Submitted by Claudina Moraes (camclaudina@gmail.com) on 2016-06-24T19:32:27Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Nara Shirley de Sousa Costa.pdf: 2174581 bytes, checksum: 75f5a6a68bc82870b5cafabce8751b96 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Divisão de Documentação/BC Biblioteca Central (ddbc@ufam.edu.br) on 2016-07-11T14:58:28Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Nara Shirley de Sousa Costa.pdf: 2174581 bytes, checksum: 75f5a6a68bc82870b5cafabce8751b96 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Divisão de Documentação/BC Biblioteca Central (ddbc@ufam.edu.br) on 2016-07-11T14:59:20Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Nara Shirley de Sousa Costa.pdf: 2174581 bytes, checksum: 75f5a6a68bc82870b5cafabce8751b96 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-11T14:59:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Nara Shirley de Sousa Costa.pdf: 2174581 bytes, checksum: 75f5a6a68bc82870b5cafabce8751b96 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-26 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The goals of this paper is to analyze how international organizations act as agents for promoting the transnationalization of capital. The approach has hypothesized mechanisms structuring legal, political and economic aimed at engendering global development. The treatment of the problem has as object the UNIDO-United Nations Industrial Development Organization. UNIDO is an international intergovernmental organization linked to the United Nations system, created on November 17, 1966, aiming to promote indutrialização developing countries and economies in transition. The organization emerged in the context in which economic development was seen as synonymous with industrialization (LUKEN, 2009), in this context UNIDO has emerged as a mechanism for discussing the development of developing countries - developing countries and, over time came to play an important role as one of the promoters of private capital in the global economy and relations between developed and developing countries to promote economic development through industrial activities, as well as the introduction of alternative production less harmful to the environment, in trade capacity building, normalization and quality. The goal is to offer developing countries, LDCs - Least Developed Countries and SMEs-Small and Medium Enterprises, conditions inserting them in global markets. To understand their participation in the global development agenda, part is the analysis of their annual reports since 1985, the year he became a specialized agency of the United Nations. The empirical basis of the documentary sources produced by UNIDO prioritized their annual reports, as they bring the synthesis of its activities during the year, although other documents, such as resolutions and reports from the UN and some of its specialized agencies were used. The research encountered several agents and actions through the work of UNIDO sought to unveil its recommendations for countries in the process of industrialization as well as abstracting converges in the midst of a discourse which directs the overall development. By reason of being an organization which originated and is integral to the United Nations, the research highlighted how the development issues were taking up space in the United Nations, contemplating their changes over time has incorporated its meaning other factors, which pervade the purely economic aspects, converging in the last decades of the twentieth century in HDI-Human Development Index, measured by the UNDP-United Nations Development Programme and the turn of the twenty-first century in the MDGs - Millennium Development Goals are objectives that aim to combat extreme poverty by 2015, were highlighted by several organizations, among them the UNIDO. Based on context which originated and is integral and relations with various actors, including nation states, corporations and other private, can be said that UNIDO is participating agents adjustments political, legal, economic and regulations that aim to convergence to global development. / O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar como organizações internacionais atuam como agentes de promoção para a transnacionalização do capital. A abordagem tem como direcionamento a estruturação de mecanismos jurídicos, políticos e econômicos que visem o engendramento do desenvolvimento econômico global, deste modo, a problemática traz como objeto a ONUDI- Organização das Nações Unidas para o Desenvolvimento Industrial. A ONUDI é uma organização intergovernamental internacional ligada ao sistema das Nações Unidas, criada em 17 de novembro de 1966, seu objetivo é promover a indutrialização dos países em desenvolvimento e economias em transição. A organização surgiu no contexto em que o desenvolvimento econômico era visto como sinônimo de industrialização (LUKEN, 2009), neste âmbito, se tornou como um mecanismo de discussão sobre o desenvolvimento dos países em desenvolvimento e, com