Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A elaboração dessa tese tem por finalidade contribuir para a discussão sobre o modelo de carreira política que vem se desenvolvendo no Brasil. O objetivo do trabalho é compreender a sua construção a partir da apreensão da lógica da tomada de decisão do legislador brasileiro na definição de sua trajetória profissional. Para isso, o estudo procurou estabelecer as motivações dos membros da Câmara dos Deputados diante das opções de carreira que se apresentam, no sentido de permanecer ou não na arena legislativa. A questão analisada é se a instituição está oferecendo atrativos aos seus membros para sua permanência, ou se estes estão alocados em outras instâncias. A hipótese-teste é a de que o Poder Executivo tem atraído os membros do Legislativo, desenhando um padrão de carreira política no qual as arenas se intercalariam Executivo e Legislativo assim como as esferas federal, estadual e municipal. A tese está estruturada em uma revisão das literaturas estrangeira e brasileira sobre carreira política, apresentando também um exame dos modelos de recrutamento e permanência na carreira parlamentar. São consideradas as influências de dois elementos estruturais da lógica política no Brasil. O primeiro é a estrutura federativa adotada no país a partir da Constituição de 1988 e o segundo é o seu sistema eleitoral e partidário, sobretudo o papel dos partidos políticos e do tipo de recrutamento de candidatos na adoção das estratégias de carreira de seus representantes. Procura-se entender o modo pelo qual o quadro criado pela conjunção dessas características gera, viabiliza ou impede a construção das carreiras políticas no Brasil e das ambições que as determinam. Os dados coletados na pesquisa compreendem as eleições para a Câmara dos Deputados e para a Prefeitura em todos os municípios do Brasil ocorridas nos últimos 20 anos. São analisadas as trajetórias prévias e futuras dos deputados federais que, durante o mandato, se candidataram ao cargo de Prefeito. A premissa aqui utilizada vem da visão de que sair do Parlamento pode ser a melhor estratégia − do ponto de vista eleitoral − para a ele poder retornar e a melhor estratégia para aqueles que desejam prosseguir em suas carreiras com maior segurança. E obter cargos junto ao Executivo pode dar acesso a recursos que não estão disponíveis aos parlamentares. / The execution of this thesis aims to contribute to the discussion about the model of a political career that has currently been developed in Brazil. The objective is to understand this construction from the grasp of the logic behind the Brazilian legislators decision-making about the definition of his career. For this purpose the study sought to establish the motivations of members of the House of Representatives behind the definition of the presented career options in order to remain or not in the legislative arena. The question analyzed is whether the institution is offering its members an appeal to remain, or if they are located elsewhere. The hypothesis is that the Executive has proven an effect of attraction on the members of the Legislature, drawing a pattern of political career in which the legislative and executive arenas are interspersed, as well as federal, state and municipal levels. The thesis is structured in a literature review about foreign and Brazilian political career, with a detailed analysis of models of recruitment and retention in parliamentary career. The influence of two structural elements of the political logic in Brazil is considered. The first one is the federal structure adopted by the country since the Constitution of 1988, and the second one is its electoral system and party, especially the role of political parties and the type of candidates recruitment in the adoption of their representatives career strategies. The aim is to understand the way the framework created by the combination of these characteristics determines, enables or prevents the construction of political careers in Brazil and their ambitions. The data collected in the survey include the elections for the House of Representatives and for the office for Mayor in all municipalities in Brazil happened in the last 20 years. This thesis analyzes the prior and future trajectories of deputies who apply for the office of Mayor during the mandate. The assumption used in this work comes from the idea that leaving the Parliament may be the best strategy to return to it, according to the electoral point of view , and the best strategy for those who wish to continue on their careers with greater security. And get positions in the Executive can provide access to resources that are not available to parliamentarians.

