後冷戰時期的亞太區域安全事務趨於複雜，區域性國際組織日漸興起，其中「東協區域論壇」（ASEAN Regional Forum, ARF）主要作為亞太國家協商區域安全合作的重要機制。本篇論文主要介紹「東協區域論壇」之成立背景、過程，以及其運作之具體成就，進而分析其在亞太區域安全中所具備之功能與扮演之角色。 「東協區域論壇」成立於一九九四年，目前共有二十二個成員國。後冷戰時期亞太區域多邊主義形成，加上區域安全架構面臨重組，使得多邊安全對話機制之形成有其必要。「東協區域論壇」成立之基本宗旨是促使亞太國家針對政治及國防安全議題，培養建設性對話之習慣。「東協區域論壇」在推動區域安全合作機制上，分三階段進行：第一階段為推動「信心建立措施」（Confidence Building Measures, CBMs）；第二階段為發展「預防外交」（Preventive Diplomacy）；第三階段則是發展區域衝突的解決機制。至一九九九年第六屆「東協區域論壇」年會為止，已在「信心建立」上達成可觀的成就，並於一九九七年開始朝第二階段「預防外交」推動。 亞太國家在「東協區域論壇」各項目標的推動下，逐漸對區域安全事務之合作建立共識，對於和緩國際緊張情勢，降低衝突昇高機率，具有正面而積極之意義。惟其組織結構鬆散，屬性為協商安全議題之區域性論壇，雖然「信心建立措施」與「預防外交」的推動實施有其顯著成果，要能夠達到具備解決區域衝突的機制，尚有許多仍待努力之處。 中華民國目前並非「東協區域論壇」之成員國，在中共排擠壓力下，無法參加此一多邊安全對話機制。不過，台灣在未來亞太區域安全政策的規劃上，可將「東協區域論壇」成員國所形成之安全共識，作為研究實施之參考。同時，加強「綜合性安全」（comprehensive security）以及「合作性安全」（cooperative security）目標之追求，尋求各種多邊安全合作之途徑，在亞太區域安全中扮演積極之角色。如此可避免我國安全利益受損，並可增加參與國際社會之機會。 第一章、 緒 論 第一節 研究動機與研究宗旨 第二節 研究方法與限制 第三節 研究範圍 第二章、東協區域論壇之成立與運作 第一節 東協區域論壇之成立背景與過程 第二節 東協區域論壇之宗旨與目標 第三節 東協區域論壇之基本架構 第四節 東協區域論壇之運作模式 第三章、東協區域論壇之成就 第一節 歷屆東協區域論壇年會(外長會議)主要議題 第二節 東協區域論壇推動區域安全合作之各項成就 第三節 東協區域論壇對南海問題之態度與處理方式 第四章、東協區域論壇與亞太強權之關係 第一節 東協區域論壇與美國之關係 第二節 東協區域論壇與中共之關係 第三節 東協區域論壇與日本之關係 第五章、結 論

The concept of producing energy from biomass has, for the last two decades, occupied attention of policy-makers, private industries, researchers and civil societies around the world. The highly contested and contingent character of the biofuel production, its entanglement in the nexus of three problematic issues of energy, climate and agriculture, as well as its injection into the current socioeconomic arrangements, is what makes it timely to analyse. The thesis sheds light on the state of international debate on bioenergy by looking at deliberations of three major global institutions: Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), International Energy Agency (IEA) and Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). The primary aim is to trace and analyse how the concept of bioenergy is conceptualized and contextualized in assessments, reports, policy papers and other documents issued by FAO, IEA and IPCC in the 1990-2010 period. The secondary aim of the thesis, based on results derived from the primary objective, is set to problematize and reflect upon currently dominating socioeconomic arrangements that the concept of biomass-derived energy is inserted into. The research questions are organized around four distinctively contentious issues in the debate: biofuel production in developing countries, the food vs. fuel dilemma, bioenergy as a win-win-win solution and the future role of the second-generation bioenergy technology. The research questions are operationalized by applying four theoretical perspectives: the world-economy, Michel Foucault’s genealogy, discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, and Fredric Jameson’s critical approach. The institutional debate illustrates that, while bioenergy appears to be an easy, plausible and thus attractive patch able to temporarily fix societal challenges of energy insecurity, climate change and agricultural crisis without changing much in the socioeconomic structure, its implementation exposes internal discrepancies of the hegemonic capitalist system. Whether bioenergy could actually function as a feasible win-win-win solution is of secondary importance. It is its economic feasibility expressed in the pressure on cost-effectiveness that matters the most but, at the same time, causes serious internal discrepancies in conceptualizations pursued by the organizations. The results point