A presente pesquisa se constituiu a partir da experiência de trabalho como psicóloga em escolas públicas localizadas no município do Rio de Janeiro. A partir das perspectivas genealógica (Foucault) e cartográfica (Deleuze) são postos em análise fragmentos de diário de pesquisa, notícias, imagens e documentos relevantes para a apreensão das linhas de força que constituem os processos de judicialização e de criminalização dos pobres que operam na escola pública carioca. É estudada a perspectiva denominada Cultura de Paz, sua relação com a Organização das Nações Unidas para a Educação, a Ciência e a Cultura (UNESCO) e o Ministério Público do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (MP/RJ). Faz-se uma análise acerca do binômio violência-paz e sua função como eixo norteador de parte significativa das ações desenvolvidas no campo educacional na atualidade. Analisa-se como a Cultura de Paz atualiza na escola sua função estratégica para o governo da população na sociedade de controle. A partir da análise de materiais e situações relacionados à Cultura de Paz, afirma-se que esta perspectiva está comprometida com uma pedagogia para a obediência e para a submissão. Além disso, tal arcabouço teórico-prático nega as batalhas cotidianas que se dão entre saberes e fazeres hegemônicos e minoritários, nos processos de produção de subjetiva nos quais estamos todos imersos / This research consisted from the experience of working as a psychologist in public schools located in the city of Rio de Janeiro. From the perspectives of genealogy (Foucault) and cartography (Deleuze) are analysed fragments of research diaries, news, images and documents relevant to the seizure of power lines that constitute the judicialization process and criminalization of the poor operating in Rio public school. The perspective called Peace Culture is studied, its relationship with the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and the Public Ministry of the Estate of Rio de Janeiro (MP/RJ). An analysis of the binomial violence-peace is done and its function as a guideline of a significant part of the actions developed in education today. An analysis of how the Culture of Peace in school updates its strategic role for the population government in control society is done. From the analysis of materials and situations related to the Culture of Peace, it is stated that this perspective is committed to a pedagogy for obedience and submission. Moreover, such a theoretical and practical framework denies the everyday battles that take place between knowledge and practice hegemonic and minority, in the subjective production processes in which we are all immersed

A presente pesquisa se constituiu a partir da experiência de trabalho como psicóloga em escolas públicas localizadas no município do Rio de Janeiro. A partir das perspectivas genealógica (Foucault) e cartográfica (Deleuze) são postos em análise fragmentos de diário de pesquisa, notícias, imagens e documentos relevantes para a apreensão das linhas de força que constituem os processos de judicialização e de criminalização dos pobres que operam na escola pública carioca. É estudada a perspectiva denominada Cultura de Paz, sua relação com a Organização das Nações Unidas para a Educação, a Ciência e a Cultura (UNESCO) e o Ministério Público do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (MP/RJ). Faz-se uma análise acerca do binômio violência-paz e sua função como eixo norteador de parte significativa das ações desenvolvidas no campo educacional na atualidade. Analisa-se como a Cultura de Paz atualiza na escola sua função estratégica para o governo da população na sociedade de controle. A partir da análise de materiais e situações relacionados à Cultura de Paz, afirma-se que esta perspectiva está comprometida com uma pedagogia para a obediência e para a submissão. Além disso, tal arcabouço teórico-prático nega as batalhas cotidianas que se dão entre saberes e fazeres hegemônicos e minoritários, nos processos de produção de subjetiva nos quais estamos todos imersos / This research consisted from the experience of working as a psychologist in public schools located in the city of Rio de Janeiro. From the perspectives of genealogy (Foucault) and cartography (Deleuze) are analysed fragments of research diaries, news, images and documents relevant to the seizure of power lines that constitute the judicialization process and criminalization of the poor operating in Rio public school. The perspective called Peace Culture is studied, its relationship with the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and the Public Ministry of the Estate of Rio de Janeiro (MP/RJ). An analysis of the binomial violence-peace is done and its function as a guideline of a significant part of the actions developed in education today. An analysis of how the Culture of Peace in school updates its strategic role for the population government in control society is done. From the analysis of materials and situations related to the Culture of Peace, it is stated that this perspective is committed to a pedagogy for obedience and submission. Moreover, such a theoretical and practical framework denies the everyday battles that take place between knowledge and practice hegemonic and minority, in the subjective production processes in which we are all immersed

