This essay is about the discussion concerning graduation celebrations in The Swedish Church. Since this discussion is recurrent in the media when it is getting close to the end of the term in the Swedish schools, it is interesting to see how people choose to discuss this issue. This essay will look at how this issue is discussed within the Swedish school and the Swedish church. My research questions that I will use are: How is the issue of the church as a venue for the end of school year discussed in the Swedish Church's newspaper and in the Teachers' Union's trade magazine, Läraren.  This will be done through a content analysis of articles taken from these two newspapers where they discuss the church as a venue for the graduation. I will use a secularization theory developed by the sociologist of religion Thomas Luckmann in which he assumes that one can look at religion from two perspectives, church-oriented religion, and individual-centered religion. The survey in this paper shows that most people are in favor of using the church as a venue for the graduation’s celebrations and that they see it more as a tradition to be there such as something religious.

This bachelor thesis examines the construction of young people in relation to reading and literacy, as expressed in a public debate that took place in Swedish daily press during the autumn of 2020. The empirical material consists of 21 articles from four major Swedish newspapers. Using a discourse analytical approach based on the conceptual framework developed by Laclau and Mouffe, this study identifies four different discourses about what constituted reading and literacy among children and adolescents: the instrumental discourse, the moralising discourse, the book discourse and the progressive discourse. These four discourses had a major impact on the debate and the construction of young people in relation to literacy and reading. One conclusion is how dominating moralising and instrumental discourses constrains and polarizes public debate. This also includes the consequences of the book discourse, implying that print literacy is more desirable than digital literacy, which creates negative attitudes towards the digital habits of children and adolescents which is expressed in the debate.

[pt] A tese se propõe a discutir a emergência dos jovens de classes populares escolarizados na cena internacional e brasileira, assumindo que a questão juvenil foi amplamente transformada com a ampliação do acesso às escolas públicas de ensino médio, nos EUA e Europa a partir dos anos de 1950 e no Brasil a partir dos anos de 1990. Nesse sentido, nossa discussão pretende enfrentar o debate sobre como as novas juventudes populares e periféricas, e novos espaços de conflitos e de afirmação de direitos que são as escolas públicas ganham centralidade. Para tanto, nosso trabalho assume que, ao longo desse período, experimentamos um intenso debate sobre o lugar e o sentido da juventude na vida de um país que ainda experimenta um processo de democratização que também se materializa na própria democratização do acesso à fruição da juventude. A fim de explorar empiricamente essa questão elegemos quatro momentos como especialmente importantes que se deram entre os anos 2000 e 2017: as Conferências Nacionais da Juventude, as Jornadas de junho de 2013, o Movimento de Ocupação das Escolas, e o debate que deságua na Reforma do Ensino Médio e na Lei do Novo EM. Por outro lado, procuramos articular essa análise empírica com um debate teórico que pensa a questão juvenil e sua relação com a escola, bem como sua presença como protagonista de ativismos e movimentos sociais; e de outro lado, o debate sobre a escola de ensino médio como um local de disputas políticas. / [en] The thesis proposes to discuss the emergence of young people from popular classes educated on the international and Brazilian scene, assuming that the youth issue was largely transformed with the expansion of access to public high schools in the USA and Europe from the 1950 onwards. and in Brazil from the 1990s onwards. In this sense, our discussion aims to confront the debate on how new popular and peripheral youth, and new spaces of conflict and assertion of rights that are public schools, gain centrality. To this end, our work assumes that, throughout this period, we experienced an intense debate about the place and meaning of youth in the life of a country that is still experiencing a process of democratization that also materializes in the democratization of access to youth enjoyment.. In order to empirically explore this issue, we chose four moments as especially important that took place between the years 2000 and 2017: the National Youth Conferences, the June 2013 Days, the School Occupation Movement, and the debate that led to the Reform of Secondary Education and the New EM Law. On the other hand, we seek to articulate this empirical analysis with a theoretical debate that considers the youth issue and its relationship with school, as well as its presence as a protagonist of activism and social movements; and on the other hand, the debate about high school as a place for political disputes.