passar do tempo passou a desempenhar um papel importante, como um dos agentes promotores do capital privado na economia global e das relações entre países desenvolvidos e em desenvolvimento para a promoção do desenvolvimento econômico por meio das atividades industriais. Para compreensão de sua participação na agenda do desenvolvimento global, parte-se à análise de seus relatórios anuais a partir de 1985, ano em que se tornou uma agência especializada das Nações Unidas. A base nas fontes documentais produzidas pela ONUDI priorizou seus relatórios anuais, pois trazem a síntese das atividades realizadas durante o ano, entretanto outros documentos, como resoluções e relatórios da ONU e de outras agências especializadas foram utilizados. Assim, a pesquisa se deparou com atuação de vários agentes, e por meio da ONUDI procurou-se desvelar suas recomendações para os países no processo de industrialização, e abstrair como se converge em meio a um discurso que direciona ao desenvolvimento econômico global. Deste modo, os três pilares os quais guiam suas ações, como a redução da pobreza, meio ambiente e comércio, procuram introduzir alternativas de produção menos nocivas ao meio ambiente, capacitação comercial, adequação normalizações internacionais e gestão da qualidade nos processos industriais. O objetivo é oferecer aos países em desenvolvimento-PEDs, países menos avançados-PMAs e pequenas e médias empresas- PMEs, condições de inseri-los nos mercados globais. Em razão de ser uma organização integrante do sistema das Nações Unidas, a pesquisa procurou compreender como as questões relativas ao desenvolvimento foram tomando espaço nas Nações Unidas, contemplando alterações que, ao longo do tempo incorporou ao significado do desenvolvimento outras abordagens, que perpassam os aspectos meramente econômicos, convergindo nas últimas décadas do século XX em problemáticas que envolvem a sustentabilidade, IDHs- Índices de Desenvolvimento Humano; e na virada para o século XXI nos ODMs – Objetivos do Milênio que visam o combate à extrema pobreza até 2015 e foram sublinhados por várias organizações, dentre elas a ONUDI. Com base no contexto o qual se originou e é integrante e das relações com vários agentes, entre eles Estados nacionais, empresas e outros agentes privados, pode se dizer que a ONUDI é dos agentes participantes de ajustamentos técnicos, políticos, jurídicos, econômicos que visam à convergência ao desenvolvimento econômico global.

Inicialmente, esta dissertação apresenta o marco teórico conceitual em que se situa a sociedade internacional contemporânea, as fontes tradicionais do direito internacional expostas no art. 38 do Estatuto da Corte Internacional de Justiça, as possíveis novas fontes do direito internacional atos unilaterais de Estados, atos de organizações internacionais e Soft Law. É abordado em seguida o paradigma da soberania decorrente da modificação da sociedade internacional. Os fundamentos da Responsabilidade de Proteger (R2P) são levados a uma análise sob as diversas fontes do direito internacional. A R2P não se verifica como fonte autônoma do direito internacional nos princípios gerais de direitos, nas convenções internacionais e nos meios auxiliares da doutrina e da jurisprudência. Todavia, seu enquadramento é feito em duas teorias: branda e dinâmica. Em razão de seu caráter de formação de opinio juris e da prática reiterada, a teoria branda considera a R2P uma manifestação do costume internacional. Enquanto isso, a teoria dinâmica leva em consideração a evolução do direito internacional contemporâneo, que considera a Soft Law uma fonte autônoma, bem como as manifestações da R2P. Conclui-se, então, que a teoria da R2P está sedimentada nas fontes do direito internacional contemporâneo e clássico. / Firstly this thesis presents the conceptual framework in which lies the contemporary international society, the traditional sources of International Law - exposed in art. 38 of the Statute of the International Court of Justice, the possible new sources of International Law - unilateral acts of States, international organizations and acts of Soft Law. Then, it brings forward the paradigm of sovereignty resulting from the modification of the international society. The foundations of the Responsibility to Protect are subject to an analysis emphasizing the variety of International Law sources. The R2P is not embraced as an autonomous source of International Law in the general principles, international conventions, doctrine and jurisprudence. However, its framing is analyzed in this thesis with two theories: \"mild\" and \"dynamic\". Considering the formation of opinio juris and the repeated practice, the mild theory considers R2P as a manifestation of international custom. Meanwhile, the dynamic theory takes into account the evolution of contemporary International Law, which considers Soft Law as an autonomous source, as well as the manifestations of R2P. So the conclusion is that the theory of R2P is based in the sources of contemporary and classic International Law.

