Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This paper seeks to answer the theoretical question: Do international organizations (IOs) bring peace and stability to international relations? The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) serves as a case study which can help answer this query. Initially, it is important to explore what realist and liberal scholars broadly argue on the matter of IOs, peace and stability. NATO as an organization is then examined, followed by the case study of the role it played in the Ukraine crisis. Many international organizations exist today which deal with a wide variety of issues. The League of Nations, though it failed to fulfill its mandate of maintaining worldwide peace, can be considered the first modern international organization and served as the model for its successor, the United Nations. Realists—who argue that states are the principal actor in international relations (IR) and that they are self-interested and mainly concerned with security and power—look upon IOs skeptically. Liberals, though, believe in cooperation among states and promote the proliferation of international organizations, extolling their virtues. The heated debate between these two ideologies is evident in the case of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) eastward expansion. NATO was originally designed to curb the Soviet threat and protect Western Europe from communist expansion. When the Cold War ended and NATO’s original mandate had therefore expired, liberals championed the continued existence and expansion of the organization. Realists, on the other hand, warned of negative repercussions, as they foresaw that eastward expansion of the alliance would be perceived as a threat by Russia. The 2014 Ukraine crisis provides a good case study which can help determine whether liberals or realists were right. Liberals have claimed that Russian aggression in the region justifies NATO expansion. Realists, however, have argued that it is the very fact of actual and prospective NATO expansion which has caused this aggression in the first place.

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[pt] Esta pesquisa trata das relações entre organizações internacionais e locais na área do combate à AIDS, mais especificamente a relação entre o Programa das Nações Unidas de HIV/AIDS e as ONGs locais que atuam nesse campo, como o Grupo pela Vidda (Brasil) e a Aids United (Estados Unidos), voltados para o esforço do controle epidemiológico do HIV/AIDS. A dissertação apresenta, primeiramente, o contexto histórico da pandemia e do ativismo nesses países. Em segundo plano, são analisadas as atividades do UNAIDS e como se estruturam o Grupo pela Vidda e a AIDS United com o objetivo de compreender a atuação e as formas de colaboração entre essas organizações. A última seção traz considerações finais sobre as relações entre tais grupos a fim de compreender como se dá a participação e colaboração de organizações locais no sistema internacional. / [en] This research deals with the relationship between international and local organizations around combating AIDS, more specifically the relationship between the United Nations HIV/AIDS Program and local NGOs that work in this field, such as Grupo pela Vidda (Brazil) and the Aids United (United States), focused on the epidemiological control of HIV/AIDS. The dissertation first presents the historical context of the pandemic and activism in these countries. In the background, the activities of UNAIDS and how the Grupo pela Vidda and AIDS United are structured are analyzed with the aim of understanding the performance and forms of collaboration between these organizations. The last section brings final considerations on the relationships between such groups to understand how the participation and collaboration of local organizations in the international system takes place.

Transboundary water treaties are established to prevent disputes over shared rivers between states. Nevertheless, empirical studies indicate that international organizations manage to bring cooperation between states in some cases and fail in others. This research explains why the efforts of international organizations to promote water cooperation sometimes succeed or sometimes fail and which factors contribute to their varying levels of success in different cases? International organizations are more likely to achieve cooperation between states with strong characters (less change in power dynamics) and share mutual benefits than weaker states (frequent shift in power dynamics) and have less shared benefits. I will examine how shared benefits and the character of the state can help international originations achieve cooperation or conflict that can be influenced by power asymmetry or by creating an imbalance/balance of power (causal mechanisms). Thus, weak riparian countries are less likely to achieve cooperation, increasing the probability of conflict. The hypothesis is tested on the Nile River Basin and the Indus River Basin, using a comparative analysis. The findings indicate an important relationship between the state’s characters, shared benefits, and the role of international organizations in bringing cooperation and preventing conflict between riparian states.

