This study addresses issues concerning religion in the public sphere, brought about by the debates over the perceived resurgence of religion and the post-secular. The aim is to analyze the participation of religious actors in the public, using three newspaper debate pages as the empirical material. Building on theories by Casanova, especially his concept of public religions, as well as mediatization theory and Habermas' writings on religion in the public sphere, 639 opinion pieces signed by religious actors were analyzed. The mixed-methods content analysis was conducted in two steps: first a quantitative overview of the religious actors published, to what extent and on what issues. The second step consisted of three qualitative case studies based on the results of the first step: an argument analysis of the debate over same-sex marriage; an exploration of the specific position of the Church of Sweden and the idea of the national church as a public utility; and finally a discourse analysis of articles by Jewish and Muslim authors. These were analyzed on the basis of criteria for public religions developed from Casanova’s theory and from the media logic of debate articles. While the results show no clear increase in the number of religious actors during the period under scrutiny, one notices a clear presence of Muslim and Jewish actors, eventhough Christians of varying denominations dominate the material. There are also clear differences between the different religions: minority religion contributions are limited in terms of issues and scope, while Christian groups write about more varied issues. Muslims often relate to negative media discourse towards Islam, while Jewish signatories write on a limited number of themes closely related to the group itself. In many articles, one found a meta-debate over the place of religion in the public sphere even when specific issues were debated. The contribution of this dissertation is to critically discuss the concepts and assumptions underlying the debate over the place of religion in the public sphere. It stresses the importance of media perspectives as well as empirical studies for analyzing issues of authority, visibility, private/public and religion in late modern, mediated contexts. / The Impact of Religion - Challenges for Society, Law and Democracy

The societal benefits of new technology and electronic products can hardly be underestimated. However, new technological achievements bring problems as well since obsolete products, due to ever-growing amounts and complex composition, are difficult to handle in a sound manner. Currently electronic waste constitutes the single fastest growing waste stream in society. It is also common that e-waste is exported to low-income countries where it generally is recycled under rudimentary conditions, leading to large-scale environmental and health effects. The political handling of the issue has enjoyed moderate success internationally as well as nationally. The shaping of environmental politics is however, according to many researchers, a complex process involving many actors, something that generally is not reflected inofficial politics. The purpose of this thesis is to map out the different discourses inherent in the public debates on e-waste in Sweden and the USA respectively, and compare how they might influence the political management of the e-waste issue. A number of newspaper articles, reports and press releases from NGOs and trade organizations have been analyzed with a discourse analysis method, influenced by John Dryzek and Michel Foucault. The term “order of discourse” has been borrowed by Norman Fairclough as an analytical tool. In the U.S. material a conflictual, unclear order of discourse appeared where most of the actors were portrayed as equal political players. However there was an apparent red thread as the question was framed as an economic issue by the majority of actors. In the Swedish material a very clear order of discourse was identified, where mainly two discourses were dominant. Drawing on the analysis it could be concluded that there were several probable explanations for the contemporary political handling. The perspective of the key actors El-Kretsen and the U.S. EPA was concluded to impair the political handling, while the framing of the issue as a question for experts in the Swedish material was considered another explanation. / Samhällsnyttan med ny teknik och elektroniska produkter kan knappast underskattas. Nya tekniska landvinningar medför dock problematik då elektronikavfall är svåromhändertaget på grund av dess komplexa sammansättning. Numera är dessutom elektronikavfall det enskilt snabbast växande avfallsflödet i samhället. Ytterligare problematik uppstår då det är vanligt att avfallet exporteras till låginkomstländer där det ofta återvinns med primitiva metoder, vilket leder till att avfallet utgör stora miljö- och hälsorisker. Sammantaget innebär detta att elektronikavfall utgör en av de största miljöpolitiska utmaningarna, men den politiska hanteringen av frågan har hittills rönt blandad framgång internationellt såväl som nationellt. Skapandet av miljöpolitik är dock enligt många teoretiker en komplex process som involverar många aktörer, något som generellt inte avspeglas i officiell politik. Syftet med denna uppsats är att försöka urskilja vilka diskurser som finns i den offentliga debatten om elektronikavfall i USA och Sverige, och jämföra hur de kan tänkas påverka den politiska hanteringen av elektronikavfallsfrågan. Ett antal tidningsartiklar, rapporter och pressreleaser från NGO:s och branschsammanslutningar har analyserats med en diskursanalytisk metod, influerad av John Dryzek och Michel Foucault. Begreppet ”diskursordning” har lånats av Norman Fairclough för att som analytiskt verktyg koppla diskursanalysen till den politiska hanteringen i respektive land. I det amerikanska materialet framträdde en konfliktfylld, otydlig diskursordning där flertalet aktörer framställdes som likvärdiga politiska spelare. Det fanns en tydlig röd tråd i det faktum att samtliga aktörer diskuterade frågan utifrån ett ekonomiskt perspektiv. I det svenska materialet fanns istället en tydlig diskursordning, där framförallt två diskurser var förhärskande. Utifrån analysen kunde konstateras att det fanns ett antal troliga skäl till den nuvarande politiska hanteringen. Nyckelaktörerna El-Kretsen och det amerikanska Naturvårdsverkets perspektiv lyftes som två troliga anledningar, medan inramningen som en expertfråga i det svenska materialet framhålls som ytterligare en orsak.