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Pretende-se uma análise crítica do projeto das Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora (UPPs), procurando entender como ele aparece como uma resposta possível para os problemas urbanos e de segurança na cidade do Rio de Janeiro. Em primeiro lugar, volta-se à importação do ideal civilizatório pelo Brasil no início do século XIX e o surgimento da polícia e de uma questão urbana na cidade do Rio de Janeiro. O resgate histórico permite entender o surgimento das favelas e de uma cidade partida. Em seguida, trata-se do aspecto da pacificação das UPPs, retomando o sentido que essa ideia teve ao longo da história do Brasil, em especial como subjugação dos povos indígenas e como repressão às insurreições da primeira metade do século XIX. Em um segundo momento, volta-se à configuração da governamentalidade policial no Rio de Janeiro e no Brasil, do surgimento das polícias à racionalidade governamental do neoliberalismo. Demonstra-se como a polícia surge como um agente civilizador e como uma racionalidade autoritária da militarização e da criminologia do outro marca as polícias brasileiras, o que explica sua histórica atuação violenta voltada às classes subalternas. Em seguida, partindo da concepção de território pressuposta pelas UPPs, elabora-se sua crítica, observando que constituem uma política de ocupação militarizada do território que reforça uma geografia das desigualdades e promove uma nova forma de territorialização. Por fim, trata-se dos mecanismos que a governamentalidade neoliberal assume na gestão da questão urbana no Rio de Janeiro, a partir das ideias de urbanismo militar e empresarialismo urbano.O urbanismo militar é entendido como a extensão de ideias militares para os espaços e circulações cotidianos, o que leva a uma tendência internacional de militarização da segurança pública e proliferação de territórios de exceção. Nesse contexto, a política das UPPs guarda proximidades com as ocupações das favelas em Porto Príncipe pela MINUSTAH, os territórios palestinos ocupados por Israel, acontrainsurgência estadunidense no Iraque e Afeganistão e os Proyectos Urbanos Integrales em Medellín, nos quais se inspirou. Mas condizem também com o ideal do empresarialismo urbano, modelo baseado na competitividade das cidades orientada para o mercado. Trata-se, portanto, de um projeto de controle militarizado das favelas, necessário para os megaeventos e para a construção de uma imagem de cidade maravilhosa. / This work intends to a critical analysis of the Pacification Police Units (PPU), searching to understand how it constitutes apossible answer to the urban and safety problems in Rio de Janeiro. First of all, we turn to the importation of the civilization ideal in the early 19th centurys Brazil and the advent of the police and the urban issues in Rio de Janeiro. The historical review allows understanding the appearance of the favelas and of a divided city. Then, we turn to the PPUs pacification aspect, resuming this ideas meaning throughout Brazilian history, particularly as the subjugation of indigenous people and as repression to the insurrections of the first half of the 19th century. In a second place, we turn to the configuration of a police governmentality in Rio de Janeiro and in Brazil, from polices appearance to the neoliberal governmental rationality. We demonstrate how the police appear as a civilizing agent and how an authoritarian rationality of militarization and criminology of the other marks the Brazilian polices, what explains its historical violent acting against the underprivileged classes. Then, from the territory conception assumed by the PPU, we elaborate its critic, observing that they constitute a politics of militarized occupation of the territory which reinforces a geography of inequality and promotes a new form of territorialization. Finally, we talk about the mechanisms that the neoliberal governmentality assumes in the management of the urban issues in Rio de Janeiro from the ideas of a military urbanism and urban entrepreneurialism. The military urbanism is understood as the extension of military ideas to the daily spaces and circulations, which leads to an international tendency of militarization of the public safety and proliferation of exception territories. In this context, the PPU politics resembles the MINUSTAHs slums occupations in Porto Príncipe, the Palestinian territories occupied by Israel, the American counterinsurgency in Iraq and Afghanistan and the ProyectosUrbanosIntegralesinMedellin, which inspired it. But they are also befitting with the urban entrepreneurialism ideal, based on the competition between cities marked orientated. It is, therefore, a militarized control project of the favelas, needed for the mega events and the construction of a Marvelous City image.