to two main conclusions. On the one hand, bioenergy is inevitably entrapped by the rules and arrangements of the hegemonic system that, in turn, cause internal contradictions. On the other hand, the institutional debate attempts to stabilize the shaky conceptualization of bioenergy, so that it can appear consistent and plausible, even if the possibility of reaching the closure of meaning fades away, with more conflicts on the rise. Furthermore, the results also show that the three international organizations exhibit uniform patterns of argumentations and the way they similarly discuss biomass-derived energy illustrates the objective to stabilize the meaning and adjust the concept of bioenergy to the hegemonic system. / Under de senaste två decennierna har idén om att producera energi av biomassa rönt stor uppmärksamhet bland forskare, företagare, beslutsfattare och i samhället i övrigt. De förhållandevis många kontroverser och alternativ som är förbundna med produktion av biobränslen, deras koppling till de tre problemområdena energi, klimat och jordbruk, samt deras etablering inom samtida geopolitiska, socioekonomiska och miljömässiga sammanhang, gör dem till en aktuell fråga att analysera. Avhandlingen belyser den internationella debatten genom att fokusera överväganden och ståndpunkter inom tre globala institutioner: FN:s mat- och jordbruksorgan (FAO), Internationella Energiorganet (IEA) och FN:s klimatpanel (IPCC). Huvudsyftet är spåra och analysera hur begreppet bioenergi formas och kontextualiseras i bedömningsrapporter och policydokument producerade av FAO, IEA och IPCC under perioden 1990-2010. Ett ytterligare syfte är att problematisera och reflektera över de socioekonomiska förhållanden som bioenergibegreppet ingår i. Forskningsfrågorna är formulerade utifrån fyra kontroversiella områden i debatten: biobränsleproduktion i utvecklingsländer, dilemmat mat kontra biobränsle, bioenergi som en ”win-win-win-lösning” och den framtida roll som tillskrivs andra generationens bioteknologi. Forskningsfrågorna operationaliseras genom att var och en knyts till ett av fyra teoretiska perspektiv: världssystemteori, Michel Foucaults genealogi, Ernesto Laclaus och Chantal Mouffes diskursteori respektive Fredric Jamesons kritiska ansats. I debatten framställs ofta bioenergi som ett enkelt och rimligt alternativ med kapacitet att tillfälligt lösa samhälleliga utmaningar som energi-osäkerhet, klimatförändringar och jordbrukskrisen, dock utan att den socioekonomiska strukturen ändras nämnvärt. Analysen visar emellertid att begreppsliggörandet istället påvisar interna diskrepanser i det hegemoniska, kapitalistiska systemet. Huruvida bioenergi verkligen kan fungera som en sådan ”win-win-win”- lösning framstår som sekundärt i dessa texter. Det är kostnadseffektiviteten som har störst betydelse, men samtidigt skapar man här allvarliga begreppsliga diskrepanser inom organisationerna. Utfallet av analysen pekar på två huvudslutsatser. Å ena sidan är bioenergin oundvikligen låst av det hegemoniska systemets struktur och de motsägelser som det rymmer. Å andra sidan tycks debatten inom organisationerna söka efter en stabilisering av det instabila begreppsliggörandet av bioenergin så att den framstår som konsistent och möjlig. Vidare visar analysen också att de tre organisationerna har liknande argumentationsmönster, och det likartade sätt på vilket de diskuterar energi från biomassa illustrerar en stabilisering av mening inom diskursen där bioenergibegreppet anpassas till det hegemoniska systemet.