The thesis concerns public debate on the public activities of The Swedish History Museum (Historiska museet) in Stockholm between the years 1992 and 2011. Moreover, the thesis contribute with knowledge on how basic didactic questions regarding a single national museum has been answered in the public debate over time. Standpoints on what should be exhibited, how this should be done, to/with whom the mediation of history should be addressed/communicated and, what mission in society The Swedish History Museum’s is considered to be, is summed up in the concept of “exhibition ideal”. The research concerns four public debates; the debate about the exhibition The Swedish History (Den Svenska Historien), the debate about Kristian Berg, the debate about the free entry reform and, a less extensive debate about the exhibition History of Sweden (Sveriges Historia). A further aim of the dissertation is to put the publicly expressed positions on The Swedish History Museum in a wider historical-cultural context. Also, the study is related to other museums and other history communicating arenas. The debates coincides in time with challenges for the museum sector to deal with new perspectives in museology and cultural heritage research. The emergence of a multi-cultural society and the questioning of grand narratives are mentioned as examples. The emergence and strengthening of a broader history didactic discipline in Sweden, where a basic starting point is that the story is communicated in several different arenas with their own competencies, are also brought into the analysis. Historians and archaeologists tend to become silent in the recent debates about The Swedish History Museum’s public activities as the debates are less focused on content. The debates tends to be more “museum internal”, even in cases where there is opportunity to debate specific historical and archaeological content in the exhibitions. It appears, nevertheless, that the overall conflict around the public museum activities has reached the public spotlight through newspapers, radio and TV. Alongside with visits to the museum public debate are assumed to contribute to citizens’ own view of what museums should exhibit, how this should be done, to/with whom the mediation of history should be addressed/communicated and what the museum’s mission in society is.

Trigger warnings as a concept is mainly a tool to make students aware of potentially triggering content in literature and has its origin in internet adaptions of psychological theories of posttraumatic stress disorder. The aim of this essay was to describe and analyse the argumentation in the public debate over trigger warnings in Sweden and to illustrate the fundamental questions relating to education that is highlighted by it. This was done through argumentation analysis and with theories of liberalism and identity politics as poles of a dimension of justice, illustrated by two different perspectives on disability pedagogy. The material chosen consisted of nine articles, radio programs and televised debates. The results show a clear tendency for advocates of trigger warnings to lean towards identity politics and a critical perspective on disability pedagogy in their argumentation, while the critics firmly represented a liberal, universalist perspective along with a compensatory perspective on disability pedagogy in theirs. Three fundamental questions arose in the debate: first, safety in the realm of education, meant as void of feelings of being offended, was viewed as essential by the authors who were pro trigger warnings and as a threat to the sole purpose of education by those who were against it. Second, the importance of a diagnosis for disability pedagogy, where those against stressed the importance of a diagnosis, the lack of which in combination with a request for a trigger warning was viewed as being easily offended. Advocates on the other hand were uninterested in diagnoses. Finally, the relation between free speech and democratic values in the educational system and in the society as a whole, where those authors favouring trigger warnings tended to view free speech as less fundamental than those opposed, who instead saw trigger warnings as a threat.