Esta tese examina o contexto e os sentidos políticos da implementação de um programa público cultural criado em 2004 como fruto de uma parceria entre a Secretaria Estadual de Cultura (SEC) do estado de São Paulo e o Banco Interamericano de Desenvolvimento (BID): o Programa Fábricas de Cultura. A pesquisa procura demonstrar de que maneira a política pública dirigida para a juventude pobre das periferias pôde, desde sua concepção, operar enquanto uma \'tecnologia social de pacificação\', com vistas a incrementar mecanismos de controle e antecipar-se a possíveis conflitos e insurgências dessas populações territorializadas. A análise é feita à luz de um processo de luta que aprendizes e arte-educadores vinculados às Fábricas de Cultura travaram em 2016, no curso da pesquisa, contra as diretrizes e os gestores da Organização Social responsável pela administração de cinco das dez unidades do programa. Dessa maneira, foi possível apreender as características e contradições do programa dentro de um quadro de modificações por que forçosamente passou aquilo que entendemos ser uma forma específica de gerenciamento dos conflitos de classe, a que chamamos de \"consenso à base da pacificação dos conflitos sociais\", que se consolidara na últimas décadas. Em torno de uma coalizão que unia organismos multilaterais, Estados e organizações da sociedade civil, esse consenso efetivou-se por meio de um conjunto de técnicas de gestão que acabou por embaralhar as diferenças entre direita e esquerda, difundindo-se por estratégias voltadas para \"a redução da pobreza\", \"segurança\", \"oportunidades\" e \"inclusão social\". Nesse sentido, o Programa Fábricas de Cultura se apresenta como resultado desse processo que transfigurou setores de classe em públicosalvo, esquadrinhados pelas políticas sociais focalizadas. A investigação observa, no entanto, que a efetividade de tal consenso pacificador sempre estivera lastreada por tecnologias de guerra, com as quais mantém relação de alternância e complementariedade. A tese então argumenta que a aposta na formação cultural, como maneira de apassivar a juventude e reforçar identidades culturais territorializadas, alimentou, em seu subterrâneo, uma rebelião que se voltou contra esse projeto, demonstrando seus limites e forçando um ponto de inflexão que parece apontar para a crise da tecnologia social de pacificação. / This thesis examines the context and political meanings of the implementation of a public cultural program created in 2004 as a result of a partnership between the State Secretariat of Culture (SEC) of the state of São Paulo and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB): Factories of Culture Program. The research seeks to demonstrate in which ways the public policy directed at the poor youth of the peripheries operated, from its conception, as a \'social technology for pacification\', designed to increase mechanisms of control and anticipate possible conflicts and insurgencies arising from this population. In the course of research, apprentices and art educators from the Factories of Culture took part on a struggle against the guidelines and managers of the (private) Social Organization responsible for five out of the ten units of the program. This analysis is made in light of this conflict. In this way, it was possible to apprehend the characteristics and contradictions of the program within a framework of modifications it was forced to go through. This policy is here considered to be a specific form of management of class conflicts consolidated in the last decades, which we call \"consensus based on the pacification of social conflicts\". Around a coalition that united multilateral organizations, states and civil society organizations, this consensus was achieved through a set of management techniques that shuffled the differences between right and left, and spread through strategies aimed at \"poverty reduction\", \"security\", \"opportunities\" and \"social inclusion\". In this sense, the Factories of Culture Program presents itself as a result of a process that has transfigured class sectors into target audiences, scrutinized by focused social policies. The research, however, observes that the effectiveness of such a pacifying consensus had always been supported by war technologies, with which it maintains a conection of alternation and complementarity. The thesis then argues that the commitment to cultural formation, as a way to pacificate the youth and reinforce territorialized cultural identities, helped to feed a rebellion that turned against the project, demonstrating its limits and forcing a inflection point that seems to indicate a crisis of the social technology for pacification.