Esta pesquisa investiga os fatores de política doméstica que motivam os Estados a delegar determinados temas a organizações internacionais. Com base na abordagem de principal-agente aplicada à delegação internacional, o estudo de caso sustenta que a dinâmica da política doméstica norte-americana foi um determinante importante da delegação da crise da dívida dos anos 80 para o Fundo Monetário Internacional. A hipótese se baseia no argumento teórico segundo o qual a delegação de um tema para uma organização internacional oferece ao ator que delega (em geral o Poder Executivo) uma oportunidade de aumentar sua influência sobre aquele tema em detrimento dos outros atores políticos domésticos. Nesta visão, a delegação pode aumentar a influência do Poder Executivo ao deslocar o poder de agenda sobre o tema para a organização internacional, reduzir o número de pontos de decisão doméstica, criar assimetrias de informação e prover fontes adicionais de legitimidade para as posições do Executivo. Quanto mais agudo for o conflito doméstico sobre um tema, maior será o incentivo para o Poder Executivo delegá-lo a uma organização internacional. Este estudo sustenta que a crise da dívida dos anos 80 foi essencialmente uma crise bancária, e como tal poderia ter sido tratada exclusivamente no nível doméstico norte-americano. A pesquisa apresenta evidências de que, ao enquadrar a crise como um problema de política internacional e delegá-la ao FMI, o Departamento do Tesouro dos EUA aumentou seu controle sobre o tema e reduziu a influência do Congresso, cujas visões e prioridades eram diferentes das do governo. O Executivo norte-americano, a despeito da desconfiança que inicialmente nutria com relação às instituições financeiras multilaterais, decidiu delegar o gerenciamento da crise para o FMI porque suas preferências estavam mais alinhadas com as preferências do Fundo do que com as preferências do Congresso e, portanto, as perdas de agências eram pequenas em comparação com o ganho obtido por impedir o Congresso de adquirir um papel ativo sobre a questão. / This research examines the domestic factors that contribute to certain political issues being delegated by states to international organizations. Based upon principal-agent theory, the case study argues that American domestic politics played a major role in the delegation of the 1980s debt crisis of developing countries to the International Monetary Fund. The hypothesis is based on the theoretical argument that delegation of an issue to an international organization offers the delegating actor (usually the executive branch) an opportunity to increase its influence on that issue vis-à-vis other domestic political actors. As such, delegating an issue to an international organization can increase the influence of the executive branch by shifting control of the agenda on the issue in favor of the delegating actor, decreasing the number of domestic decision points, creating information asymmetries and providing additional sources of legitimacy for the positions of the executive. The more intense the domestic conflict on an issue, the bigger the incentive for the executive branch to delegate the issue to an international organization. This study contends that the LDC debt crisis of the 1980s was essentially a banking crisis, and that as such could have been handled domestically by the US government. The research provides evidence that, by framing the crisis as an international problem and delegating it to the IMF, the US Department of the Treasury increased its control of the issue and reduced the influence of Congress, whose views and priorities were different from those of the Administration. The US Treasury, despite its initial mistrust of international financial institutions, chose to delegate the management of the crisis to the IMF because US Treasury preferences were more aligned with the preferences of the Fund than with the preferences of Congress, and thus agency losses were small in comparison with what was gained by preventing Congress from having an active role on the issue.

