Cette recherche a pour objectif de montrer l’importance des actions des éducateurs de prévention spécialisée (l’OPI : Orientation – Prévention – Insertion) du Neuhof face aux phénomènes de violences. A travers ce travail, nous essayons de déconstruire certaines notions souvent amalgamées par les médias, les hommes politiques, l’opinion publique : violences juvéniles ordinaires, violences urbaines, jeune de quartiers populaires, banlieue, etc. Dans cette thèse, nous portons un intérêt aux dispositifs préventifs contre les violences juvéniles ordinaires/urbaines, la violence sociale (la précarité, etc.) ainsi qu’à leur mise en pratique, et à la distance existant en la matière entre les discours ambiants et la réalité sur le terrain. / The purpose of this research is to show the importance of the actions of the specialist prevention educators (OPI: Orientation - Prevention - Insertion) of the Neuhof against the phenomen a of violence. Through this work, we try to deconstruct certain notions often amalgamated by the media, politicians, public opinion: ordinary juvenile violence, urban violence, young people from suburbs, suburbs, etc.In this thesis, we take an interest in the preventive measures against ordinary / urban juvenile violence, social violence (precariousness, etc.) as well as their implementation and the distance existing in matter between the ambient discourses and the reality in the field.

Orientador: Adriana Maria Bernardes da Silva / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Geociências / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-26T10:14:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rizzatti_Helena_M.pdf: 7268751 bytes, checksum: e9f6cd162811c2aee6873855465b863d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: O presente estudo busca compreender o atual processo de urbanização da cidade de Campinas-SP, com ênfase na análise das dinâmicas territoriais a partir de 1990 até 2014, através da pesquisa sobre as duas maiores ocupações de terras urbanas da cidade: a região do Parque Oziel e a região do Jardim Campo Belo. Com o intuito de compreendermos a urbanização corporativa que vem se dando em Campinas-SP analisamos o II Polo de Desenvolvimento de Alta Tecnologia de Campinas (CIATEC), a ampliação do Aeroporto Internacional de Viracopos e a instalação dos condomínios e loteamentos murados na cidade onde temos a concentração da população de alta renda na sua periferia Norte, a periferia rica. Em contrapartida, destrinchamos os recentes dados da Prefeitura Municipal e do Censo Demográfico (IBGE), de 2010, para demonstrarmos como se adensa a população de baixa renda na Macrorregião Sul, a periferia pobre, onde se localizam as duas ocupações de terras urbanas que estudamos. Ambas conectam-se pela Rodovia Santos Dumont e distam dez quilômetros uma da outra estabelecendo diversas relações no seu cotidiano e, por isso, nos permitindo compreender uma parcela do território da cidade que delimitamos como Região Sul. Para essa delimitação foi necessário retomarmos e refletirmos criticamente sobre as diversas regionalizações do planejamento territorial utilizadas pelo poder público municipal. Apresentamos também as políticas habitacionais municipais voltadas para as moradias irregulares da população de baixa renda. Analisamos, ainda, o recente Plano Municipal de Habitação, de 2011, exigido pela nova política habitacional em âmbito federal que também implantou na cidade o Programa de Urbanização de Assentamentos Precários que atingiu as duas ocupações urbanas estudadas. Debatemos também a implantação e os desdobramentos das leis municipais de regularização do solo urbano, a primeira elaborada pela Assembleia do Povo de Campinas (organização que apresentamos no texto) no ano de 1988, e a segunda, lei 11.834, implantada em 2003, que atinge as duas áreas estudadas. E, por fim, apresentamos e debatemos as contra-racionalidades constituídas a partir das resistências, do cotidiano, do saber local e da comunicação através da análise do processo de formação das ocupações da região do Parque Oziel e do Jardim Campo Belo. Para tal, discutimos a instalação informal das infraestruturas urbanas a partir do momento da ocupação, as Associações de Moradores do Bairro, as informações ascendentes e os fluxos constituídos por essas populações para atingir os serviços de saúde e educação em Campinas e sua Região Metropolitana. Com isso, buscamos mostrar como a população de baixa renda constrói a cidade a partir da formação das enormes periferias urbanas pobres e irregulares intrínsecas à urbanização corporativa incorporada no país / Abstract: This study aims to understand the current urbanization process in the city of Campinas-SP, with emphasis on the analysis of territorial dynamics from 1990 to 2014, through the research on the two largest occupations of urban land in the city: the region of Parque Oziel and the region of Jardim Campo Belo. In order to understand the corporate urbanization that is occurring in Campinas-SP we analyzed the II High Technology Development Pole of Campinas (CIATEC), the expansion of the Viracopos International Airport and the installation of condominiums and subdivisions in the city where is the concentration of high-income population in the northern suburbs, the rich suburbs. In contrast, we unravel recent data from the Municipality and Census (IBGE), 2010, to demonstrate how the low-income population is still concentrated in South suburbs, poor suburbs, where we find the two studied occupations of urban land. They are both connect to the Santos Dumont Highway and set just ten kilometers apart from one another, which establishes various similar relationships in their daily lives and therefore allow us to understand this portion of the city's territory, the delimited Southern Region. It became necessary, for such a delimitation, to resume and reflect critically on the various regionalizations types used in the municipal government's territorial planning. We also present the municipal housing policies for irregular dwellings of low-income population. Furthermore, we analyze the recent Municipal Housing Plan, 2011, required by the new housing policy at the federal level, the same policy which implemented the Precarious Settlements Urbanization Program that also falls on the two urban occupations we studied, and we analyzed this program's implementation in the regions as well. It is also discussed the implementation and deployment of the municipal urban land regularization laws, the first one developed by the People's Assembly of Campinas (an organization shown in the text) in 1988, and the second, by the law 11.834, set in 2003, that reaching the two areas studied. Finally, we present and debate the counter-rationalities estabilished from the resistance, the daily life, local knowledge and communication through the analysis of Parque Oziel and Jardim Campo Belo occupation's formation process. To this end, we discuss from the installation of informal urban infrastructure in the moment of the occupation to the Neighborhood Associations, the upward informations and the flows constituted by the population to achieve health services and education in Campinas and its metropolitan area. Thus, we seek to show how the low-income population builds city by forming huge irregular and poor urban peripheries, all intrinsic to the corporate urbanization already incorporated into the country / Mestrado / Análise Ambiental e Dinâmica Territorial / Mestra em Geografia

