temps troublés de la guerre de Cent Ans se pose la question de la maîtrise du territoire, dans sa double dimension intellectuelle et pratique. Comment, au XVe siècle, un roi de France pouvait-il se représenter son royaume ? Comment pouvait-il le gouverner ? La territorialisation du pouvoir s'affirme dans un va-et-vient entre figurations et occupation concrète. Des espaces sociaux différenciés se constituent, selon que les régions sont gouvernées directement par le roi et ou qu'elles sont confiées à des gouverneurs, un prince ou encore un Parlement. Dans le cadre fixé par les frontières des Quatre Rivières, la monarchie accède à une maîtrise globale du territoire qui coïncide avec l'intégration de la société politique dans un État d'offices sommé par la justice royale. L'unité royale et les constructions régionales divergentes se combinent dès lors dans une forme d'État-nation originale, un État territorial mixte, unitaire et hétérogène. / During the 15th century, the French nation emerged and the unification of the country progressively took place, under the rule of the royal state. The question of how to control the territory, in both its intellectual and practical dimensions, was made more urgent by the troubles caused by the Hundred Years’ War. How, in the 15th century, could a King of France visualize his kingdom ? How was he able to govern it ? The territorialisation of power, oscillating between representation and real occupation, became progressively clearer. Differentiated social spaces emerged, depending on whether the regions were directly governed by the King or were entrusted to governors, be it a Prince or a Parliament. At the time when the monarchy gained overall control over the territory within the limits defined by four rivers (Scheldt, Meuse, Saone, Rhone), political society organised itself in a state constituted by offices ruled by royal law. Royal unity and diverging regional structures combined themselves into an original type of nation-state, a mixed territorial state, unitary and heterogeneous at the same time.

L’Europe est progressivement devenue, pour les Américains, un contre-modèle. Les divergences entre les États-Unis et l’Europe résultent d’une césure politique et culturelle, masquée depuis le début de la Guerre froide (et même depuis la Première Guerre mondiale) par les impératifs de la bipolarité.L’étude des fondements anthropologiques de l’Occident, met en évidence l’unité théologique, juridique et logique de l’Europe et l’Amérique de l’Antiquité aux Lumières. La civilisation occidentale se situe à l’intersection de l’orbite institutionnelle de la civilisation du droit civil romano-canonique et de celle du christianisme.Ces divergences entre l’Europe et les États-Unis se dessinèrent en fait dès les origines de la modernité politique. Sur tous les points essentiels de la philosophie politique – liens entre religion et pensée éclairée, laïcité et sécularisation, conceptions de la liberté et de l’égalité, rapport dialectique entre république et démocratie, fondements du prométhéisme politique et social, conception de l’universalisme –, tout oppose l’Amérique et l’Europe.Pour ce qui relève de la post-modernité, nous montrons comment la philosophie libérale a recyclé les idées faussement révolutionnaires pour conduire l’Europe à une crise multiforme, un nihilisme qui se dissimule sous le masque avenant de la marchandisation généralisée et de l’esprit libertaire. À la différence de l’Europe postmoderne, l’Amérique a partiellement réussi à se mettre à l’abri de ces dynamiques de désintégration. La « nation indispensable » a su entretenir le style national américain dont l’attachement sans faille à la nation et la religiosité sont les principales caractéristiques. / Europe gradually became, in the eyes of the Americans, a counter-model. The discrepancies between the United States and Europe result from a political and cultural caesura which was hidden from the beginning of the Cold war by the imperatives of bipolarity.The study of the anthropological foundations of the West highlights the theological, legal and logical unity of Europe and America from the Antiquity to the Enlightenment. The birth of the Western civilisation takes place at the intersection of the orbit of the romano-canonical civil law and that of Christianity.These discrepancies between Europe and the United States actually took shape from the origins of the political modernity. All the essential points of political philosophy – the links between religion and enlightened thinking, secularism, the conceptions of freedom and equality, the relationship between republic and democracy, the foundations of the political and social Prometheism – are areas of divergence.Concerning the post-modernity, we will then show how the liberal philosophy recycled pseudo-revolutionary ideas which led Europe to a manifold crisis, a type of nihilism, hidden by the disguise of the generalized commodification and the libertarian ideology. Unlike postmodern Europe, America partially managed to escape from these dynamics of disintegration. The “indispensable nation” managed to preserve the American national style the main characteristics of which are patriotism and religiosity.