Submitted by Rosangela Silva (rosangela.silva3@unioeste.br) on 2018-05-23T17:00:28Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Luiza Franco Duarte.pdf: 594689 bytes, checksum: 494d670d0d795b5bf39737de38886dbe (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-23T17:00:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Luiza Franco Duarte.pdf: 594689 bytes, checksum: 494d670d0d795b5bf39737de38886dbe (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-19 / Throughout the 1990s, several Latin American countries underwent deep economic-political reforms linked to loans and financing from the World Bank Group for the dissemination of the Neoliberal Project. In March 1990, the World Conference on Education for All (UNESCO, 1990) expresses the convergence of the function and conception of school education along the lines defined by the Washington Consensus, 1989. It marks a historic moment of rooting of the form of organization and management of the education before the process of economic, political, social and cultural restructuring, in construction with the accomplishment of the Reformation of the Latin American States, keeping the proportions as the peculiarities of each country and also of the level of effectiveness of the prescription of the Washington Consensus, put into practice. In this way, the present bibliographic and documentary research sought to present the realities and conjunctures of Brazil and Paraguay through the educational legislation produced in the 1990s, based on BIRD and BID recommendations to support the process of penetration of the neoliberal project in these countries. The BIRD or BID loans for school education had their objectives directed to the political orientations of the governments for the maintenance of the economic order and the deepening of the internationalization and concentration of capital for the financial sector. Due to the large financial disbursements of these organizations, with the demand for guarantees from counterparts of countries and / or federated borrowers, there was a significant increase in external debts, in the form of legal-political organization of the states, and in the ideological spread of neoliberalism, which were presented in the said loans for projects in various sectors of the economy and the social area, particularly those for school education. This research generally involves an understanding of the role of Multilateral International Organizations in the formulation and implementation of educational policies guided by the Neoliberal Project; specifically, the identification in the Brazilian and Paraguayan context of the influence of IBRD and IDB through technical and financial advice. It is necessary to emphasize that the loans of these Financial Agencies for the mentioned countries was not limited to the technical advice, but mainly it permeated an ideological and political character of the capitalism in its new model of expression. The implications of these agreements were on the organizational mode and the direction of educational policies. It did not have an eminently economic character, but it covered the social, political and ideological aspects. Therefore, the characteristics of the neoliberal reforms in Latin America, in terms of educational policies, highlighting Brazil and Paraguay were the expansion of schooling time, through the stipulation of obligatory years, establishes a minimum of workload and school days through of a school calendar. Another aspect is the redistribution of functions and responsibility between the levels of the systems, besides the specializations and rationalization of human resources. / Ao longo dos anos 1990, diversos países da América Latina passaram por profundas reformas econômico-políticas vinculadas aos empréstimos e financiamentos do Grupo do Banco Mundial para difusão do Projeto Neoliberal. A realização, em março de 1990 da Conferência Mundial de Educação para Todos (UNESCO, 1990) expressa a convergência da função e da concepção de educação escolar com as linhas definidas pelo Consenso de Washington, em 1989. Assinala um momento histórico de enraizamento da forma de organização e gerenciamento da educação diante do processo de reestruturação econômica, política, social e cultural, em construção com a efetivação da Reforma dos Estados Latinoamericanos, guardadas as proporções quanto as particularidades de cada país e também do nível de efetivação das receitas do Consenso de Washington, colocadas em prática. Desse modo, o presente trabalho buscou apresentar as realidades e conjunturas de Brasil e Paraguai por meio das legislações educacionais produzidas nos anos 1990 a partir da recomendações do BIRD e BID para respaldar o processo da penetração do projeto neoliberal nesses países da América Latina. Os empréstimos realizados pelo BIRD ou BID para a educação escolar tinham seus objetivos direcionados para os encaminhamentos políticos dos governos para a manutenção da ordem econômica e o aprofundamento da internacionalização e concentração de capital para o setor financeiro. Em razão dos grandes desembolsos financeiros destes Organismos, com a exigência das garantias das contrapartidas dos países e/ou estados federados tomadores de empréstimos, houve aumento expressivo das dívidas externas, da forma de organização jurídico-política dos Estados e de uma disseminação ideológica do neoliberalismo, que foram veiculadas nos referidos empréstimos para projetos em vários setores da economia e da área social, particularmente os para a educação escolar. Esta pesquisa envolve, de modo geral, a compreensão acerca do papel dos Organismos Internacionais Multilaterais na formulação e implementação de políticas educacionais orientadas pelo Projeto Neoliberal e; especificamente, a identificação no contexto brasileiro e paraguaio sobre a influência do BIRD e BID por meio do assessoramento técnico-financeiro. É necessário ressaltar, os empréstimos dessas Agências Financeiras para os referidos países não encontrou-se limitado ao assessoramento técnico, mas sobretudo permeou um caráter ideológico e político do capitalismo em seu novo modelo de expressão. As implicações destes acordos incidiram no modo organizacional e no direcionamento das políticas educacionais. Não possuiu um caráter eminentemente econômico, mas abrangeu os aspectos sociais, políticos e ideológicos. Portanto, as características das reformas neoliberais na América Latina, quanto às políticas educativas, em destaque para o Brasil e Paraguai foram a expansão do tempo de escolarização, por meio da estipulação de anos obrigatórios, estabelece um mínino de carga horária e dias letivos por meio de um calendário escolar. Outro aspecto reserva-se à redistribuição de funções e responsabilidade entre os níveis dos sistemas, além das especializações e racionalização dos recursos humanos.