This thesis investigates the relationship between Fascist Italy and the League of Nations (LoN) during the interwar period, with a particular focus on the years from 1922 to 1935. This relationship was contradictory, shifting from moments of active collaboration to moments of open disagreement. The existing historiography on the Italian membership of the League has not reflected this oscillation in policy, focusing disproportionally on the crises Italy caused at the League. However, Fascist Italy remained in the League for more than 15 years, ranking as the third-largest power, and was fully engaged in the institution's work. This dissertation investigates the dynamics that developed between Fascist Italy and the LoN through a systematic study of the Italians involved. In so doing, it contributes to the historiography of the LoN and of the Italian foreign policy in the interwar period. The thesis argues that there was more to the Italian membership of the LoN than the Ethiopian crisis. It reveals the extent of the Italian presence and activity in the institution from the beginning, and demonstrates that the organization was more important to the Italian government than previously recognized. Membership of the League was essential to guarantee Italy international legitimation and recognition. Through an active appropriation of internationalism, the Italian government hoped to obtain practical benefits in the colonial sphere. The thesis uncovers the depth and variety of interactions between nationalism and internationalism in the case of Italy and the League, establishing that they did not oppose each other but rather interacted. This dissertation illustrates the complexity of being an Italian working in the League, as well as the grey areas between nationalism and internationalism evident within individual experiences. Finally, it shows the continuity of actors and expertise in Italy's international cooperation between the interwar and the post-1945 period.

L’adoption définitive en 2001 du Projet d’articles sur la responsabilité des organisations internationales par la Commission du Droit International constitue incontestablement un pas important dans l’élaboration d’un régime général de responsabilité, applicable à des entités fondamentalement hétérogènes du fait de leur capacité fonctionnelle. À l’heure de l’externalisation du maintien de la paix, les principes d’attribution de la responsabilité sont plus que jamais sollicités pour répondre à des situations nouvelles et inédites. Dans ce contexte, la question se pose de savoir dans quelle mesure ils permettent de répondre aux attentes d’un domaine en constante évolution, et dans lequel les organisations internationales sont de plus en plus nombreuses à intervenir. Il sera alors possible de montrer qu’un certain nombre de solutions peuvent en être dégagées. Néanmoins, ces principes mériteraient d’être précisés à certains égards, afin de pouvoir répondre à l’ensemble des nouvelles problématiques relatives à l’attribution de responsabilité qui sont susceptibles de se poser dans le cadre d’un maintien de la paix externalisé. / The final adoption in 2001 of the Draft articles on the responsibility of international organizations by the International Law Commission is indisputably a major step in the drafting of a general regime of responsibility, applicable to fundamentally heterogeneous entities owing to their functional capacity. In these times of peacekeeping externalization, the attribution of responsibility principles are more than ever called upon to provide an answer to new and unprecedented situations. In this framework, the question arises of whether these principles are able to give an answer to the expectations of an evolving area, in which the number of international organizations involved is increasing. It will then be possible to demonstrate that some solutions can be found. Nevertheless, these principles need to be clarified, in order to provide with a solution for all the new sets of problems that may arise regarding the attribution of responsibility, in an externalized peacekeeping framework.

The aim of this thesis is to find out how developing countries are involved into the global economy, what are the differences in engagement of different regions, and how international organizations (in particular IMF, WB, WTO and UNCTAD) influence the position of developing countries. The thesis also aims to evaluate conditions and possible developmental strategies, as well as causes of unsuccessful engagement. Further, the critical view on functioning of international organizations is brought. The thesis is divided into two parts; each of them consists of four chapters. The first part as a whole deals with the differentiation among developing countries and ways they are involved into the world economy. The second part shows the role of international institutions in the process of integration of developing countries.

Tentant de sortir du seul modèle connu et qui s’offre aux partenaires européens, à savoir l’OTAN, l’UE se fonde sur un système original et spécifique qui se veut plus efficace devant les défis de sécurité d’aujourd’hui et de demain. En parallèle, l’Alliance atlantique, qui tire pour beaucoup, sa légitimité de l’Histoire du continent européen, essaie de se maintenir en tant qu’acteur privilégié en matière de défense et de sécurité collective. L’objectif de cette thèse est de défendre l’idée de la pertinence de l’Union européenne en tant qu’acteur majeur dans le domaine de la défense et de sécurité tout en mettant en évidence les différences fondamentales entre celle-ci et l’action de l’Alliance atlantique. Ce travail de recherche fournit une analyse doctrinale et conceptuelle, à la fois « éclectique et pluraliste », pour répondre à la question de l’établissement de relations entre plusieurs institutions internationales de sécurité à partir des comportements étatiques en matière de sécurité et de défense collective. Cette analyse ne peut se faire sans se fonder sur les développements politiques et techniques ayant marqué ces vingt-cinq dernières années. Ces faits constituent des éléments tant explicatifs qu’évaluatifs du processus par lequel ces institutions naissent ou se modifient. Ils contribuent également à mettre en lumière les mécanismes d’interdépendance étroite entre l’Alliance atlantique et le processus de la PESD de l’Union européenne, et par ailleurs, de souligner l’originalité de cette dernière. Cette interdépendance existe sur le plan politique et dans ses différents aspects militaires (stratégique, opérationnel et tactique), ainsi que dans le volet technico-industriel ; elle résulte directement tant de la double appartenance historique des États membres à des instruments multilatéraux de sécurité, d’événements politiques majeurs touchant le continent européen, que des efforts entrepris pour faire converger les intérêts nationaux et, donc, le façonnage d’une culture stratégique. / The European Union bases its security system on genuine and specific approach which would allow the face the forthcoming challenges. Meanwhile it has attempted to untangle from the unique model of collective security in the Euroatlantic area, that is to say NATO. This study aims to defend the relevancy of the EU as a major international actor in a large scale of security missions. Moreover it highlights the main differences between the EU vis-à-vis the Alliance’s activities. It is based on a theoretical and conceptual analysis which uses both an eclectic and pluralist approach in order to provide answers on how States’ behavior in defense and collective security matters influences the setting up of relations between several international security institutions. This analysis derives from the political and technical developments that influenced the security landscape the last twenty-five years. These facts help to explain and to evaluate the process by which such institutions arise and develop. They finally contribute to highlight the tight and original interdependency of the between the Atlantic Alliance and the European Security and Defense Policy of the European Union. This interdependency is real from political, military (strategic, operational and tactical) and technical-industrial perspectives ; it directly originates from the historical dual belonging to the multinational security frameworks, from major political events on the European continent, as much as a joint effort to focus on common interests and the shaping of a strategic culture.