All legislative acts shall have continuity in time. However, sometimes these acts contain defects that cause their unconstitutionality and the subsequent expulsion from the legal order. The important  question that arises is: When can a legislative act be declared unconstitutional? Whichare the defects that cause the expulsion of a law from the legal system?In this article, the author seeks to address these questions through a presentation of the legal defects that cause the invalidity of an act. The author pays special attention to the discussed legislative power excess defect, contrasting foreign case law with jurisprudence from the Peruvian Constitutional Court to determine if it is enough for  an  act  to  have  this  defect to be declared unconstitutional. / Los actos legislativos deben tener continuidad enel tiempo. Sin embargo, muchas veces estos actos contienen vicios que ocasionan su inconstitucionalidad y consecuente expulsión del ordenamientojurídico. La gran pregunta que surge entonces es: ¿Cuándo un acto legislativo puede ser declaradoinconstitucional? ¿Cuáles son los vicios que causanla expulsión de una ley del sistema normativo?En el presente artículo, el autor busca responder estas interrogantes mediante la presentación de los vicios de la ley que ocasionan la invalidez de ésta. El autor presta especial atención al discutido vicio de exceso de poder legislativo, contrastando jurisprudencia extranjera con aquella del Tribunal Constitucional peruano para determinar si basta que una ley tenga este vicio para que pueda ser declarada inconstitucional.

Analisa-se, nesta monografia, a atuação dos Tribunais de Contas do Brasil, integrantes do Poder Legislativo, e suas imbricações com o controle de constitucionalidade das normas jurídicas exercido, nos termos da Constituição da República, à feição do sistema de check and balances, pelos Poderes Judiciário, Executivo e Legislativo, com suas respectivas peculiaridades. Neste iter, busca-se definir se as Cortes de Contas, encarregadas do controle externo das contas públicas, ao apreciarem a conformidade constitucional dos atos administrativos de gestão pública e, via de conseqüência, das leis e dos atos normativos que os fundamentam, exercem espécie de controle difuso de constitucionalidade ou, tão-somente, realizam seu Dever/ Poder de cumprirem, de forma plena, sua missão institucional, de acordo com os comandos dispostos na Constituição, por sua condição de Custodes in nomine populi (Guardiões em nome do povo). / This monography analises brazilian’s Courts of Account activity, Courts that integrates Legislative Power, and ist’s approach with constitutional control that, in the thermes dictated by Brazilian’s Republic Constitution, shapeed in check and balances system, is performed by Judiciary, Executive and Legislative Powers, with their respectives particularities. In this iter, we intend to define if Brazilian’s Accounts Courts, that have the duty to make public expenses external control, when examine the constitucionality of public’s administration acts and, therefore, of rules and normatives acts that support them, exercite a kind of constitucional control, similar of Unites States judicial review, or just realize its Duty/Power to accomplish, totally, the terms for them assigned by the Constitution, for it’s condition of Custodes in nomine populis.