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:33:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vivian Christina Silveira Fernandez Dias.pdf: 814861 bytes, checksum: b49be1e5f52d2df81e22a5bfd22d17e6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-03-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / In recent years, migration has become more than just a far possibility towards the survival challenges faced by countless workers spread around the world, mostly living in developing countries, which can be considered a reflex of globalization. Nowadays, migration is seen as a real opportunity for these people to live better. In this context, the exploitation of this labour force, that it is not properly regulated, promotes the growth of inequality. Due to the adopted economic policies, the necessity of achieving the established goals demands a superhuman effort from workers, the aim is to produce more at a minimum cost. International Organizations have been into a mobilization to enable countries to combat this problem through the adoption of Conventions ant other international documents relates to the subject. However, the absence of obligation in obeying the decisions of this supranational institutions, has been being a break into fulfill the human rights. In the name of sovereignty, States has been evading of the compliance on determinations, and ratification of international instruments. The example used in this dissertation was Bolivians workers landing in Sao Paulo. The choice was not by accident, once this people gather all the evidences of a system that causes segregation and, rarely, fulfill the promise of a decent job. / A migração, nos últimos anos, tem se tornado mais do que apenas uma remota possibilidade face aos desafios de sobrevivência enfrentados pelos inúmeros trabalhadores espalhados pelo mundo, majoritariamente vivendo em países subdesenvolvidos, o que pode ser considerado um reflexo da globalização.Atualmente, a migração se traduz na real oportunidade de melhores condições de vida para essas pessoas. Nesse contexto, a exploração de uma mão-de-obra não regulamentada de forma adequada favorece o aumento das desigualdades. Por conta de políticas econômicas adotadas, o que se tem atualmente é a necessidade de atingir metas que exigem um esforço quase sobre-humano dos trabalhadores, a fim de produzir cada vez mais ao menor custo. As Organizações Internacionais têm se mobilizado a fim de que os países possam combater esse mal por meio da adoção de Convenções e outros documentos internacionais relacionados com o tema. No entanto, a falta de obrigatoriedade no acolhimento das decisões dessas instituições supranacionais, tem se traduzido em um freio à plena concretização dos Direitos Humanos. Em nome da soberania, Estados se esquivam do cumprimento de determinações, bem como da ratificação de normativas internacionais. Assim, o exemplo tomado neste trabalho foram os bolivianos que desembarcam em São Paulo. Não por mero acaso, mas por agruparem todas as evidências de um sistema que causa segregação e, poucas vezes, cumpre a promessa de um trabalho decente.

Accountability Architecture of International Organizations of International Development Law The Master's thesis dwells upon the accountability of International Organizations operating within the field of International Development Law. The interpretation of immunities thereof is extensive and there is no independent court with appropriate jurisdiction. Therefore there are solely very few means of holding them accountable for their acts, especially those which are not contrary to International Law outside of the realm of political pressure of the Member States. For this reason, the International Organizations were forced to adopt their own accountability mechanisms. These serve to help to eradicate the systemic shortcomings of the activities, mitigate risks and potential public outrage as well as to give recourse to those, who have been adversely affected by the International Organization's operation. These mechanisms, that include the revision panels, the so-called international accountability mechanisms, altogether form the accountability architecture. The core question of this paper is whether the current accountability architecture with respect to these International Organizations is satisfactory. To these ends it firstly delineates the so far unclear notion of International Development Law, its sources,...

The content of this diploma thesis is a comparison of China and India, not only from an economic point of view, since the mid 1990's. Both countries are compared from the perspective of their specifics (geographical, political, cultural and human resources), macroeconomic indicators and economic sectors of each country. Savings, investments, foreign trade, FDI, infrastructure and membership in international organizations or corporations are all characterized throughout the paper. Prospective future developments, opportunities for foreign investments and cooperation between countries, as well as the present status of China and India in the world, are also briefly characterized in this thesis.