The aim of this paper is to examine how the press describes the public and private role of the Swedish monarch in texts that report about the biography Carl XVI Gustaf – den motvillige monarken (Sjöberg et al. 2010) when it is published in November 2010. The examined period ranges between the days just before the release and a fortnight after. The analysis is limited to standard Swedish papers: a daily, Svenska Dagbladet, and an evening paper, Expressen. Questions asked in the study are: In what ways do the analysed texts raise a discussion about the monarchy’s importance or function in the society of today, that is a public debate on the monarchy? To what extension are status symbols used in the constructing of royalty, that is what Jürgen Habermas (2003) describes as representative publicity? What similarities and differences are found when comparing the news articles in the daily and in the evening paper? The method used to answer the aim and questions is the critical discourse analysis, as Norman Fairclough (1995) describes it, and the theoretical perspective of the essay is Jürgen Habermas’ (2003) theory about the bourgeois public sphere. The result shows that the news articles in the daily unsurprisingly construct only a public who wants to debate on the monarchy. The evening paper instead addresses its readers both as cultural consumers, which the study sees as representative publicity, and as civilians who want to discuss the monarchy’s importance or function of today’s society. Important to notice is that when the evening paper is challenging the monarchy it’s always made in an implicit manner. The public role of the monarch is in both the daily and the evening paper said to be powerful and his public role is said to influence his private role in different ways. It is also obvious that the focus in Expressen is upon the most intimate sphere of the privacy of the monarch. The description of the private room is important here, in addition the spatial portraying uses status symbols when constructing royalty. Finally, the analysis shows that the monarch simultaneously portrays both as an ordinary human being and as a very special person in exclusive surroundings. Earlier research has proved that Swedish media wants to describe royalty like this.

Esta dissertação investiga e reconstitui o debate público desencadeado pela proposta de extinção da Fundação Zoobotânica do Rio Grande do Sul, juntamente a outras oito fundações públicas, pelo governo de José Ivo Sartori (PMDB). Os principais objetivos da pesquisa são descobrir quem são os atores que participam do debate e quais argumentos são mobilizados por estes. Foram trabalhados aspectos teóricos ligados ao meio ambiente, a partir de Leff, Acselrad, Junges e Kolbert, e ao Estado, a partir de Bobbio, Alexandrino e Paulo e Mascaro, abordando as relações que ambos mantém entre si, com o sistema econômico e com a democracia. Quanto à comunicação pública, esta é trabalhada a partir das perspectivas de Weber, Esteves, Gomes e Arendt. A escolha metodológica foi a pesquisa qualitativa de caráter exploratório-documental, adotando-se a pesquisa bibliográfica, a pesquisa históricodescritiva, a pesquisa documental e a análise de conteúdo, segundo Bardin, como métodos de pesquisa Elabora-se uma descrição do objeto de disputa – no caso, a Fundação Zoobotânica – e, a seguir, se explora o debate público sobre a proposta de extinção da FZB, objeto desta pesquisa. Como principais resultados, descobriu-se que o argumento econômico foi predominante no debate, com pouco espaço para os argumentos ambientais. Também foi possível mapear e posicionar os atores, situando de um lado governo Sartori, entidades empresariais e parte da imprensa (jornal Zero Hora); e de outro lado o movimento de apoio à FZB, organizações da sociedade civil, instituições acadêmicas, deputados de oposição, o Tribunal Regional do Trabalho da 4ª Região e outra parcela da imprensa (jornal Sul21). Por fim, constatou-se que houve debate público sobre a proposta, porém com baixa interação entre as partes conflitantes, com a aprovação do projeto de extinção da FZB sem alterações expressando a impermeabilidade do governo em relação à sociedade civil organizada. / This master thesis looks into and reconstitute the public debate unleashed by the proposal of extinction of the Zoobotanical Foudation from Rio Grande do Sul, with other eight public foudantions, by the government of José Ivo Sartori (PMDB). The main objectives of the research are to discover who are the actors who participate in the debate and what arguments are mobilized by them. Theoretical aspects related to the enviroment were studied, starting from Leff, Acselrad, Junges and Kolbert, such as to the State, from Bobbio, Alexandrino & Paulo and Mascaro, addressing the relations that both mantains with each other, with the economic system and with democracy. As for public communication, this is worked out from the perspectives of Weber, Esteves, Gomes and Arendt. The methodological choice was qualitative