This dissertation investigates the history of the World Council of Indigenous Peoples (WCIP) and the broader movement of Indigenous internationalism. It argues that Indigenous internationalists were inspired by the process of decolonization, and used its logic to establish a new political identity. The foundation of the WCIP helped create a network of Indigenous peoples that expressed international solidarity between historically unconnected communities. The international efforts of Indigenous activists were encouraged both by personal experiences of international travel and post-secondary education, and by the general growth of international non-governmental organizations during the late twentieth century. The growing importance of international non-governmental organizations helped the WCIP secure funding from international developmental aid agencies, a factor which pushed the organization to increase its focus on apolitical economic development relative to the anti-colonial objectives which inspired its foundation. This dissertation examines how Indigenous international organizations became embroiled in the Cold War conflict in Latin America, and the difficulties this situation posed for both the WCIP and the International Indian Treaty Council. Finally, it examines how the prominence of the World Council faded, as major international bodies like the United Nations began to acknowledge the importance of Indigenous peoples, and as Indigenous organizations sought to participate directly in new international fora rather than contributing through the WCIP.

Submitted by Mario Mesquita (mbarroso@fiocruz.br) on 2014-11-12T17:54:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Luciana_Lindenmeyer_EPSJV_Mestrado_2011.pdf: 594898 bytes, checksum: ebf03840abba7390b63eeefc71911adf (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Mario Mesquita (mbarroso@fiocruz.br) on 2014-11-12T18:46:45Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Luciana_Lindenmeyer_EPSJV_Mestrado_2011.pdf: 594898 bytes, checksum: ebf03840abba7390b63eeefc71911adf (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-11-12T18:46:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luciana_Lindenmeyer_EPSJV_Mestrado_2011.pdf: 594898 bytes, checksum: ebf03840abba7390b63eeefc71911adf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Fundação Oswaldo Cruz. Escola Politécnica de Saúde Joaquim Venâncio. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação Profissional em Saúde. / A dissertação analisa, numa perspectiva crítico-ideológica, o discurso de dois manuais produzidos por organismos internacionais (OMS e OPAS) situados no campo da Comunicação e Saúde (C&S) e direcionados, em específico, para as situações de “emergência e desastre”. O estudo se justifica pela concentração da literatura deste campo na crítica à comunicação instrumental e suas formas de superá-la, exigindo uma produção científica no que diz respeito ao trabalho e à formação. Para tal, este trabalho apresenta, primeiramente, as relações entre a comunicação, a hegemonia e a mundialização no capitalismo atual. Discute ainda, de forma sucinta, o surgimento da C&S e as políticas que regem este contexto, assim como o trabalho e a formação dos profissionais que atuam neste campo. Problematiza, também, as questões da sociedade divida em classes e da pedagogia das competências no contexto do trabalho e educação. Aborda ainda a importância dos organismos internacionais da área da saúde na consolidação de um discurso hegemônico para o trabalho no campo da C&S. A partir do referencial teórico-metodológico da crítica discursivo-ideológica, foram definidas quatro categorias de análise do discurso nos manuais: população; emergências e desastres; trabalho e formação; e comunicação e saúde. O resultado do estudo foi a comprovação de um conjunto articulado de sentidos que produzem o discurso hegemônico, a saber: o controle da participação popular atrelado à fragmentação da população; a emergência e o desastre como isolados da produção social; a saúde como efeito; a comunicação como instrumental; e o trabalho e a formação como comportamentais. / The paper examines, from a perspective critical-ideological, the discourse of two manuals produced by international organizations (WHO and PAHO) situated in the field of Communication and Health and directed, in particular, for situations of "emergency and disaster." The study is justified by the concentration of the literature of this field in the critique of instrumental communication and ways to overcome it, requiring a scientific production in relation to work and education. To this end, this paper presents, firstly, the relationship between communication, hegemony and globalization in contemporary capitalism. It also discusses, briefly, the emergence of the field of Communication and Health and policies governing this context, as well as work and education of professionals working in this field. Also discusses the issues of society divided into classes and pedagogy skills in work and education. It also discusses the importance of international organizations in health for the consolidation of a hegemonic discourse to work in the field of Communication and Health. From the theoretical and methodological critique of the discursive and ideological, were defined four categories of discourse analysis in hand, namely: population, emergencies and disasters, work and training, and communication and health. The study results are evidence of a coordinated set of meanings that produce the hegemonic discourse, namely: the control of popular participation linked to the fragmentation of the population, emergency and disaster as isolated from social production, the effect of health, communication as instrumental, and work and training as a behavioral.