Submitted by Nadir Basilio (nadirsb@uninove.br) on 2016-05-12T19:20:30Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Nelson Laginestra Junior.pdf: 2585366 bytes, checksum: 64311f0ae81d222e4bf706ee0a01fb64 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-12T19:20:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Nelson Laginestra Junior.pdf: 2585366 bytes, checksum: 64311f0ae81d222e4bf706ee0a01fb64 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-26 / The purpose of this project is examine the chapter of the Federal Constitution of 1988 about the Brazilian Social Communication, focusing into structure and mechanics of the radio broadcast into the country, which is, into this study, the groups of radio stations and open television channels, explored as commercial product by the dealers of the respective public services. The main objective is to search answers for the following inquiring: Are the constitutionals guidelines for means of communication who broadcast image and sound by electromagnetic waves into the national territory effective? The project will be exposed as an essay presented into the legal studies master`s degree project of the Universidade Nove de Julho, associated to the research line called Justice and the efficiency paradigm. Focusing into the sequence of the objectives - both general and specific – will be examined how the big groups owners of the radio and open television public concessions were formed, since the first radio broadcasts into Brazil. Will be persecuted the origins of the formation of the called national radio and television networks, to next, examine the Brazilian option for the private model into the construction and expansion of this media corporations, over the influence of the 1964 putsch, and into the time period between the last military government the end of the National Constituent Assembly of 1987 -1988. The Comparative Law will support the analysis focusing into the constitutional treatment given to the system of broadcast into Brazil and into the United States of America. Next, will be contemplated the decision of the Federal Supreme Court who culminated into the “Media law” into homeland legal framework, and the respective consequences of the decision into the Right of Reply. The exposed investigation will contemplate the analysis of the constitutionals precepts related to the seal of monopoly and oligopoly into the Social Communication sector, to the relativism of editorial liberty and to the prevision of the complementariness of the communication systems public, private and state. The method that will be used is the hypothetical – deductive, supported by the comparative and historical methods. The results gained will show: the dissonance between the guidelines of the Federal Constitution of 1988 and the fateful reality about the structure and mechanics of radio and open television broadcasters; the perception that those mass media vehicles have the main vectors of the debate of public concern; the economic power of the big radio and television networks is corollary of the public concern debate control; the internet, despite it mitigates the control of information received from media corporations, still have real efficacy about the effective pluralism desired into the information vortex and cultural productions; the self regulation of the sector is the base for the ideal attempt of lend effectiveness to the constitutional guidelines for the Social Communication, under the guarantee of the freedom of speech, into the actuation of the radio and open signal television broadcasters. / O objetivo desta análise é examinar o Capítulo da Constituição Federal de 1988 dedicado à Comunicação Social no Brasil, com especial foco à estrutura e ao funcionamento do sistema de radiodifusão no País, compreendido, para efeitos deste estudo, como o conjunto de emissoras de rádio e de televisão de sinal aberto, exploradas comercialmente pelos concessionários dos respectivos serviços públicos. O objetivo específico é buscar respostas à indagação: são efetivas as diretrizes constitucionais destinadas aos meios de comunicação que transmitem imagem e som através de ondas eletromagnéticas no território nacional? O trabalho será exposto na forma de dissertação apresentada no âmbito do Programa de Mestrado em Direito da Universidade Nove de Julho, aderente à linha de pesquisa denominada Justiça e o paradigma da eficiência. Para a consecução dos objetivos - geral e específico - examinar-se-á como se formaram os grandes grupos detentores das concessões públicas de rádio e de televisão de sinal aberto, desde os primórdios das primeiras transmissões radiofônicas no Brasil. Perseguir-se-á a gênese da formação das chamadas redes nacionais de rádio e de televisão para, a seguir, investigar a opção brasileira pelo modelo privado na construção e expansão dessas corporações midiáticas, sob a