exploratory-documentary research, adopting bibliographic research, historicaldescriptive research, documentary research and content analysis, according to Bardin, as research methods. A description of the object of the dispute is made – in this case, the Zoobotanical Foundation – and the public debate about the FZB's extinction proposal is explored, the object of this research. As main results, it was found that the economic argument was predominant in the debate, with little room for environmental arguments. It was also possible to map and position the actors, situating Sartori government, business entities and part of the press (Zero Hora newspaper); and on the other side the support movement to the FZB, civil society organizations, academic institutions, opposition deputies, the Regional Labor Court of the 4th Region and another portion of the press (newspaper Sul21). Finally, it was verified that there was a public debate about the proposal, but with low interaction between the conflicting parties, with the approval of the FZB extinction project without changes expressing the government's imperviousness to organized civil society.

Esta dissertação investiga e reconstitui o debate público desencadeado pela proposta de extinção da Fundação Zoobotânica do Rio Grande do Sul, juntamente a outras oito fundações públicas, pelo governo de José Ivo Sartori (PMDB). Os principais objetivos da pesquisa são descobrir quem são os atores que participam do debate e quais argumentos são mobilizados por estes. Foram trabalhados aspectos teóricos ligados ao meio ambiente, a partir de Leff, Acselrad, Junges e Kolbert, e ao Estado, a partir de Bobbio, Alexandrino e Paulo e Mascaro, abordando as relações que ambos mantém entre si, com o sistema econômico e com a democracia. Quanto à comunicação pública, esta é trabalhada a partir das perspectivas de Weber, Esteves, Gomes e Arendt. A escolha metodológica foi a pesquisa qualitativa de caráter exploratório-documental, adotando-se a pesquisa bibliográfica, a pesquisa históricodescritiva, a pesquisa documental e a análise de conteúdo, segundo Bardin, como métodos de pesquisa Elabora-se uma descrição do objeto de disputa – no caso, a Fundação Zoobotânica – e, a seguir, se explora o debate público sobre a proposta de extinção da FZB, objeto desta pesquisa. Como principais resultados, descobriu-se que o argumento econômico foi predominante no debate, com pouco espaço para os argumentos ambientais. Também foi possível mapear e posicionar os atores, situando de um lado governo Sartori, entidades empresariais e parte da imprensa (jornal Zero Hora); e de outro lado o movimento de apoio à FZB, organizações da sociedade civil, instituições acadêmicas, deputados de oposição, o Tribunal Regional do Trabalho da 4ª Região e outra parcela da imprensa (jornal Sul21). Por fim, constatou-se que houve debate público sobre a proposta, porém com baixa interação entre as partes conflitantes, com a aprovação do projeto de extinção da FZB sem alterações expressando a impermeabilidade do governo em relação à sociedade civil organizada. / This master thesis looks into and reconstitute the public debate unleashed by the proposal of extinction of the Zoobotanical Foudation from Rio Grande do Sul, with other eight public foudantions, by the government of José Ivo Sartori (PMDB). The main objectives of the research are to discover who are the actors who participate in the debate and what arguments are mobilized by them. Theoretical aspects related to the enviroment were studied, starting from Leff, Acselrad, Junges and Kolbert, such as to the State, from Bobbio, Alexandrino & Paulo and Mascaro, addressing the relations that both mantains with each other, with the economic system and with democracy. As for public communication, this is worked out from the perspectives of Weber, Esteves, Gomes and Arendt. The methodological choice was qualitative exploratory-documentary research, adopting bibliographic research, historicaldescriptive research, documentary research and content analysis, according to Bardin, as research methods. A description of the object of the dispute is made – in this case, the Zoobotanical Foundation – and the public debate about the FZB's extinction proposal is explored, the object of this research. As main results, it was found that the economic argument was predominant in the debate, with little room for environmental arguments. It was also possible to map and position the actors, situating Sartori government, business entities and part of the press (Zero Hora newspaper); and on the other side the support movement to the FZB, civil society organizations, academic institutions, opposition deputies, the Regional Labor Court of the 4th Region and another portion of the press (newspaper Sul21). Finally, it was verified that there was a public debate about the proposal, but with low interaction between the conflicting parties, with the approval of the FZB extinction project without changes expressing the government's imperviousness to organized civil society.