Orientador: Rachel Meneguello / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T14:01:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Costa_LuizDomingos_M.pdf: 604766 bytes, checksum: c8c1086b72c36f8fb973925244ebc63f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: Esta dissertação apresenta um levantamento do perfil sócio-político dos senadores eleitos durante as seis últimas eleições para a Câmara Alta brasileira, recobrindo a elite parlamentar que ocupou a Casa durante o período democrático recente. Os dados foram organizados em torno das dimensões da composição sócio-ocupacional e da carreira política e serviram a dois movimentos analíticos. Em primeiro lugar, uma análise desagregada por unidade da federação que, além de captar importantes diferenças observadas entre as bancadas estaduais, registra o impacto da competição sub-nacional na configuração dos perfis dos senadores. Em segundo lugar, uma análise dos dados agregados serviu para uma comparação entre os padrões de composição sócio-ocupacional e de carreira política dos senadores com o universo dos deputados federais do mesmo período, de onde se chegou ao exame de algumas hipóteses disponíveis sobre a composição da classe política do Congresso Brasileiro. Dentre três hipóteses testadas, o universo dos senadores permitiu que se confirmasse uma e se refutasse duas outras. Portanto, tal como na Câmara dos Deputados, a existência de bases sociais distintas de recrutamento político entre das bancadas ideológicas da esquerda, centro e direita também se verifica para o Senado. Entretanto, diferentemente do que se observou nas eleições mais recentes para a Câmara Baixa, a ocorrência de uma incipiente "popularização" da classe política brasileira no período mais recente da democracia brasileira não se observou, indicando que o Senado exerce maiores dificuldades para esse tipo de processo sócio-político. Por fim, o escopo ou volume de carreira política observada entre os deputados federais é muito diferente daquele visto entre os senadores, que são políticos com uma experiência política prévia muito mais substantiva / Abstract: This thesis presents a survey of the socio-political profile of the senators elected in the six latest elections for the upper chamber of Brazilian parliament. It covers the parliamentary elite that has occupied the Senate during the recent democratic period. Data were organized around the dimensions of the socio-occupational composition and political career and they served for two main analytical lines. First, an analysis state by state, which not only shows important differences observed between groups of parliamentarians of each state, but also registers the impact of sub-national competition in the configuration to the senators' profiles. Second, an analysis of aggregated data served for comparison between the patterns of socio-occupational composition and political careers of the senators with those of the deputies elected in the same period. The comparison led to the scrutiny of three hypotheses about the composition of the political class occupying Brazilian National Congress. One of these hypotheses was confirmed and two were refuted. The existence of distinct social backgrounds of political recruitment between distinct ideological (left, centre and right) groups of parliamentarians was verified for the Senate as well as for the Chamber of Deputies. However, differently from what was observed in the recent elections for the lower chamber, an incipient "popularisation" of the Brazilian political class could not be observed for the upper chamber. This fact indicates that the Senate presents more obstacles for this type of socio-political process. Finally, the range or volume of political career observed among deputies is very different from that of the senators, whose previous political expertise is far more substantive / Mestrado / Estado, Processos Politicos e Organização de Interesses / Mestre em Ciência Política

Orientador: Ligia Maria Osorio Silva / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-11T00:34:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Braga_SergioSoares_D.pdf: 2924707 bytes, checksum: 9534ac0d4835ad07c90e220628eb15b2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: O objetivo desta tese é analisar as relações entre o Executivo e o Legislativo no período 1946-1964, concentrando-se no papel do parlamento no processo deliberativo sobre a política econômica. Para tanto, procuraremos efetuar um estudo sistemático de três dimensões do processo decisório e das relações entre o Executivo e o Legislativo no período: (1) um estudo de caso da elaboração dos dispositivos do título "Da Ordem Econômica e Social" da Constituição de 1946; (2) a análise agregada da produção legal do período 1946-1964, onde examinaremos o universo dos projetos de lei apresentados, bem como das leis aprovadas nesta etapa democrática, procurando caracterizar o padrão de sugestão e aprovação de