influência do Golpe de 1964, e no período compreendido entre o término do último governo militar e o final da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987-1988. A análise buscará auxílio no Direito Comparado com foco no tratamento constitucional dispensado ao sistema de radiodifusão no Brasil e nos Estados Unidos da América. Contemplar-se-á na sequência do estudo observação a recair sobre a decisão do Supremo Tribunal Federal que expurgou a chamada “Lei de Imprensa” do Ordenamento Jurídico pátrio, e as respectivas consequências do referido decisório acerca do Direito de Resposta. A investigação proposta marchará no campo da análise dos preceitos constitucionais relativos à vedação de monopólios e oligopólios no setor da Comunicação Social, à relativização da liberdade editorial e à previsão da complementariedade dos sistemas de comunicação público, privado e estatal. O método utilizado será o hipotético-dedutivo, auxiliado pelo método comparativo e pelo método histórico. Os resultados colhidos apontarão: a dissonância entre as diretrizes da Constituição Federal de 1988 e a realidade fática quanto à estrutura e às formas de atuação das emissoras de rádio e de televisão de sinal aberto; a percepção de que os referidos veículos de comunicação de massas constituem os principais vetores do debate de interesse público; o poderio econômico das grandes redes de rádio e de televisão é corolário do controle do debate de interesse público; a internet, apesar de mitigar o controle da informação proveniente das corporações midiáticas, ainda constitui meio de eficácia restrita quanto ao efetivo pluralismo desejado no âmbito fluxo de informações e produções culturais; a autorregulação do setor desponta como tentantiva idônea de emprestar efetividade às diretrizes constitucionais destinadas à Comunicação Social, sob a garantia da liberdade de expressão, no âmbito de atuação das emissoras de rádio e de televisão de sinal aberto.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att analysera debatter och diskurser i svenska medier kring  Kulturrådets litteraturstöd från 2009 och fram till och med 2021. Det empiriska materialet består av 22 artiklar  hämtade från dags- och kvällspress. Genom att använda diskursanalys som teori och metod problematiseras flera  debatter. Frågor som ställs är: Vilka föreställningar om litteraturstödet kommer till uttryck i debatten? Vilka  positioner intar de olika rösterna i debatten? Vilka diskurser framträder i litteraturstödsdebatten och vad  kännetecknar dessa? Metod och teori utgår från Hedemarks användning av diskursteori. I analysen framträder tre  diskurser: en armlängdsdiskurs, en kvalitetsdiskurs samt diskursen mångfald och kommersiell likriktning.  Analysen avslöjade att kulturskribenter som politiker ofta har en framträdande position och ett stort inflytande  över innehållet i debatterna, och att dessa upplever att de styrande ignorerar principen om armlängds avstånd till  kulturskapande. Debattörerna är oense om kvalitetsbedömning men även om hur mycket innehållet ska beaktas  vid beslut om stöd. De professionella i form av bibliotekarier deltog inte alls. Vi menar att denna osynlighet är ett  resultat av att bara vissa släpps in i debatten, men också att det i slutänden är upp till varje enskilt bibliotek hur  förmedlingen av litteraturstödda titlar går till. / The aim of this thesis is to analyse debates and discourses in Swedish media about the support of  literature from the Swedish cultural council from 2009 and up to and including 2021. The empirical material  consists of 22 articles derived from the daily press, and by using discourse analysis as theory and methodology,  several debates are problematized. Questions posed in this study are: What views of the support of literature are  expressed in the debates? What positions do the different voices occupy in the debate? What discourses emerge  and what characterises these? The theoretical and methodological framework is based on Hedemark’s use of  discourse theory. In the analysis three discourses appear: an arm's length discourse, a quality discourse and a  diversity and a commercial one-dimensionality discourse. The analysis revealed that cultural writers as well as  politicians often have a prominent position and a great influence over the content of the debates, and that they are  of the perception that the government ignores the principle of arm’s length distance to cultural creation. The  debaters are arguing over quality judgment, but also how much importance should be considered regarding the  content when deciding which titles to support. The professionals, e.g., librarians, however, did not participate in  the debates. We believe that this invisibility is a result of only some being admitted into the debate, but also in the  end, it is up to each library how the dissemination of literature-supported titles takes place.