Si les Kurdes du Rojava (terme par lequel ils désignent le Kurdistan de Syrie après 2011) ont pu, comme leurs frères d’Irak dans les années 1990, profiter de l’affaiblissement du pouvoir central pour gagner une autonomie de facto, leurs orientations sont très différentes. Ce travail vise à étudier celles-ci et à évaluer défis et possibilités politiques futures s’offrant à eux. Un premier travail d’archives a examiné l’ancienneté de la présence des Kurdes en Syrie et les racines historiques de leurs revendications politiques présentes, focalisé particulièrement sur l’évolution des tribus kurdes et à leur sédentarisation rapide durant la période mandataire française (1920-1946) et les premières revendications politiques (notamment le mouvement autonomiste de 1937 en Haute Djézireh). La situation politique des Kurdes dans la Syrie de l’indépendance (1946) à la révolution (2011), a été largement déterminée par la prédominance du nationalisme arabe. L’étude des orientations des différents partis politiques kurdes, notamment dans la période de 2011 à aujourd’hui, a été menée à partir des sources et surtout de nombreux séjours de terrain, permettant de rencontrer des responsables politiques, et à partir desquels une cartographie inédite du Rojava a été élaborée. Ce mouvement, qui, au niveau international, opte après la bataille de Kobané (2014) pour l’insertion dans la coalition anti-Daech, se caractérise localement à la fois par une volonté de dépassement du nationalisme kurde et une stratégie de développement d’alliances avec les communautés non-kurdes. / Kurds of Rojava (as they have been designing Kurdistan of Syria since 2011) were able, as their Iraqi brethren from the 90s onwards, to take advantage of a weakened central government to gain de facto autonomy, with, however, very different orientations. This research aims to study these and to evaluate political challenges and opportunities awaiting them. We relied on archival work to study the history of Kurdish presence in Syria and the roots of their present political demands, particularly during the French mandate (1920-1946), with the fast evolution and settlement of the Kurdish tribes and the first political expression (in particular the 1937 autonomist movement in Upper Djezireh). Next we studied the political situation of the Kurds in Syria from independence (1946) to revolution (2011), a situation that we think was largely determined by the predominance of Arab nationalism. Studying the orientations of the Kurdish political parties in the period from 2011 to today was carried out through numerous field trips, during which we met political leaders and collected data allowing us to build an original cartography of Rojava. We concluded that this movement, which, at international level, chose after the Kobane battle to integrate the anti-ISIS coalition, is locally characterised by both a drive to move on from Kurdish nationalism and a strategy of alliance with non-Kurdish communities.

Cette thèse porte sur l’étude des frontières et des limites qui marquent les rapports entre les morts et les vivants dans la ville en général, et plus particulièrement à Beyrouth, ville multiconfessionnelle. Elle pose la question de la nature des espaces, places et territoire de la mort, inscrite dans ses formes les plus concrètes : les cimetières, et les limites qu’ils entretiennent entre eux d’une part et avec la ville, d’autre part. Elle décrit leur impact sur l’organisation spatiale au sein de la ville tout en interrogeant les stratégies et les enjeux adoptés par chaque groupe pour affirmer sa présence face aux autres.Notre choix s'est porté sur la ville de Beyrouth parce que cette dernière présente une histoire sociale, culturelle, religieuse et urbaine riche et particulière, et a subi des changements démographiques, urbanistiques et paysagers radicaux au cours de l’Histoire et surtout durant les dernières années de guerre (1975-1990) et de l’après-guerre. Après les différents conflits, les espaces de la mort, par leur emplacement et les limites qu’ils entretiennent entre eux et avec la ville, constituent une véritable césure physique et symbolique, conditionnée par les appartenances politiques, sociales ou religieuses. Ces espaces semblent être instrumentés par les vivants pour justifier leurs positions spatiales ou s’arroger le droit d’occuper tel lieu. Dans ce cas, les cimetières constitueraient de véritables enjeux, aux implications diverses, qui peuvent aller jusqu'à fragmenter et restructurer le paysage urbain d’une ville. À Beyrouth, suite aux différentes guerres, le lien est manifeste entre la géographie de la mort et la géopolitique. / This thesis focuses on the study of borders and boundaries that mark the relations between the dead and the living in multiconfessional cities in general, and particularly Beirut. It raises the question of the nature of spaces, places and territories of death in its most concrete forms: the cemeteries, and the limits between them on one hand and with the city on the other. It describes their impact on the spatial organization of the city while questioning the strategies and challenges of each group to assert its presence against the other. Our choice focuses on the city of Beirut because of its social, cultural, religious and urban structure. It has undergone demographic changes through history, especially during the last years of the civil war (1975-1990) and the post-war period. After these conflicts, the spaces of death, their location and their boundaries, have created real physical and symbolic schisms, conditioned by political, social or religious affiliations. These spaces appear to be instrumented by the living to justify their positions in space or to assume the right to occupy such a place. In this case, the cemeteries constitute real challenges for research and entail consequences on space, which can be fragmented and restructured along with the urban landscape.