leis por ator relevante ao longo dos sucessivos governos. A partir das evidências coletadas através desse exame agregado da produção legal, procuraremos analisar criticamente algumas teses dominantes sobre o papel dos partidos políticos e do parlamento na elaboração da política econômica na primeira experiência de democracia presidencialista pluripartidária no Brasil, procurando demonstrar a hipótese de que a evolução do sistema partidário na época alterou significativamente o padrão de produção legal e de relação entre os poderes no período examinado; (3) Por fim, buscaremos analisar criticamente as teses clássicas de Celso Furtado sobre as relações entre o Legislativo e o processo de desenvolvimento econômico nessa etapa democrática brasileira, a partir do exame agregado da agenda econômica proposta e aprovada em cada um dos governos, procurando demonstrar a tese de que o Legislativo no período não foi um obstáculo ao desenvolvimento econômico em geral mas apenas a alguns aspectos parciais da agenda econômica do Executivo, especialmente aqueles que contrariavam as diretrizes econômico-financeiras fixadas na Carta de 1946, assim como a distribuição de preferências ideológicas predominantes nos partidos majoritários no Congresso Nacional / Abstract: The aim of this dissertation is to analyze the relationship between the Executive and the Legislative during 1946-1964 period, focusing on the role of the parliament in the deliberative process on economic policy. For that, we make a systematic study of three dimensions of decision making process and the relationship between the Executive and the Legislative during the period: 1) a case study of the elaboration of the title ¿The economic and social order¿ of the Brazilian Constitution of 1946; 2) the aggregate analysis of the legal production during 1946-1964, where the universe of bills submitted was analyzed, as well as laws approved during this democratic age; trying to characterize the standard of suggestions and approval of the laws by relevant political actor over successive governments. From the evidences gathered through this aggregate analysis of this legal production, we seek to examine critically some dominant theories on the role of political parties and the parliament in the development of economic policy during the first experience of multi-party presidential system democracy in Brazil to demonstrate the hypothesis that the development of party system at this time changed significantly the pattern of legal production and relationship between the powers in the period studied; 3) Finally, we analyze critically the classical theories of Celso Furtado about the relationship between the Legislative and the process of economic development during this time of Brazilian democracy / Doutorado / Historia Economica / Doutor em Desenvolvimento Economico

Submitted by Jaqueline Silva (jtas29@gmail.com) on 2016-10-18T18:10:22Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Barbara Salatiel Borges - 2016.pdf: 2105651 bytes, checksum: c858adfeb6ff85a7a7392a349c63245d (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jaqueline Silva (jtas29@gmail.com) on 2016-10-18T18:10:43Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Barbara Salatiel Borges - 2016.pdf: 2105651 bytes, checksum: c858adfeb6ff85a7a7392a349c63245d (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-18T18:10:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Barbara Salatiel Borges - 2016.pdf: 2105651 bytes, checksum: c858adfeb6ff85a7a7392a349c63245d (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-14 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Goiás - FAPEG / The aim of this study is to investigate to what extent Brazilian federal deputies’ backgrounds influences their behavior in the legislative arena, more specifically, the variation in their conduct in the nominal voting in the Chamber of Deputies during the period that corresponds to the 54th legislature. Beyond this, owing to a methodological choice and given the limitation of this research, the social background that interests us is that which, and according to selected criteria, would be connected to the health sector. The result of the tabular analysis between the variables shows that the health background is not a predictor of behavior of political actors. / O objetivo deste trabalho é investigar em que medida o background do deputado federal brasileiro influencia o seu comportamento na arena legislativa, mais especificamente, a variação em sua atuação nas votações nominais na Câmara dos Deputados no período que corresponde a 54º Legislatura (2011-2015). Ademais, por uma escolha metodológica e dada a limitação deste trabalho, o background social que nos interessa é aquele que, de acordo com critérios selecionados, esteja vinculado ao setor da saúde. O resultado da análise tabular entre as variáveis demonstra que o background em saúde não é um preditor do comportamento parlamentar no Plenário.