Ce travail propose une analyse de la mobilisation citoyenne autour du projet de LGV Bordeaux-Toulouse sur une période de dix ans. La mise en place du débat public par la CNDP en 2005 constitue une étape permettant à la population de prendre connaissance de l'existence d'un projet LGV. Ce premier débat public n'engage aucun tracé précis, l'enjeu est essentiellement de statuer sur l'opportunité d'une LGV entre Bordeaux et Toulouse. Progressivement, une mobilisation se structure. Cependant, nous montrons que la mobilisation n'est pas homogène tout au long du tracé et dépend du contexte local. Il n'y a que dans le Bordelais où les citoyens se mobilisent et participent au débat public organisé par la CNDP pour contester le projet LGV. En 2009, le maître d'ouvrage, RFF, met en place un nouveau dispositif participatif : la concertation dite " GPSO " (Grand Projet du Sud-Ouest). L'enjeu de cette nouvelle procédure participative vise, cette fois-ci, l'élaboration d'un tracé précis. La proposition d'un tracé par le maître d'ouvrage contribue à généraliser la contestation relative à la LGV au-delà du Bordelais. En effet, lors du débat public de 2005 la question de l'opportunité du projet a été tranchée, ce que remettent en cause les groupes civiques de Bordeaux à Toulouse. Dans le Lot-et-Garonne, notamment, de nombreuses associations d'opposants voient le jour et s'organisent en collectif, la Coordination 47. Ces associations se structurent et s'entendent pour proposer un projet alternatif. Contrairement au maître d'ouvrage qui souhaite la création de nouvelles voies, la Coordination 47 défend, quant à elle, la possibilité de réhabiliter les voies existantes. La Coordination 47 s'engage alors dans d'importantes actions de sensibilisation de la population afin de favoriser la participation des citoyens à l'enquête publique qui se déroule en 2014. Les militants ont obtenu gain de cause : la participation du " public " a été soutenue et la commission d'enquête a rendu un avis défavorable. A ce jour, le gouvernement n'a pas encore rendu sa décision. / This work proposes an analysis of the mobilization citizen around the project of "LGV Bordeaux-Toulouse" over a period of ten years. The implementation of the public debate by CNDP in 2005 establishes a stage allowing the population to acquaint with the existence of a project LGV. This first public debate engages no precise plan, the stake is essentially to rule on the opportunity of a LGV between Bordeaux and Toulouse. Gradually, a mobilization forms itself. However, we show that the mobilization is not homogeneous throughout the plan and depends on the local context. There are that in the "Bordelais" only the citizens mobilize and participate in the public debate organized by CNDP to dispute the LGV project. In 2009, the project owner, RFF, sets up a new participative procedure: the said dialogue "GPSO" (Big Project of the Southwest). The stake in this new participative procedure aims, this time, at the elaboration of a precise plan. The proposal of a plan by project owner contributes to generalize the contesting relative to the LGV beyond the "Bordelais". Indeed, during the public debate of 2005 the question of the opportunity of the project was cut, what question the civic groups from Bordeaux to Toulouse. In Lot-et-Garonne, in particular, a lot of opponents associations are born and get organized in collective, the Coordination 47. These associations form themselves and get on to propose an alternative project. Contrary to the project owner who wishes the creation of new ways, the Coordination 47 defends the possibility of rehabilitating the existing ways. The Coordination 47 makes a commitment then in important awareness-raising activities of the population to favor the participation of the citizens in the public inquiry which takes place in 2014. The activists were proved right: the participation of the "public" was supported and the commission of inquiry returned an unfavorable opinion. To date, the government has not taken its decision yet.