São inúmeros os países que debatem a supervisão política da Internet. Do ponto de vista geográfico, a atual supervisão, pela ICANN, reflete a centralização do poder e do controle mantido por um único país, os EUA. Este fato fragmenta os demais Estados Nacionais que buscam formar uma Governança de Internet multilateral. Uma das questões centrais que buscamos desvendar em nosso trabalho é identificar se há possibilidade de se estabelecer uma Governança Global de Internet capaz de atuar no modelo multistakeholder, ou multilateral, cuja responsabilidade governamental atua com atores da sociedade para um pacto global de Internet onde as correlações de forças se alteram de forma democrática, eqüitativa e equilibrada, igualitária com objetivo de atender as demandas da sociedade global. No intuito de verificar a constituição do modelo de governança da Internet brasileira investigamos a história da implantação da Internet no Brasil, desde instalação das redes acadêmicas não comerciais, no final dos anos 80, à formação do marco regulatório com a criação do Governo Eletrônico em 1995. Até o momento as questões geopolíticas que envolvem a Governança de Internet, a partir de um sistema internacional, demonstram que as propostas atendem a múltiplos interesses e que podem levar a conflitos, porque são de difíceis consensos e também por ser assuntos relacionados à privacidade, padrões de abertura, acesso e conectividade, multilingüismo, spam, acesso ao conhecimento, liberdade de expressão e os Direitos e Deveres da Internet. A metodologia empregada neste trabalho se consubstanciou na elaboração de pesquisas, levantamentos bibliográficos,entrevistas e trabalhos de campo que renderam em torno de 60 horas de gravação. Buscamos ainda compreender e efetuar uma reflexão dos conceitos aplicados à Governança, enfatizando que uma Governança mundial é um conceito políticoestratégico que revela grandes e difíceis questões que afetam as economias nacionais e a atual ordem mundial, com desdobramentos que irão obviamente provocar mudanças no território dessas economias. A intervenção regulatória é cada vez maior no desenvolvimento das redes de comunicação que têm alcance global. Na geografia, o termo governança quando adicionado às categorias espaço e território remetem as questões e conteúdos relacionados à soberania, à geopolítica, à regulação (ordenamento) e ao controle jurídico da autoridade política estabelecida ou em exercício, que dizem respeito ao poder para ou ao poder sobre. A transição da Governança unilateral da Internet para uma Governança de Internet multilateral, baseada no modelo multistakeholder, cujo anseio visa estabelecer um novo modelo de Governança formulado por múltiplos atores, de modo transparente e democrático, assentada em princípios de cooperação concebidos de forma compartilhada, teve início a partir da Resolução 56/183 da ONU, em que todos os organismos das Nações Unidas foram convocados para contribuir para a formação da Cúpula Mundial sobre a Sociedade de Informação (CMSI), juntamente com representações da sociedade civil, de organizações não-governamentais e de organizações intergovernamentais. Em seguida a instituição do Internet Fórum Global (IGF). Este novo modelo vem sendo constituído como uma prerrogativa do exercício soberano dos Estados Nacionais, e está em fase de consolidação. / Many countries debate the political supervision of Internet. In the