In 2008, a policy to address the territorialisation of the drug trade in Rio de Janeiro’s favelas was developed: the pacification of favelas. It involves two key elements, policing and local development, which are said to work in tandem to conquer the territory from drug dealers and integrate these areas to the city. Drawing from the literature on the governance of marginalized areas and neoliberal practices of security, this study explores how the pacification of favelas unfolds within a neoliberal context. The findings of this study are based on a thematic analysis of twenty-five in-depth interviews with key actors involved in the development and implementation of three core projects of the policy (the Pacifying Police Unit and two projects that coordinates social efforts, UPP Social and Peace Territories). Using the theoretical lenses of pacification proposed by Neocleous (2011) and Rigakos (2011), this research argues that the pacification of favelas can be considered a "project of pacification" (Rigakos, 2011). The analysis demonstrates that the dual strategy of the policy reinforces neoliberal practices to govern through fear, resulting in the militarization of favelas. Moreover, this study also finds that this policy serves capitalist interests when implemented within a neoliberal framework, even though its core elements resemble interventionist initiatives of colonial enterprises. My findings also reveal that some participants resist the implementation of initiatives based on a neoliberal framework. However, although their actions seek to emancipate and build an ethical community in favelas, based on long-term and fraternal bonds, the mainstream approach is still prevalent. As a result, favelas are progressively turned into aesthetic communities in which the interests of the market are the driving force.

This dissertation examines the latter stages of the Second Indochina War through the lens of geography, spatial contestation, and the environment. The natural and the manmade world were not only central but a decisive factor in the struggle to control the population and territory of South Vietnam. The war was shaped and in many ways determined by spatial / environmental factors. Like other revolutionary civil conflicts, the key to winning political power in South Vietnam was to control both the physical world (territory, population, resources) and the ideational world (the political organization of occupied territory). The means to do so was insurgency and pacification - two approaches that pursued the same goals (population and territory control) and used the same methods (a blend of military force, political violence, and socioeconomic policy) despite their countervailing purposes. The war in South Vietnam, like all armed conflicts, possessed a unique spatiality due to its irregular nature. Although it has often been called a "war without fronts," the reality is that the conflict in South Vietnam was a war with innumerable fronts, as insurgents and counterinsurgents feverishly wrestled to win political power and control of the civilian environment throughout forty-four provinces, 250 districts, and more than 11,000 hamlets. The conflict in South Vietnam was not one geographical war, but many; it was a highly complex politico-military struggle that fragmented space and atomized the battlefield along a million divergent points of conflict. This paper explores the unique spatiality of the Second Indochina War and examines the ways that both sides of the conflict conceptualized and utilized geography and the environment to serve strategic, tactical, and political purposes. / History

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / U.S. naval doctrine has been dominated by the Mahanian concept of massing large capital ships for over one hundred years. Yet, it was a Cyclone-class patrol craft, a USCG cutter, and an Australian frigate that pushed up the Khor-Abd-Allah waterway and opened up the port of Umm Qasr, Iraq, during the Second Gulf War. They continue to protect it and the surrounding oil infrastructure from attack from insurgents and terrorists today. With the navy's current interest in transformation, the question arises, is the navy as presently configured well suited for today's threats? This thesis explores the question of how should the navy meet threats to national interests. This is accomplished through historical analysis of an event that is similar to the situation today: The Philippine Insurrection (1899-1902). This episode showcases the shortcomings of the navy's conventional approach to military operations other than war, and the need for change. In today's asymmetric environment, the past provides insight into effective means for handling these types of threats. This thesis concludes that the navy needs to diversify itself to incorporate different ship platforms, platforms that incorporate the utility of old with the technology of new. / Lieutenant, United States Navy