Le régime juridique relatif à la conservation de la biodiversité dans les zones maritimes internationales est actuellement au cœur des discussions entre États au sein des Nations Unies. En effet, la Convention des Nations Unies sur le droit de la mer, véritable «Constitution des océans», ne permet pas d’assurer une conservation effective de la biodiversité dans la Zone et en haute mer. En 1982, lorsqu’elle a été adoptée, la notion de «biodiversité» n’existait pas encore, la Convention s’y référant alors uniquement de manière indirecte. Certaines ressources comme les ressources génétiques marines ne sont ainsi pas couvertes par la Convention, de même que certaines activités, ou outils de protection tels que les aires marines protégées. De plus, la division des océans en différentes zones aux régimes juridiques distincts et fragmentés ne permet pas aux États de mettre en œuvre leurs obligations conventionnelles de manière efficace. L’adoption d’un nouvel accord de mise en œuvre de la Convention dans le cadre des Nations Unies pourrait permettre, dans une certaine mesure, de pallier ces diverses insuffisances. Cependant, l’issue des négociations reste encore incertaine. Finalement, il conviendra d’observer que seule une approche plus globale, fondée sur la reconnaissance de l’existence d’une obligation générale de conservation de la biodiversité dans les zones maritimes internationales, pourrait permettre de dépasser les limites inhérentes à une approche exclusivement spatiale de la conservation de la biodiversité dans des espaces communs à tous les États, aux régimes distincts voire opposés. / Marine biodiversity conservation beyond national jurisdiction is currently subject of discussions in the United Nations. Indeed, the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, the «Constitution of the Oceans», is not sufficient to protect marine biodiversity efficiently, in the high seas and the Area. In 1982, the word «biodiversity» did not exist yet, so the Convention only refers to marine pollution or biological resources conservation or management. Some resources, as marine genetic resources, are not covered by the Convention, as well as certain activities or conservation and management tools like marine protected areas. The division of the oceans in different maritime zones, moreover, with distinct and fragmented legal regimes, does not allow States to accomplish their conventional obligations dealing with biodiversity conservation. The adoption of a new implementing agreement related to the United Nations Convention on the law of the sea and dealing with marine biodiversity conservation and sustainable use beyond national jurisdiction would clearly improve the cur-rent regime. However, such an agreement could turn not being enough toward this objective, and the achievement of the process of negotiation remains uncertain. Finally, it appears necessary to build a more global approach, resting on the identification of an international general obligation of conservation of marine biodiversity beyond national jurisdiction. Such a global approach helps to overcome the limits of the actual regime of conservation, which is centered on a spatial approach of marine biodiversity conservation in common spaces, having opposed legal regimes.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:20:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Priscila Caneparo dos Anjos.pdf: 760239 bytes, checksum: 5ee46b05e649692d78bf61e3f9b3099c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-09-21 / This research aims to study the main cases of human rights violations involving the Brazilian state, driven to within the American system of protection of human rights. Ultimately, this study intended to investigate the decisions of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights on these issues. For the correct understanding of the issue, it was discussed the need to analyze some institutes of International Law, specifically international organizations and human rights. Accordingly, with respect to international organizations, the study examined its main points, covering its development history, its concept, its modifications according to the claims of society and, finally, its correlation to the protection and realization of human rights. Regarding the latter, the research needed to elaborate on their exponential issues involving its historical development, its conceptual determinations, the need for international protection and, in agreement with this, their systems of protection, both universal (present within the United Nations Organization) and regional (European, African, Arab