<p>Anne Charlotte Leffler, Victoria Benedictsson and Frida Stéenhoff were all part of the Modern Breakthrough in Swedish literature. By utilizing Jürgen Habermas theoretical works on communicative action, and Nancy Fraser’s supplementary reading of his theory, this essay makes clear that the authors’ struggle for an understanding and a rethinking of social norms in their plays <em>Skådespelerskan </em>(1873), <em>Romeos Julia </em>(1888) and <em>Lejonets unge </em>(1896) can be read as a contribution to the public debate. Dialogue has a key function for female authors during the Modern Breakthrough. Women and mens’ possibilities to take part in conversation and argument as equals, requires the professional woman’s transgression and access to the privileges of both public (State) administration – “system”, and world of everyday life – “lifeworld”. As oppositional authors, Leffler, Benedictsson and Stéenhoff took advantage of the literary public domain, in this case the theatre. The theatre as public sphere had a more effective capacity to affect its audience than fiction. The plays were written and staged in a cultural period that, compared with the present one, in a greater sense influenced public opinion. The theatre was a powerful part of the public debate, and this debate involved parties from both on-stage and off-stage positions.</p><p>At the theatre Leffler, Benedictsson and Stéenhoff turned the private into politics. Their powerful contribution to the public debate were directed specifically towards the bourgeois audience. They carried on a controversy concerning the notion of the bourgeois family by showing scenarios that raised objection to its idealistic point of view. The bourgeois living room was exposed on stage. Conflicts related to the private sphere were brought up as a theme in a public sphere and by so means were incorporated into the public debate, which at that time was dominated by men. The plays mirrored the audience and the authors’ strategies were based upon the remodeling power inherent in conversation and argumentation. Thereby, the audience were confronted with an alternated reflection of themselves. This reflection should be read as a problematic representation of the writing of history. The alternate mirroring brought in itself forward an argument that emphasized why a new reflection was necessary.</p><p><em>Skådespelerskan</em>, <em>Romeos Julia </em>and <em>Lejonets unge</em> examine female artists in a bourgeois environment. Through the artist the structures that maintain bourgeois ideals are exposed and questioned, but first and foremost the artist show that communicative action between men and women was insufficient. The androcentric order did not acknowledge women and men as equals, in accordance with that, the possibility of conversation, in the sense of Habermas, came to nothing. Under such circumstances an understanding between men and women could not be reached. Love within the institution of marriage also suffered since it could not be founded in acknowledgement as long as the structure maintained. Saga and Adil, the main characters in <em>Lejonets unge</em>, personify, on the other hand, Stéenhoffs ideas of what is being needed to change the androcentric structure. They are citizens of the future.</p><p>My focus is on human action (in an Aristotelian sense) in the plays, the way characters stage themselves and bring the plot forward, shed light upon their possibilities and limitations in proportion to each other as men and women. My analysis thereby contrasts with the greater part of earlier research. I give prominence to the connection between psychological conflict and social position/role. In <em>Skådespelerskan</em>, <em>Romeos Julia</em> and <em>Lejonets unge</em> all of the characters’ psychological conflicts are based in gender issues, the consequences of being a man or woman in the 18th century, rather than explicit existential matters.</p>

Anne Charlotte Leffler, Victoria Benedictsson and Frida Stéenhoff were all part of the Modern Breakthrough in Swedish literature. By utilizing Jürgen Habermas theoretical works on communicative action, and Nancy Fraser’s supplementary reading of his theory, this essay makes clear that the authors’ struggle for an understanding and a rethinking of social norms in their plays Skådespelerskan (1873), Romeos Julia (1888) and Lejonets unge (1896) can be read as a contribution to the public debate. Dialogue has a key function for female authors during the Modern Breakthrough. Women and mens’ possibilities to take part in conversation and argument as equals, requires the professional woman’s transgression and access to the privileges of both public (State) administration – “system”, and world of everyday life – “lifeworld”. As oppositional authors, Leffler, Benedictsson and Stéenhoff took advantage of the literary public domain, in this case the theatre. The theatre as public sphere had a more effective capacity to affect its audience than fiction. The plays were written and staged in a cultural period that, compared with the present one, in a greater sense influenced public opinion. The theatre was a powerful part of the public debate, and this debate involved parties from