Le budget est un instrument essentiel à la gestion publique, à travers lequel l’État peut mettre en place les politiques publiques et atteindre ses objectifs. La gestion du budget est orientée par le droit budgétaire, qui détermine, en outre, les compétences des pouvoirs législatif et exécutif dans les étapes du cycle budgétaire : la préparation, l’adoption, l’exécution et le contrôle. La distribution de compétences entre le gouvernement et le Parlement et les interactions entre ces acteurs vis-à-vis du budget déterminent le caractère plus ou moins démocratique du système politique de l’État. La participation du Parlement à la décision financière apparaît non seulement comme essentielle à la démocratie, mais aussi comme une garantie de plus de transparence et d'efficacité des finances publiques.Le Brésil est un pays dont la démocratie a été consolidée récemment, à partir de la Constitution Fédérale de 1988. Depuis la promulgation de ce texte, le droit budgétaire a beaucoup évolué pour prendre en compte une plus grande participation du pouvoir législatif et adopter un modèle plus efficace de gestion publique. Toutefois, les rapports entre les pouvoirs législatif et exécutif restent toujours conflictuels, l’exécutif ayant tendance à se superposer au législatif, y compris et notamment, en ce qui concerne le budget de l’État. L’objectif de cette thèse est donc d’analyser comment les pouvoirs législatif et exécutif interviennent au sein du cycle budgétaire et quelle est la nature des rapports entretenus entre Gouvernement et Parlement dans chaque étape de ce cycle, de façon à appréhender si le pouvoir exécutif domine vraiment la procédure budgétaire, comme il est souvent affirmé, et dans quelle mesure le pouvoir législatif contribue à la prédominance du pouvoir exécutif vis-à-vis du budget de l’État. / Government budget is an essential tool for Public Administration, which needs to make good use of it in order to implement policies and achieve its objectives. Budget management is regulated by budget law, which also determines the roles of the Legislative and Executive branches in the stages of the budget cycle: preparation, approval, execution and control. The distribution of powers between the Government and the Parliament and the interactions between these actors regarding the budget may determine if a given political system is more or less democratic. The Parliament's involvement in financial decisions is not only essential to democracy, but also a guarantee of greater transparency and efficiency in public finances. Brazil is a young democracy, one that has been consolidated only since the enactment of the Federal Constitution of 1988. From that moment on, Brazilian budget law has substantially evolved, the enhancement of the level of participation of the Legislature Power and the adoption of a more effective governance model being great examples. However, the relationship between the Legislative and Executive branches is still conflicting. The Executive branch has a tendency to overpower the legislature, especially when it comes to the government budget. The aim of this thesis is to analyze how the Legislative and Executive Powers are involved in the budget cycle and what is the kind of relationship that is established between them in each stage of this cycle. These research questions are intended to shed some light on the often-stated argument that the Executive branch dominates the budget process and to assess to which extent is the Legislative Power responsible for such a dominance.

Puisqu’il est désormais avéré que les différents arguments avancés par les parlements de la monarchie à l’époque moderne afin de légitimer leur prétention à vérifier librement les édits royaux avaient des racines médiévales, il n’était pas injustifié de rechercher si leur propension à élever leurs arrêts de règlement au rang de véritables lois n’était pas, elle aussi, déjà en germe au Moyen Âge tardif. Une enquête dans les archives du parlement de Paris contemporaines du règne de Charles VI (1380-1422) et de la double monarchie franco-anglaise (1422-1436) permet de confirmer cette hypothèse. Il en ressort en effet qu’au tournant des XIVe et XVe siècles, dans le milieu parlementaire parisien, on considérait non seulement que par sa jurisprudence la « cour souveraine et capitale du royaume » dégageait des règles qui faisaient lois, mais en outre que les arrêts de règlement qu’elle édictait, ou du moins certains d’entre eux, étaient des actes normatifs souverains, voire constituaient de véritables ordonnances royales. Cette faculté reconnue à la cour suprême d’être un véritable co-législateur était au demeurant logique et naturelle, si l’on prend la peine de la replacer dans le contexte à la fois institutionnel, politique et idéologique du temps. / Since it is now recognized that the various arguments put forward by the parliaments of the monarchy in modern age in order to legitimize their claim to freely check the royal edicts had medieval roots, it was not unjustified to inquire whether their inclination to raise their regulation judgments to the rank of actual laws was not, similarly, already raising in the Late Middle Ages. An investigation of the archives of the Parliament of Paris contemporaneous with the reign of Charles VI (1380-1422) and with the double Franco-English monarchy (1422-1436) confirms this hypothesis. The investigation indeed shows that, at the turn of the 14th and 15th centuries, in the Parisian parliamentary environment, it was considered not only that, by its jurisprudence, the “sovereign and capital court of the kingdom” emanated regulations which made laws, but also that the regulation judgments it enacted, or at least some of them, were sovereign normative acts, or even constituted genuine royal rulings. This acknowledged ability of the Supreme Court to be a genuine co-legislator was, as it happens, logical and natural, if one takes the trouble to place it in the institutional, political, and ideological context of the period.