L'objet de la recherche concerne la place du débat public dans le processus démocratique de la décision, dans la France du XXIe siècle, appliqué à la problématique de la gestion des déchets radioactifs. L'hypothèse de départ, eu égard aux dispositifs multipliant les formes de débat depuis les années 80, est d'affirmer que la place du débat public est croissante dans les processus de décision et de construction de l'intérêt général. Plus précisément, les travaux se focalisent sur les modes de communication de l'ensemble des acteurs avec leurs publics, qu'il s'agisse du débat public institutionnel, organisé par la Commission nationale du débat public, mais aussi du débat entendu au sens large, évoquant ainsi la désignation générique de tout mode de mise en discussion publique des choix collectifs. Ce qui nous interroge sur la mise en perspective du jeu démocratique entre les différents acteurs, politiques, experts, industriels, administratifs et citoyens "ordinaires", que ce soit au niveau local, à l'exemple d'une installation d'un centre de stockage de déchets radioactifs sur un territoire, ou bien au niveau national, cadre dans lequel la mise en œuvre de l'action publique débouche sur des décisions politiques encadrées par le travail législatif. Cette double problématique interroge les processus de délibération et de décision des pouvoirs publics, concernant le domaine des choix scientifiques et technologiques, puisqu'il s'agit du nucléaire, domaine particulièrement complexe, objet de controverses sociotechniques, puisqu'il comporte des enjeux aussi bien technologiques, que politiques, économiques, sociaux, avec une forte valeur éthique. Il s'agira donc de s'interroger, à travers cette "radiographie" du débat public à la française, sur ses enjeux et ses finalités et sur sa capacité médiatrice entre les acteurs sociaux. Comment agit cette relation ambivalente entre information, communication et participation, quels effets produit-elle sur le processus démocratique de la décision publique, ces questions s'avèrent essentielles pour la compréhension de l'objet d'étude, dans une approche des SIC qui privilégie l'interaction des acteurs avec leur environnement / The purpose of the research is with regards to public debate's place in the decision democratic process in the 21rst century France, and applied to the problematic of the radioactive wastes management. The starting hypothesis, relying on the disposals multiplying debates forms since the 80's, is to assert the increasing place of the public debate in the decision and construction process of the general interest. More precisely, researches focus on the communication modes of the set of the actors and their audiences, involving institutional public debate organized by the National Commission for the Public Debate, but also involving debate in a general meaning, therefore evoking the generic designation of any kind of public discussion about collective choices. What's interrogating us on the put in prospect of the democratic game between all the different actors : political ones, experts, industrial ones, administrative ones and "ordinary" citizens, may it be at a local level (with the example of an installation of a radioactive wastes stocking center on a territory) or else at a national level – frame in which the implementation of the public action results in political decisions framed by legislative work. This double problematic interrogates deliberation and decision processes of the Public Powers, regarding scientific and technologic choices domain, since we're dealing here with nuclear, which is a particularly complex domain, target of many socio-technical controversies, since it contains technological stakes, as well as political, economical and social ones, with a strong ethic value. Here, we'll be dealing with wondering – through this "radiography" of the French public debate – about its stakes and its purposes as well as its mediator ability between social actors

Esta dissertação investiga e reconstitui o debate público desencadeado pela proposta de extinção da Fundação Zoobotânica do Rio Grande do Sul, juntamente a outras oito fundações públicas, pelo governo de José Ivo Sartori (PMDB). Os principais objetivos da pesquisa são descobrir quem são os atores que participam do debate e quais argumentos são mobilizados por estes. Foram trabalhados aspectos teóricos ligados ao meio ambiente, a partir de Leff, Acselrad, Junges e Kolbert, e ao Estado, a partir de Bobbio, Alexandrino e Paulo e Mascaro, abordando as relações que ambos mantém entre si, com o sistema econômico e com a democracia. Quanto à comunicação pública, esta é trabalhada a partir das perspectivas de Weber, Esteves, Gomes e Arendt. A escolha metodológica foi a pesquisa qualitativa de caráter exploratório-documental, adotando-se a pesquisa bibliográfica, a pesquisa históricodescritiva, a pesquisa documental e a análise de conteúdo, segundo Bardin, como métodos de pesquisa Elabora-se uma descrição do objeto de disputa – no caso, a Fundação Zoobotânica – e, a seguir, se explora o debate público sobre a proposta de extinção da FZB, objeto desta pesquisa. Como principais resultados, descobriu-se que o argumento econômico foi predominante no debate, com pouco espaço para os argumentos ambientais. Também foi possível mapear e