point of view of the Geography, todays supervision, by ICANN, reflects the centralization of the power and control of one country only, the USA. This fact fragments the other National States that try to form a multilateral internet governance. One of the central questions we try to uncover in our research is to identify if there is any possibility to establish a Global Internet Governance capable to act in the multistakeholder or multilateral model, whose governmental responsibility works with society actors to an internet global pact, where the correlations of power alter in a democratic, equitative and balanced, equalitarian way with the objective of attending the demands of the global society. With aim to verify the establishment of the model of Brazilian Internet governance, it was investigated the history of the implantation of Internet in Brazil, since installation of academic non-commercial networks, in the late 80, and the formation of the regulatory framework with the creation of Electronic Government in 1995. Up to the moment, the geopolitical questions which involve the internet governance, from an international system, show that the proposes answer to multiples interests that can lead to conflicts, due to the fact that they have difficult consensus and also for being related to issues such as privacy, opening patterns, access and connectivity, multilinguism, spam, knowledge access, freedom of expression and Internet Bill of Rights. The methodology used in this paper was made up of research elaboration, bibliographical survey, interviews and field work, generating about sixty hours of audio record. We also tried to understand and put into practice a reflection on the concepts of Governance, emphasizing that a Global Governance is a political-strategic concept that reveals huge as well as hard issues that affect national economies and todays world order, unfolding in a way so as to cause changes in the areas of these economies. The regulatory intervention in the development of communication networks with global range gets bigger each day. In Geography the term Governance, when added to the categories of space and territory, lead to issues and contents related to sovereign, geopolitics, regulation (ordering) and to the juridical control of the established or in exercise political authority, that are related to power to or power over. The transition of Unilateral Governance of Internet to a Multilateral one, based on the multistakeholder model, that objectives to establish a new model of Governance formulated by multiples actors, in a transparent and democratic way, settled on principles of cooperation generated by a sharing pattern, was settled in the 56/183 UN Resolution, when all the United Nations organisms were called to contribute to the formation of the Global Domain about Information Society, along with representatives of the civil society, nongovernmental organizations, and of intergovernmental organizations. Next, the Internet Global Forum (IGF) was constituted. This new model, which is in consolidation process, is being constituted as a prerogative of the sovereign exercise of The National States.