Institution spécialisée du système des Nations Unies créée à la sortie de la Seconde guerre mondiale, l'Organisation mondiale de la santé (OMS) s'est vu confiée, par l'article premier de sa Constitution, le but « d'amener tous les peuples au niveau de santé le plus élevé possible ». Pour atteindre cet objectif, les États membres lui ont conféré vingt-deux fonctions dont une normative. Cette dernière lui permet, en théorie, d’adopter à la fois des instruments de santé non contraignants et d'autres contraignants. L'étendue du champ d'application de cette fonction permet à l'OMS d'élaborer des normes au contenu très divers et varié dès lors qu'elle agit dans le cadre de son objectif sanitaire. Parallèlement, en raison de difficultés internes, propres à son organisation régionalisée et à une concurrence externe accrue par la multiplication d'acteurs de santé mondiale, l'OMS est à un tournant de son histoire comme en atteste l'envergure de la réforme qui est toujours en cours depuis 2010. Dans ce contexte, il s'agit de comprendre et d'analyser l'influence du rôle normatif de l'OMS dans les systèmes de santé nationaux. D'abord, une évaluation de son autorité normative, qui apparaît affaiblie, est proposée afin de présenter des évolutions pour la renforcer et ainsi améliorer la protection de la santé mondiale au sein d'un droit international de la santé consolidé. Ensuite, l'étude approfondie de son activité normative est envisagée pour délimiter la conception de la norme de l'OMS par le prisme de son efficacité. L'objectif in fine est de proposer une réflexion sur l'avenir du rôle normatif de l'OMS. / The World health organization (WHO), as a specialized agency, was created, after the Second world war with the objective of, according to article 1 of its Constitution, the "attainment by all peoples of the highest possible level of health”. For that purpose, the WHO was granted twenty two functions by the Member States including a normative one. This normative function allows, in theory, the WHO to adopt both binding and non binding health instruments. The extent of the scope of this function offers a wide and diverse content to theses norms with the only limit that it pursues a health purpose. At the same time, the WHO shows internal difficulties, in part, due to its regional structure and overall lack of financing. Further, the increase number and diversity of actors of global health result in potential external competition with the WHO. The reform initiated in 2010 and still ongoing proves that the WHO is a turning point in its history. In this context, this research seeks to understand and analyze the influence of the normative role of the WHO on national health systems. First, we study the normative authority of the WHO which appears weakened. With the objective of increasing health protection based on a reinforced global health law paradigm, our proposals aim at strengthening the normative authority of WHO. Then, our in-depth analysis of the normative activity of the WHO allows to the define the conception of norm by the WHO using effectiveness as our analytical frame. Finally, this research offers an opportunity to reflect on the future of the normative role of the WHO.

Cette thèse propose une analyse socio-politique des relations internationales au sein d'une Organisation Mondiale, en partant du cas concret de l’UNESCO dans le cadre de l’établissement des listes du Patrimoine Mondial. L’analyse sociologique des interactions entre les acteurs intervenant dans le choix et la publication des listes du Patrimoine Mondial forme le socle sur lequel une théorisation des processus en jeu est déployée. Bien que l'UNESCO fournisse aux états des outils leur permettant d'atteindre leurs objectifs nationaux, l'UNESCO contribue également à l’établissement de valeurs universelles et d’identités cosmopolites. Les dynamiques d’établissement des listes et leur contenu apparaissent de plus en plus marqués par les démarches des acteurs (états et individus) qui y participent. Le rôle de l'UNESCO apparaît donc ambivalent, dans la mesure où elle est en partie garante des institutions et des valeurs fondamentales qui sous-tendent sa création, et où elle favorise les jeux d’influence, l’établissement de rapports de force et les conflits. Cette tension n’affecte pas pour autant la valeur perçue par de nombreux acteurs des listes produites, et elle n’entame que partiellement les représentations de la capacité de l’institution à promouvoir la paix et la compréhension entre les peuples. / This research project is a socio-political analysis of the International Relations within an International Organization, levering the practical case of UNESCO in the context of the establishing World Heritage Lists. It suggests a theorization of the underlying process, by which numerous actors take part in the selection and subsequent publication of World Heritage Lists. In addition to providing individual states with the tools to achieve their national objectives, UNESCO seem to contribute to the establishment of universal values and cosmopolitan identities. The establishment processes of these Lists and their content appear increasingly influenced by the behavior of their actors (i.e., states and individuals). In that context, the role of UNESCO seems ambivalent. It serves both as (a) guarantor for the underlying fundamental values of the institutions and as a place of (b) political economy, in which influences are exchanged between actors that can lead to power struggles and even conflicts. However, this tension doesn’t seem to impact the perceived value of the Lists by most actors and appears to only partially impact the perception of the Organization’s capacity to promote peace-building and closer relationships between peoples.

Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht die Europäisierung der Statistik im Rahmen der Europäischen Gemeinschaft für Kohle und Stahl (EGKS), der Europäischen Wirtschaftsgemeinschaft (EWG) sowie der Europäischen Gemeinschaften (EG) seit den 1950ern bis in die 1970er-Jahre hinein. Die Genese und Entwicklung statistischer Verfahrensweisen im supranationalen Rahmen lässt sich jedoch nicht ohne den vorgelagerten und sie begleitenden Prozess des internationalen statistischen Vergleichs verstehen. Denn seit dem Zweiten Weltkrieg setzten auch die internationalen Organisationen verstärkt auf regionale statistische Vergleiche, wobei Europa hier eine zentrale Rolle einnahm. Von den in diesen Institutionen gemachten Erfahrungen profitierten die Europäischen Gemeinschaften einerseits, versuchten sich jedoch auch stets von ihnen abzugrenzen. Mit Blick auf die International Labour Organization (ILO), der Economic Commission for Europe (ECE) sowie der Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) analysiert die Arbeit folglich, inwiefern die EG-Institutionen tatsächlich einen statistischen „Sonderweg“ gingen oder ihre Arbeit nicht doch vielmehr in eine Linie mit den internationalen statistischen Vergleichen zu sehen ist. Ausgangspunkt aller internationalen und europäischen statistischen Harmonisierungsvorhaben waren unterdessen die nationalen statistischen Ämter (NSÄ). Wie die EG-Institutionen mit ihnen in langwierige Aushandlungsprozesse gingen, wird vor allem mit Blick auf Deutschland als Fallbeispiel analysiert. Mit dieser Herangehensweise verfolgt die Arbeit gleichzeitig das Anliegen, die Statistiken auf ihre Funktion als Sinnproduzenten zu befragen und macht diesen Ansatz somit für die Geschichte der europäischen Integration fruchtbar. Die Darstellungen gehen damit über eine reine Institutionengeschichte deutlich hinaus. Methodisch verfolgt die Arbeit einen akteurszentrierten Institutionalismus, der kulturgeschichtlich und diskursanalytisch ergänzt wird. / This paper examines the europeanization of statistics within the framework of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), the European Economic Community (EEC), and the European Communities (EC) from the 1950s to the 1970s. However, the genesis and development of statistical practices in the supranational framework cannot be understood without the preceding and accompanying process of international statistical comparison. After all, since World War II, international organizations have also increasingly relied on regional statistical comparisons, with Europe playing a central role here. On the one hand, the European Communities profited from the experience gained in these institutions, but on the other hand, they always tried to distinguish themselves from them. With a view to the International Labour Organization (ILO), the Economic Commission for Europe (ECE) and the Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD), the thesis analyzes to what extent the EC institutions actually took a statistical "special path" or whether their work should rather be seen in line with international statistical comparisons. Meanwhile, the starting point for all international and European statistical harmonization projects was the national statistical institutes (NSIs). How the EC institutions entered into protracted negotiation processes with them is analyzed with Germany in particular as a case study. With this approach, the work pursues the concern of questioning statistics with regard to their function as producers of meaning and thus makes this approach fruitful for the history of European integration. Thus, the analysis clearly goes beyond a mere institutional history. Methodologically, the work follows an actor-centered institutionalism, which is complemented by cultural history and discourse analysis.