both on-stage and off-stage positions. At the theatre Leffler, Benedictsson and Stéenhoff turned the private into politics. Their powerful contribution to the public debate were directed specifically towards the bourgeois audience. They carried on a controversy concerning the notion of the bourgeois family by showing scenarios that raised objection to its idealistic point of view. The bourgeois living room was exposed on stage. Conflicts related to the private sphere were brought up as a theme in a public sphere and by so means were incorporated into the public debate, which at that time was dominated by men. The plays mirrored the audience and the authors’ strategies were based upon the remodeling power inherent in conversation and argumentation. Thereby, the audience were confronted with an alternated reflection of themselves. This reflection should be read as a problematic representation of the writing of history. The alternate mirroring brought in itself forward an argument that emphasized why a new reflection was necessary. Skådespelerskan, Romeos Julia and Lejonets unge examine female artists in a bourgeois environment. Through the artist the structures that maintain bourgeois ideals are exposed and questioned, but first and foremost the artist show that communicative action between men and women was insufficient. The androcentric order did not acknowledge women and men as equals, in accordance with that, the possibility of conversation, in the sense of Habermas, came to nothing. Under such circumstances an understanding between men and women could not be reached. Love within the institution of marriage also suffered since it could not be founded in acknowledgement as long as the structure maintained. Saga and Adil, the main characters in Lejonets unge, personify, on the other hand, Stéenhoffs ideas of what is being needed to change the androcentric structure. They are citizens of the future. My focus is on human action (in an Aristotelian sense) in the plays, the way characters stage themselves and bring the plot forward, shed light upon their possibilities and limitations in proportion to each other as men and women. My analysis thereby contrasts with the greater part of earlier research. I give prominence to the connection between psychological conflict and social position/role. In Skådespelerskan, Romeos Julia and Lejonets unge all of the characters’ psychological conflicts are based in gender issues, the consequences of being a man or woman in the 18th century, rather than explicit existential matters.

Sveriges livsmedelssystem står inför stora utmaningar såsom negativ miljöpåverkan och beroendet av att importera både livsmedel och insatsvaror. Livsmedelsproduktionen, som idag domineras av det konventionella jordbruket, har bland annat inneburit utarmade jordar och exploaterade resurser samt utsläpp av gifter. Studien syftar till att sammanställa och jämföra den vetenskapliga forskningen och samhällsdebatten angående alternativ livsmedels-produktion. Studien är avgränsad till att redogöra för produktionssystemen regenerativa jordbruk och akvaponiska system. Den vetenskapliga forskningen angående regenerativa jordbruk och akvaponiska system sammanställdes i ett kunskapsläge. En kvalitativ innehållsanalys utfördes för att identifiera och sammanställa samhällsdebatten kring systemen. Samhällsdebatten rörande de två alternativa livsmedelsproduktionssystemen bildade följande teman: den samordnande rösten, den offentliga rösten, forskarens röst, den operativa rösten, samt den övriga rösten. Inom dessa teman identifierades följande sex kodord: livsmedelsförsörjning, miljömässiga aspekter, ekonomiska aspekter, sociala aspekter, utmaningar samt möjligheter. I vår undersökning har vi inte formulerat några nya begrepp, däremot har vi funnit samband såväl som avvikelser och glapp mellan samhällsdebatten och den vetenskapliga forskningen. / Sweden's food system faces major challenges such as negative environmental impact and is dependent on importing both food and intermediate goods. Food production, which today is dominated by conventional agriculture, has meant, among other things, depleted soils and exploited resources as well as emissions of toxins. This study aims to compile and compare the scientific research and the public debate regarding alternative food production systems. The study is limited to account for the production systems regenerative agriculture and aquaponic systems. The scientific research regarding regenerative agriculture and aquaponic systems was compiled in a state of knowledge. A qualitative content analysis was performed to identify and compile the public debate about the systems. The public debate concerning alternative food production systems formed the following themes: the coordinating voice, the public voice, the researcher's voice, the operational voice, and the miscellaneous voice. Within these themes, the following six code words were identified: food supply, environmental aspects, economic aspects, social aspects, challenges and opportunities. In our study, we have not formulated any new concepts, however, we have found connections as well as discrepancies and gaps between the public debate and the scientific research.