本文的研究目的，企圖從地緣政治與克里姆林宮政治研究的角度，就俄羅斯聯邦新軍事準則的形成因素作一研究與分析。 本論文發現俄羅斯聯邦新軍事準則形成的主要動因有二： 一、地緣政治惡化是促使俄羅斯調整軍事準則的根本動因。 由於冷戰結束後全球戰略格局的變遷，俄羅斯在國際地位明顯下降，地緣政治環境日益惡化，傳統勢力範圍受到侵蝕，國力嚴重衰退，為續與美國保持低水準戰略平衡以及抗衡北約東擴，確保其國家利益和國際地位。另面對解決境內及獨立國協宗教、民族衝突所爆發局部戰爭及軍事衝突，在軍事上重新制定了俄羅斯聯邦軍事基本準則由單一注重外部威脅，轉為同時注重國內、外兩種威脅，重點由世界戰爭轉向地區性衝突。這說明了俄羅斯的新軍事準則在相當大程度上受到地緣戰略的影響。 二、俄羅斯軍方的態度及國內政治生態是促使軍事準則調整變化的另一因素。 隨著俄羅斯超級大國地位的喪失、地緣政治環境惡化、軍隊地位和待遇的不斷下降及士氣日益低落，軍隊對國家的安全和強烈不滿。強烈要求重樹大國地位、恢復軍隊實力。俄羅斯軍隊一些將領紛紛公開批評外交政策和軍事政策。同時，由於在1993年10月流血事件中，葉爾欽動用軍隊戰勝議會，增大了政府對軍隊的依賴，使俄羅斯軍隊在國家政治生活中的發言權和影響力日益增大。故葉爾欽在制定安全政策和軍事準則時不得不更多地考慮軍隊的利益和主張：如在制定新軍事準則中明確保障軍人及其家屬福利、增加軍費開支、放慢軍轉民步伐、以及在境外顯示軍事存在等方面，都採取了一系列迎合軍隊主張的措施和行動。而葉爾欽為贏得民心，鞏固地位，即開始了以恢復大國地位為中心的內外政策的大調整。在這種特定的政治氣氛中，新的俄羅斯軍事準則應運而生。可見，俄羅斯軍方的態度是促使俄羅斯軍隊準則調整與轉變的重要因素之一。 在此兩個主因中以俄羅斯國內政治生態互動，特別是葉爾欽與軍隊間關係影響最大，加上冷戰後美中俄戰略三角互動的架構的國際政治格局，在此條件下，形成了俄羅斯聯邦新軍事準則。 / The purpose of the thesis is attempting to analyze the factors that exert great impact on the formation of the Russian Federation's military doctrine from the perspective of geopolitics and Kremlin politics. This thesis is taking the position that Russian Federation's military doctrine has been shaped by two main motives: First, the worsening geopolitical situation demands that Russia adjust its military doctrine. Due to the changes of global strategy after the end of the cold war, the decline of Russia's international prestige, worsening geopolitical situation and the severe threat to Russia's traditional sphere of interest, Russia takes important measures to adjust its military doctrine accordingly. In order to keep minimum strategic balance with the United States, ensure its national interest and international status and settle local wars or military conflicts caused by religion and ethnic conflicts within Russia's own territory and Commonwealth of Independent States, new military thinking has to emphasize both internal and external threats. Second, the attitude of Russian army and domestic political struggle also force Russia to adjust its military doctrine. Owing to the loss of superpower status and the decline of army's status and wellbeing, leading generals of the Russian army became increasingly dissatisfied with government's foreign policy and military thinking. They demanded that Russia restore her great power status and restrengthen its army's forces. In the blooding event of October 1993, Yeltsin used army to defeat the parliament, for this reason Yeltsin had to depend more on army. Russian army has became more influential in politics. Yeltsin had to consider army's interests and opinions in draw up security policy and military doctrine. For example, new military thinking clearly ensures welfare of soldiers and their family, increases military expense, slows down the speed of conversion and other measures to satisfy army. Besides, in order to gain people's support and consolidate political power, Yeltsin started to adopt policy to restore status of great power. Among these two dynamics, domestic political struggle－the relationship between Yeltsin and army－plays more influential role. Russian Federation's military doctrine was thus formulated under Kremlin politics and the interaction of strategic triangle.

河川整治與築堤防使人民免於洪氾的災害，又可對邊際河川土地加以開發利用，效益誠屬可觀；惟上述皆需徵收河川地，而目前徵收經費業以累積千億，徵收財源既不足，只有研擬替代方案解決。又針對河川整治產生浮覆新生地的特性及民國五十八年公私地交換禁令的解除，河川地交換即為本文研究的方向之一。另外，關於私有浮覆地受益部分該如河回饋？本研究應用容積移轉觀念，研擬一公平回饋模式來落實防洪受益費的課徵，以充裕水利基金、籌措徵收經費，最後並以財務分析來評估地主配合意願。 本論文共有六章，二十一節，重點摘要如下： 第一章 介紹研究動機與目的、研究內容假設與限制、方法與流程。 第二章 說明河川地徵收立法意旨及補償標準原則，並介紹「水地重劃」辦法以為本文研擬方案之對照，再引用專家意見以為研擬方案之參考。統合了以上方向之後，方藉由第三章理論基礎及文獻回顧來強化第四章研擬方案之完整性。 第三章 介紹地租理論、徵收理論、財產權觀念、發展權移轉觀念及相關文獻並就本研究擷取意念加以串聯。 第四章 說明土地交換方案及購買發展權方案，並對購買發展權方案所擬所需繳納發展權利金數額多寡作業流程進行論述；並對目前河川地徵收相關權利清理論法略作介紹。 第五章 以新店溪秀朗橋至碧潭橋間河段為例，調查河川地地籍資料，首先進行河川整治前後徵收負擔情況比較；次估算河川浮覆新生地所產生交換價值，以明瞭換地效益；再假設浮覆地分區以就第四章購買發展權模式預估水利基金可獲得之總發展權利金；最後並以法令、財務、財稅觀點進行研擬方案之可行性分析。 第六章 說明研究總結、研究貢獻與政策意涵、研究建議與後續研究。