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-09T13:18:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Scherma_MarcioAugusto1983-_M.pdf: 1731355 bytes, checksum: 222e0016d2582a37a6de7a95c45ed13e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: Esta dissertação analisa as linhas de atuação do Banco Interamericano de Desenvolvimento (BID) no Brasil, desde sua criação, em 1959, até o ano de 2006 (final do primeiro governo Lula), tendo como preocupação central detectar uma possível mudança no modo de atuação do BID a partir de fins da década de 80 e início dos anos 90, período de crise na América Latina. A hipótese da dissertação é que, embora tenha o BID sido influenciado pelo receituário do ¿Consenso de Washington¿ e por idéias mais liberais oriundas dos Estados Unidos durante os 70-80, as raízes do Banco garantiram a ele um papel mais independente do que outras instituições, fazendo com que, no caso do BID, as conhecidas ¿condicionalidades¿ nos empréstimos fossem menos relevantes e contassem com menos exigências. Acreditamos que e exemplo brasileiro é interessante para demonstrar isso, já que as chamadas ¿reformas neoliberais¿ ocorrem mais tardiamente no Brasil do que em outros países da América Latina; o que nos levou a questionar qual fora o real papel de organizações internacionais como o BID no processo de adoção destas reformas. Escolhemos o caso específico do BID por ser, esta instituição, a maior fonte multilateral de crédito brasileira / Abstract: This dissertation examines the lines of action of the Inter-American Development Bank (IADB) in Brazil, since its creation in 1959, until the year 2006 (end of the first government Lula), with the main objective of detecting a possible change in the mode of action of the IADB from the end of the decade of 80 and the early 90, a period of crisis in Latin America. The hypothesis of this dissertation is that although the IADB has been influenced by the prescriptions of the "Washington Consensus" and some kind of liberal ideas from the United States during the 70¿s-80¿s, the bank¿s roots assured it more independence than others institutions, so that in the case of the IADB, the well-knowned "conditionalities" in loans were less relevant and contracted with fewer requirements. We believe that the brazilian example is interesting to demonstrate this, because the so-called "neoliberal reforms" occured later in Brazil than in other Latin American countries; what led us to question what was the real role of international organizations such as the IADB in the process of adopting these reforms. We have chosed the specific case of the IADB because this institution is the largest source of multilateral credit of Brazil / Mestrado / Política Externa / Mestre em Relações Internacionais

[pt] Com o objetivo de estudar a questão da aquiescência às normas no sistema internacional, esta pesquisa enfoca o projeto da União Européia (UE), e mais especificamente da Comissão Européia, para o alargamento do bloco para a Europa Central e do Leste (ECL). A UE criou normas de condicionalidade para a adesão dos países da ECL, que incluíam uma economia de mercado, democracia liberal e respeito aos direitos humanos. Através de ações da Comissão Européia, a UE trabalhou para que os países da ECL cumprissem essas normas. Os autores que trabalham com a questão da aquiescência costumam dividir-se entre os defensores do uso de sanções (enforcement) e os que defendem a busca de soluções para situações de violação da regra (administração). Segundo esta última perspectiva, uma estratégia que vise administrar a aquiescência por meio de construção de capacidades e transparência deve ser mais eficaz em garantir o cumprimento da norma. A hipótese desta pesquisa é a de que as ações da Comissão para o alargamento pautaram-se pela administração da aquiescência às normas de condicionalidade. / [en] With the goal of studying compliance in the international system, this research focuses the project of the European Union (EU), and more specifically of the European Commission, for the enlargement to the Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs). The EU established conditionality norms for membership of those countries, which included a market economy, liberal democracy and respect to the human rights. Through actions of the European Commission, the EU worked so that the countries of CEE accomplished those norms. The debate about compliance is framed in terms of contending perspectives: enforcement theorists, who advocate the coercive use of sanctions, and the management scholars, who advocate a problem- solving approach. According to the latter, a strategy that seeks to manage compliance through capacity building, rule interpretation, and transparency is more effective in guaranteeing compliance than a coercive one. The hypothesis of this research is that the actions of the Commission for the enlargement were based on the management perspective of compliance with the conditionality norms.