Durant la guerre d'Algérie, des officiers français ont pensé l'armée et son action comme révolutionnaire. Il s'agissait pour eux de réformer radicalement l'institution militaire, en l'adaptant à un conflit présenté comme une guerre révolutionnaire menée par le communisme dont l'enjeu est le contrôle politique de la population. Cette armée révolutionnaire se devait de participer à la modernisation de l'Algérie, intégrant les Algériens au corps social français, permettant l'émergence d'une «Algérie nouvelle». Afin de réaliser cet objectif, ces officiers prônaient un durcissement autoritaire de l'État à même de contrer la subversion communiste. Cette thèse explore cette armée révolutionnaire, dont elle s'attache à saisir les racines, le contenu et les conséquences, à travers l'étude des 5es bureaux, bureaux d'état-major chargés de mener l'action psychologique de 1955 à 1960, à la fois propagandistes, commissaires politiques et théoriciens de l'action politico-militaire. Elle se penche, à travers une approche prosopographique, sur les parcours individuels et collectifs de ses officiers. Elle analyse les logiques institutionnelles, les discours et les pratiques des 5es bureaux. Elle met en lumière l'action politique de l'armée lors de la crise de mai et juin 1958 à travers la mobilisation autoritaire des Algériens lors de manifestations de fraternisation mettant en scène l'adhésion des colonisés à un ordre coloniale rénové. Ce projet se heurte à l'opposition de plus en plus claire du pouvoir gaulliste qui dissout les 5es bureaux en février 1960, suite à la semaine des barricades, mais surtout à une mécompréhension systématique de la situation politique algérienne. / During the Algerian War, French officers considered the army and its action as revolutionary. They aimed to radically reform military institutions, adapting them to a conflict perceived as a revolutionary war led by communism whose goal was the political control of the population. This revolutionary army had to participate in the modernization of Algeria, integrating Algerians into the French social body, allowing the emergence of an "Algérie nouvelle". In order to achieve this goal, these officers advocated an authoritarian hardening of the state capable of countering communist subversion. This thesis explores the roots, content and consequences of this revolutionary army through the study of the 5th bureau : the staff officers responsible for conducting psychological action from 1955 to 1960, as well the propagandists, political commissars and theoreticians of politico-military action. It employs a prospography of the individual and collective career trajectories of these officers, and analyzes the institutional logics; discourses, and the practices of the 5th bureaus. Tt highlights the political action of the army during the crisis of May and June 1958 through the authoritarian mobilization of Algerians for fraternization demonstrations that aimed to evince Algerians' commitment to a renovated colonial order. This project was defeated by the cleat opposition of the Gaullist state, which dissolved the 5th Bureaus in February 1960 following the week of the barricades uprising, but particularly by its systematic misunderstanding of the Algerian political situation.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-12-02T13:15:07Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Mayara de Martini Cabeleira.pdf: 3765424 bytes, checksum: 2777e472968d645bd81b3d5c80dd3b84 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-02T13:15:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mayara de Martini Cabeleira.pdf: 3765424 bytes, checksum: 2777e472968d645bd81b3d5c80dd3b84 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-11-07 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This work analyzes the security and the participation in the favelas through the implementation of the policy of pacification, in the city of Rio de Janeiro since 2008. The policy of pacification works as a governmental technology by means of a balanced modulation of two programs: UPP and Rio+Social. In the current society of control, the modular programs of pacification conform to the neo-liberal logic that combines both social programs and police action, reinforcing the subjectivation. This means that pacifying the favela includes: military occupiers acting as a police force; a heavy police presence referred to as "proximity"; negotiation between police and drug traffic police; and each individual participating as a community police. In the aftermath, the favela was perceived as a safe place to grant social investments that work through endless partnerships known as private-public. In the name of social responsibility, Non Governmental Organizations, Institutes, Foundations, Universities, Companies and International Organizations, clustered in projects and programs around the management of misery. The favela evinces the pride of the existence's misery from itself and through its governmentalization. At the same time the political renewal of police also introduced participation practices of the so called civil society. This has amplified police conduct as an ordinary one by producing subjectivation into every single person who loves the favela, and who is happy and proud that the poor people have their place / Este trabalho analisa a segurança e a participação nas favelas por meio da política de pacificação, implantada na cidade do Rio de Janeiro desde 2008, que funciona enquanto tecnologia de governo que opera por meio da modulação combinada de dois programas: a UPP e a Rio+Social. Na atual sociedade de controle, os programas modulares da pacificação estão em conformidade com a racionalidade neoliberal que combina programas sociais com ações policiais, reforçando os assujeitamentos. Trata-se de pacificar a favela a partir da ocupação territorial das forças armadas com poder de