posicionar os atores, situando de um lado governo Sartori, entidades empresariais e parte da imprensa (jornal Zero Hora); e de outro lado o movimento de apoio à FZB, organizações da sociedade civil, instituições acadêmicas, deputados de oposição, o Tribunal Regional do Trabalho da 4ª Região e outra parcela da imprensa (jornal Sul21). Por fim, constatou-se que houve debate público sobre a proposta, porém com baixa interação entre as partes conflitantes, com a aprovação do projeto de extinção da FZB sem alterações expressando a impermeabilidade do governo em relação à sociedade civil organizada. / This master thesis looks into and reconstitute the public debate unleashed by the proposal of extinction of the Zoobotanical Foudation from Rio Grande do Sul, with other eight public foudantions, by the government of José Ivo Sartori (PMDB). The main objectives of the research are to discover who are the actors who participate in the debate and what arguments are mobilized by them. Theoretical aspects related to the enviroment were studied, starting from Leff, Acselrad, Junges and Kolbert, such as to the State, from Bobbio, Alexandrino & Paulo and Mascaro, addressing the relations that both mantains with each other, with the economic system and with democracy. As for public communication, this is worked out from the perspectives of Weber, Esteves, Gomes and Arendt. The methodological choice was qualitative exploratory-documentary research, adopting bibliographic research, historicaldescriptive research, documentary research and content analysis, according to Bardin, as research methods. A description of the object of the dispute is made – in this case, the Zoobotanical Foundation – and the public debate about the FZB's extinction proposal is explored, the object of this research. As main results, it was found that the economic argument was predominant in the debate, with little room for environmental arguments. It was also possible to map and position the actors, situating Sartori government, business entities and part of the press (Zero Hora newspaper); and on the other side the support movement to the FZB, civil society organizations, academic institutions, opposition deputies, the Regional Labor Court of the 4th Region and another portion of the press (newspaper Sul21). Finally, it was verified that there was a public debate about the proposal, but with low interaction between the conflicting parties, with the approval of the FZB extinction project without changes expressing the government's imperviousness to organized civil society.

The purpose of this bachelor thesis was to examine how Swedish opinion journalists chose to portray The Gasoline Uprising 2.0, from both a framing perspective and a perspective of modes of persuasion. The research questions examined were: How does opinion journalists at Swedish daily newspapers frame The Gasoline Uprising 2.0? How does opinion journalists at Swedish daily newspapers use modes of persuasion in opinion pieces about The Gasoline Uprising 2.0?  The methods used in this bachelor thesis were a self made method that we based on Robert M. Entmans existing theory regarding framing. We also used a theory based on Karlberg and Mrals rhetoric method of analysis concerning the perspective modes of persuasions. A mix of these methods were used to examine how Swedish opinion journalists chose to frame The Gasoline Uprising 2.0. By examining the opinion pieces we found a variety of patterns. One of the main frame patterns pointed towards the writers feelings regarding compassion and understanding towards people that live in the countryside. Primarily the writers chose to frame The Gasoline Uprising 2.0 as an issue regarding the increasing polarization between the countryside and the city. The findings concerning the use of modes of persuasion showed that the writers primarily used compassion to increase their credibility during the use of ethos in the opinion pieces. Regarding logos we found that several writers used underlaying causes and compared the Swedish environmental politics to other countries in order to get people behind their thesis. From a pathos perspective, we found that the writers wanted to awaken feelings of empathy and anger within the reader.

The aim of this study is to investigate young adults’ perspectives on the increased shootings in their neighborhoods and how their perspectives relate to the public debate. This study also aims to inquire what measures young adults consider works against the increased shootings. The study is based on seven semi-structured interviews with young adults aged between 20 – 30 years from Järvaområdet. The empirical data was analyzed with inductive thematic analysis and resulted in four main themes. To describe and understand some of the themes we used labeling theory and the concepts of stigma and normalization. The research shows that the experience of the increased shootings has been normalized in the public debate and between the residents in the neighborhood. One of the findings indicates that the preventive measures doesn’t seems to match the needs in the neighborhoods. The overall conclusion shows that the shooting in the neighborhoods affects all in different levels and thus shows the importance to lift the different perspectives for instance future studies.