and inter- American). Because of the main points of the study, the protection system of greater value was the inter-American system, enshrined in the Organization of American States, specifically in their Commission and Inter-American Court of Human Rights. The jurisdictionalization of this system is embodied in his Court, and, for a case of violation come to its attention, the Commission needs to understand that the Court s decision is essential. Thus, according to the survey, it was considered Brazil has a crucial role in the development of inter-American system, but, paradoxically, it is a major violator of human rights. The Brazilian state, in this sense, was sued by five times in the Inter-American Court - Damião Ximenes Lopes (Case 12237); Gilson Nogueira de Carvalho (Case 12058); Arley Joseph Escher and others (Case 12353), Garibaldi (Case 12478), and Julia Gomes Lund and others (Case 11552). Just in case of Gilson Nogueira de Carvalho it has not demonstrated that Brazil violated human rights.The conclusion was that Brazil was not a strong supporter and protector of human rights in the internalization and enforcement of these sentences. Brazil has only fulfilled part of the sentences. Finally, the study concluded that the inter-American system needs to enhance, despite its character of extreme importance in the protection of human rights. In the Brazilian case, it should treat their sentences more seriously to become a committed state not only to inter-American system, but also to the protection and realization of human rights of its citizens / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo o estudo dos principais casos de violações de direitos humanos, envolvendo o Estado brasileiro, levados ao âmbito do sistema interamericano de proteção de direitos humanos. Em última análise, destina-se esse estudo à investigação das decisões da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos nas referidas questões. Para a correta compreensão do tema, debateu-se sobre a necessidade do exame de alguns institutos de Direito Internacional, especificamente das organizações internacionais e dos direitos humanos. Nesse sentido, no que tange às organizações internacionais, examinou-se seus principais pontos, englobando seu desenrolar histórico, seu conceito, suas modificações de acordo com os reclames da sociedade e, por fim, sua correlação para com a proteção e efetivação dos direitos humanos. No que tange a esses últimos, viu-se a necessidade de discorrer sobre suas exponenciais questões, envolvendo seu desenvolvimento histórico, suas determinações conceituais, a necessidade de uma proteção a nível internacional e, em concordância com essa, seus sistemas de proteção, tanto universais (presente no quadro das Organizações das Nações Unidas), como regionais (sistema europeu, africano, árabe e interamericano). Por ali se encontrarem as questões cruciais do estudo, o sistema de proteção de maior valia fora o interamericano, consagrado na Organização dos Estados Americanos, mais especificamente em sua Comissão e Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos. A jurisdicionalização do referido sistema encontra-se materializada em sua Corte, sendo que, para que um caso de violação chegue ao seu conhecimento, necessário se faz o crivo anterior da Comissão. Assim, de acordo com a pesquisa, entendeu-se ter o Brasil um papel crucial no desenvolvimento do sistema interamericano, mas, paradoxalmente, constitui-se como um grande violador dos direitos humanos. O Estado brasileiro, nesse sentido, fora demandado por cinco vezes na Corte Interamericana nos casos Damião Ximenes Lopes (Caso 12.237); Gilson Nogueira de Carvalho (Caso 12.058); Arley José Escher e Outros (Caso 12.353); Sétimo Garibaldi (Caso 12.478); e Julia Gomes Lund e Outros (Caso 11.552) -, tendo sido condenado em todos eles, à exceção do caso Gilson Nogueira de Carvalho. Chegou-se à conclusão que, na internalização e cumprimento das referidas sentenças, o Brasil não se demonstrou um fervoroso defensor e protetor dos direitos humanos, pois veio cumprir apenas parte dos dispositivos das referidas sentenças. Finalmente, pôde-se concluir, com esse trabalho, que o sistema interamericano, obstante seu caráter de extrema importância na proteção dos direitos humanos, necessita aprimorar-se para que a efetivação se torne uma realidade nos Estados que dele fazem parte e, no caso brasileiro, deverá o Brasil tratar suas condenações com mais seriedade para que, de fato, venha a ser um Estado comprometido não apenas ao sistema interamericano, mas igualmente à proteção e efetivação dos direitos humanos de seus cidadãos