"Montesquieu, in L'Esprit des Lois, 1748, divided the functions of state into: the legislative power, the executive power, and the power of judging. Indeed, three constitutional organs have invariably dominated state power. These are: the executive, the leigslative and the judiciary. According to Montesquieu, the state is said to be at 'equilibrium' when the three organs are independent of each other, with each carrying out its functions without interference. Ideally, the legislative organ ought to make laws, the executive to implement them, and the judiciary to adjudicate over disputes arising out of the day-to-day operations of the state. This attempt at dispersing state power is not arbitrary. It has got ends. One cardinal end in this regrad is the protection of fundamental human rights. It has been argued that where the three organs of state are allowed operatational autonomy, individuals stand to enjoy relatively profound liberty. Where state functions are entrusted with one person or organ, the tyranny of that person or organ is certain to overwhelm the realisation of fundamental freedoms and liberties. ... Both Montesquieu and Lock had tremendous faith in the tripartite government structure in so far as the protection of liberties was concerned. Informed by this philosophy, most democratic constitutions have weaved state power in almost similar terms envisioned by Montesquieu. Thus far, the 1787 Constitution of the United States of America (USA) could be ranked as one with the clearest distinction of state functions. Contemporary practice, however, appears to be in favour of complementing these traditional state organs, a sign, perhaps, that the conventional three organs of state per se have increasingly proved inadequate; at least in the sphere of human rights protection. There is a move, or rather, wave towards the establishment of independent national human rights institutions (NHRIs) to reinforce the bulwark of human rights protection mechanisms at state level, and the wave, arguably, is most pronounced in Africa. ... The current investigation will be completed in four distinct chapters. The current chapter serves well to introduce the study. The second chapter constitutes a comprehensive study of the conceptual foundations of national human rights institutions (NHRIs). The essence, structure and nature of NHRIs is also explored. The third chapter proposes to analyse the doctrine of separation of powers from a philosophical and later, from a practical point of view as it manifests itself in the Commonwealth tradition. The tripartite government configuration is discussed with the ramification of NHRIs in mind. It is instructive that without assessing the parent concept (the rule of law) a discussion on separation of powers remains orphaned. The fourth chapter shall first allude to the new challenges to human rights enforcement. It shall then discuss how these challenges and the development of NHRIs cry for a new thinking on the original tripartite system. The final section is an attempt at supplying a panacea to the challenges accentuated by the preceding part." -- Introduction. / Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Nii Ashie Kotey at the Faculty of Law, University of Ghana, Legon / LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa) -- University of Pretoria, 2006. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

The first part of the doctoral thesis approaches its topic from the historical point of view: firstly, it summarises the history of the Diocese of Litoměřice from the erection of the Chapter of Canons in 1057; secondly, it briefly describes the history of the Diocese from its foundation in 1655 to 1989; thirdly, the events from 1989 to 2010 are discussed in detail, i.e. the episcopacy of Msgr. Josef Koukl after 15 years of vacant see in the context of the reconstruction of the Diocese after the fall of the communist regime, the situation in the Diocese during the episcopacy of Bishop Pavel Posád, the following period when the Diocese was administered by Dominik Duka and finally the time after Bishop Jan Baxant took canonical possession. The second part of the doctoral thesis is divided into six chapters and approaches the chosen period thematically according to the branches of the Canon Law. It tackles the governance of the Diocese, personnel and territorial-administrative matters, the exercise of the legislative, administrative and judicial power within the establishment and application of the Canon Law from 1990 to 2010. The thesis investigates activities of the Diocesan Bishops, of the Vicars General and Episcopal Vicars and of the Diocesan Curia; it deals with the exercise of the judicial power...