Le « tournant néolibéral » des années 1970 a fait l’objet d’analyses diverses et parfois contradictoires. Notre thèse se propose d’en enrichir la compréhension à travers une analyse discursive comparée de trois organisations internationales étroitement concernées par ces évolutions :la Banque mondiale, l’OCDE et l’OIT. Nous partons en effet du principe que le « tournant néolibéral » fut aussi un tournant discursif et que les organisations internationales en furent des acteurs et relais clés. Des relais parce que les tenants de la stratégie néolibérale ont cherché à la déployer dans et à travers ces institutions, mais des acteurs aussi parce que pour ce faire, les « néolibéraux » ont dû tenir compte des pratiques discursives et extra-discursives pré-instituées qui caractérisaient ces organisations internationales jusque-là. C’est ainsi que selon nous, mêmes des institutions hégémoniques comme la Banque mondiale et l’OCDE n’ont pas seulement reproduit la stratégie et le discours néolibéraux, elles l’ont aussi (et surtout) co-produit et co-déterminé selon leurs propres caractéristiques historiques et institutionnelles, avec des conséquences potentiellement diverses (voire conflictuelles). Et c’est encore plus le cas d’une institution comme l’OIT, dont le mandat et la structure la rendent structurellement incompatible avec le projet néolibéral. Sans véritable possibilité de s’y opposer de front, mais sans pouvoir également s’y conformer totalement sauf à renier jusqu’à sa propre raison d’être, il nous semble que la seule solution qu’il lui restait consistait dès lors à y « répondre stratégiquement », notamment d’un point de vue discursif. Pour le démontrer nous avons donc entrepris de réaliser une analyse lexicométrique de trois corpus de textes composés respectivement de tout ou parties des rapports sur le développement dans le monde de la Banque mondiale, des rapports d’activités de l’OCDE et des rapports annuels du Directeur Général de l’OIT publiés entre 1970 et 2015. À travers elle, nous avons cherché à comprendre les logiques de recontextualisation discursive qui ont accompagné le déploiement hégémonique néolibéral. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

[pt] Honduras e El Salvador, desde a época de suas independências, em 1821, têm uma relação bastante conflituosa. Após várias tentativas de resolução pacífica de suas disputas fronteiriças, alguns fatores demográficos, políticos e sócioeconômicos são agregados à natureza da relação desses dois Estados e dão origem, em julho de 1969, a um confronto armado conhecido por - Guerra do Futebol - ou - Guerra das Cem Horas -.A resolução imediata, ou administração, da Guerra do Futebol foi realizada pela Organização dos Estados Americanos (OEA), através da atuação coordenada de quatro de seus órgãos: a Comissão Interamericana de Direitos Humanos, o Conselho Permanente, o Secretário Geral e a Reunião de Consulta dos Ministros das Relações Exteriores. A principal contribuição do presente trabalho, trazida à tona através da análise da ação coletiva da OEA no caso em estudo, permite concluir que esta organização exerceu três importantes papéis, que contribuíram para a resolução imediata da Guerra do Futebol, a saber: (i) ator autônomo; (ii) modificador do comportamento do Estado; e (iii) arena/espaço de discussão. Ademais, trata-se de um conflito que não conta com a participação, direta ou indireta, do membro mais poderoso da OEA, o que configura uma exceção à política intervencionista norteamericana para a América Latina na década de 1960. / [en] Honduras and El Salvador, since their independences in 1821, have a conflicting relationship. After countless attempts to achieve a peaceful resolution in their frontier disputes, new factors - demographic, political and socioeconomical - are added to the nature of the relationship between these two states and would give rise, in July 1969, to a armed conflict known as - Soccer War - or Hundred-years War -. The immediate resolution