增訂土地法第34條之1 之立法目的，在於解決共有土地處分問題以促進共有土地有效利用，惟該條文以多數決原則所建構之處分要件解決共有土地處分問題，以促進土地利用之同時，對於「少數者」（不同意處分共有土地之共有人）之既有權利之保障是否周全，乃實施該條文時，所不可忽略的課題。因此，本研究從法律經濟觀點及財產權保障觀點，探討土地法第34條之1 之規定是否符合效率原則及公平原則，並作為土地法第34條之 1未來修訂之參考。 經本研究剖析之後，其結論與建議如下： 一、結論 (一)增訂土地法第34條之 1，雖有助於降低處分過程中之交易成本，惟產生少數者負 擔處分過程中，所降低的交易成本。 (二)從土地使用效率觀點而言，目前有關處分共有土地之法令中，對於「出租是否得適用土地法第34條之 1第 1項」及「處分公同共有土地時，並無直接依據土地法第34條之 1第 1項規定辦理之函令」等問題，因仍未能完善的解決，故仍有礙於共有土地處分而不利地使用。 (三)從財產權保障觀點而言，目前有關處分共有土地之法令中，對於「通知並非處分共有土地之必要生效要件」及「對價或補償標準未明確訂定」等問題，仍未能有效解決，表示對「少數者」之既有權利保障，仍未盡周全。 (四)由上述分析結果可知，增訂土地法第34條之 1後，雖有助處分共有土地而利於促進共有土地利用，惟「少數者」（不同意處分共有土地之共有人）負擔處分過程中，所降低的交易成本之問題及對「少數者」之既有權利保障之規定並不周全，使得「少數者」之權利受損，顯示該條文似乎有重土地使用效率而輕財產權保障之情形。 二、建議 (一)促進土地使用效率方面 1.將土地法第34條之 1之適用範圍擴大。 2.將地政機關調解共有人處分共有土地問題之功能，明定為共有人在無法處分共有土地時，聲請司法機關審理之先置程序。 3.對於潛在的應有部分明確者之公同共有土地之處分，應以行政釋示，依土地法第34條之 1第 1項規定辦理。 4.明定他共有人有行使全部共有土地之優先購買權。 (二)加強財產權保障方面 1.適度調整處分共有土地之處分要件。 2.將共有人處分共有土地時，通知他共有人之「書面通知」效力提昇。 3.健全土地估價制度。

<p>It is rather undisputed that the United States has maintained its position of global primacy since the end of the Cold War. According to the current Bush- administration and the US National Security Strategy, this power will be used to fight terrorists as well as to encourage free and open societies on every continent. With this position held by the government, it becomes essential to know more about the US power to better understand world politics. What opinions an American foreign policy elite has on international politics in general and on the US power in particular, can be consideredto have a certain influence on the US governmental policy making and is hence an interesting object of analysis for an improved knowledge of the US power position. This thesis aims to analyse different foreign policy elite interpretations, both of the present US situation and of what can be expected in the near future. In addition to opinions on the power position itself, the question addressed is whether there seem to be any impact of modern theories of international politics among the elite and if these theories are relevant at all for policy- orientated estimations. The result of the analysis indicates at least some impact of neorealism, neoliberalism and social constructivism, while there tend to be no influence of feminist IR-theory. However, as a base assumption in this thesis, most modern theories of international politics are conceived as partly related to a realist tradition in the field of academics, and this might diminish the influence of the separate theories among the elite. Accordingly, nor can extreme theoretical differences be confirmed, neither can the differences be disregarded. A majority of the foreign policy elite representatives describe the present US position as unrivalled in all critical dimensions, with an unsurpassed military, economic, technological and cultural power. The opinions on the expected power position in the near future are more diverging and suggest different courses of development. However, as long as the US keeps the precedence of interpretation and attracts others to American values and ideas, in addition to a solid base of economic and military strength, the US power position will most probably last for a foreseeable future.</p>