polícia, da presença ostensiva da polícia denominada como “de proximidade”, da negociação da polícia com a polícia do tráfico e da participação de cada um em ser um polícia da sua comunidade. Feito isso, considera-se que a favela está segura para receber investimentos sociais que atuem por meio de infindáveis parcerias conhecidas como público-privadas. Em nome da responsabilidade social, ONGs, institutos, fundações, universidades, empresas e organizações internacionais aglutinam-se em projetos e programas em torno da gestão da miséria. A favela evidencia o orgulho da miséria da existência a partir dela mesma e por meio de sua governamentalização, como a renovação política das polícias, também, introduziu práticas de participação da chamada sociedade civil que ampliaram a conduta de polícia a partir da produção do assujeitamento de cada um, que ama a favela, é feliz e se orgulha de que o pobre tem seu lugar

Nessa dissertação procede-se à análise das narrativas do jornal O Globo durante a ocupação da favela da Rocinha pelas forças oficiais, em novembro de 2011. Pretende-se identificar as representações veiculadas pela mídia nesse especial momento da vida da cidade, que convive com a implantação do projeto das Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora UPPs e a expectativa de recepcionar, nos próximos anos, dois megaeventos esportivos internacionais: a Copa do Mundo (2014) e as Olimpíadas (2016). O mote da pesquisa foi, através da análise das representações sobre o processo de ocupação, descobrir pistas que permitissem pensar o impacto dessa medida sobre a cidade e seus habitantes. Foi possível perceber que, diferentemente do que ocorria nas últimas décadas, a violência urbana não se apresentou como questão de grande interesse para o jornal, aparecendo apenas incidentalmente como eventos pontuais em um contexto predominantemente pacífico. Prevaleceu o discurso otimista em relação à cidade e seu futuro. Nesse sentido, diversas matérias registraram o sucesso da operação policial, comemorando a substituição da política policial de confronto pelas ações de inteligência, fator que teria permitido a retomada do morro sem que um tiro sequer fosse disparado. Ênfase especial foi dada às UPPs, sistematicamente representadas de forma positiva pelo jornal, moradores, empresários e especialistas, que apontariam o projeto como fator responsável pela onda de esperança e otimismo que envolve a cidade. As UPPs seriam, ainda, o elemento que permitiria, aos cariocas, ressignificar as favelas da cidade, afastando a aura de violência a elas associadas, fazendo desaparecer o medo que esses espaços da cidade historicamente causam na população em geral, integrando as favelas na cidade formal. O processo de pacificação das favelas do Rio de Janeiro, personificado nas UPPs, seria a ponte que permitiria, à cidade, se redescobrir, se reinventar, recuperando a alegria e a auto-estima, deixando para trás as décadas de pessimismo e desesperança. Observou-se, assim, que durante o período pesquisado, a dinâmica das narrativas rompeu com o padrão anterior de representação de cidade violenta, privilegiando o discurso da cidade pacificada, embora com episódios violentos pontuais. / The research draws your attention towards the narratives of the newspaper O Globo during the occupation of the Rocinha favela by official forces in November 2011. Intended to identify what kind of representations was reported by the media at special moment of city life, which coexists with the implementation of the project of Pacifying Police Units (UPPs) and the expectation to host two international sporting mega events: World Cup (2014) and the Olympics (2016). Analyzing media representations about the process of occupation, the goal of the research was to discover clues that help to think the impact of this political measure on the city and its inhabitants. It was possible to realize that, unlike what had been happening in recent decades, urban violence not presented as a matter of great interest to the newspapers, appearing only incidentally as occasional issues in a predominantly pacific context. Optimistic speech prevailed in relation to the city and its future. Accordingly, several matters reported on the success of the police operation, celebrating the replacement of police policy of confrontation by the actions of intelligence, which would have allowed the resumption of the Hill without a shot even being fired. Special emphasis was given to UPPs, systematically represented positively by the newspaper, residents, businessmen and specialists, who pointed out the project as a factor responsible for the wave of hope and optimism that surrounds the city. The UPP would be the element that would bring new meanings to the slums of the city. The aura of violence associated with slums was away, making disappear the fear that these spaces of the city historically cause in the general population. The UPP would be responsible for integrating slums in the city. The process of pacification of Rio slums, personified in the UPPs, would be the bridge that would allow the city to rediscover, to reinvent itself, retrieving the joy and self-esteem, leaving behind decades of pessimism and hopelessness. It was observed that during the search, the dynamics of media narratives broke with the previous pattern of representation of a violent city and has opted for an optimistic speech, albeit with occasional violent episodes.