of the Soccer War was accomplished by the Organization of the American States (OAS), through a coordinated action of four of its main bodies, that is, of the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights, the Permanent Council, the Secretary-General and the Meeting of Consultation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs.The main contribution of this study, brought up through the analysis of the OAS collective action in this case, leads to the conclusion that this organization has played three main roles, which have largely contributed to the immediate resolution of the Soccer War, namely (i) autonomous actor; (ii) modifier of state behavior; and (iii) forum/space for dialogue. Moreover, it is worth noting that the most powerful member of the OAS has not participated, nor direct or indirect, to the achievement of the immediate resolution of this conflict, which can be considered as an exception to the North-American interventionist politics towards Latin America in the 1960s.

La promotion de la paix, de la sécurité et de la stabilité est un objectif fondamental de l’Union africaine, l’Organisation continentale panafricaine. Cet objectif constitue désormais une fonction juridique essentielle pour laquelle a été mise en place au sein de l’Organisation un mécanisme approprié : l’architecture de paix et de sécurité (APSA). Bâtie sur une articulation juridique actualisée, au cœur de laquelle se trouve le Conseil de paix et de sécurité, cette fonction se trouve placée dans des conditions juridiques, devant permettre à l’Union africaine d’agir efficacement dans les situations d’atteinte à la paix, à la sécurité et à la stabilité. Plus d’une décennie après la mise en place de la nouvelle Organisation, le caractère fondamental de cette fonction pousse dès lors à s’interroger sur sa place exacte, à la lumière des capacités de l’Organisation à l’assurer à l’épreuve des faits. Cette interrogation éclaire les conditions d’émergence de la fonction mais place sa dynamique de mise en oeuvre dans un contexte ambivalent marqué tout à la fois par le caractère extensif des compétences de l’Organisation dans ce domaine mais également par la portée limitée de celle-ci face à la multiplication des conflits. / The Promotion of Peace, security and stability is a fundamental objective of the African Union, the Pan African continental organization. This aim is a now a core legal function for which has been established an appropriate scheme within the Organization: the Architecture of Peace and Security in Africa (APSA). Within an updated legal articulation, at the heart of which is the Peace and Security Council, this function is placed in legal conditions that must allow the African Union to act effectively in the cases of breach of peace, security and stability. More than a decade after the establishment of the new organization, the fundamental nature of this function, pushes therefore to question its proper place, in light of the capacity of the Organization to ensure it, at the facts test. This question illuminates emergence conditions of this function but identifies also an ambivalent dynamic in its implementation, marked at once by the extensive nature of the competences of the Organization in this area but its limited scope when facing increasing conflicts.

This study is titled Role of Small States in International Relations: Comparative Analysis of the Czech Republic and Israel and its main purpose is to analyze a typical small state's behavior in the international arena on the examples of the Czech and Israeli foreign policy. It is divided into four respective sections -- a theoretical framework, historical background, and the two case studies, and it strives to answer a foundational question whether the Czech Republic and Israel can be considered small players in international relations based on the theoretical definition of the notion of a small state as well as the countries' current foreign policy approaches and tools.