Máčal Tomáš - DP. Přicházíme žít. Proměna městysu Nehvizdy po roce 1990 Abstract The diploma thesis explores the environment of the town Nehvizdy. The thesis also examines suburbanization changes after 1990. The current form of the town is formed by the construction of flats and family houses. It results in the development of services. Nehvizdy is geographically close to Prague. It gives the city the potential to continue building. It increases the population. People are looking for affordable housing according to current trends. Nehvizdy, like the village type, changes to "satellite city" type near the metropolis. There is the research goal. The work examines the image of the village in the years after the Velvet Revolution. There have been many changes here. This is an important sociological and historical point of view how the old residents perceive new inhabitants. This is also investigated in the opposite direction - how the new inhabitants see the old residents. Nehvizdy experienced the transformation from the agricultural village to a place full of services in the post-revolutionary years. Here the quality of hospitality, transport service and the possibility of spending free time were changed. Here is also the transformation of the education system and the function of Sokol as a topic. This...

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I denna undersökning har jag haft som syfte att undersöka hur media beskriver tre områden byggda under miljonprogrammet: Lindängen, Nydala och Rosengård och dess invånare med utgångspunkt från Sydsvenskan och Aftonbladet. Detta har gjorts med hjälp av kritisk diskursanalys samt tidigare forskning och teorier. Utifrån de fem olika teman, miljö och arkitektur, levnadsmiljö, utbildning och arbetslöshet, kriminalitet och brott samt Vi och dem har jag försökt skapa en så bred bild som möjligt. Studiens övergripande slutsats är att dessa områden konsekvent beskrivs i termer som betonar socioekonomisk utsatthet, kriminalitet och problematiska samhällsförhållanden. Invånarna framställs som bristande i hygien, med låg utbildningsnivå och utländsk härkomst. Beskrivningar som dessa förstärker negativa stereotyper och bidrar till en bild av områdena och dess invånare som avvikande och separerade från resten av samhället. / In this paper I have sought to investigate how media portrays three different boroughs inMalmö city built up during the so-called “million programme”, namely: Lindängen, Nydalaand Rosengård and its residents, based on the publications of the newspapers Sydsvenskanand Aftonbladet. The means used for the investigation are mainly critical discourse analysiscoupled with previous research and theories. In order to achieve a broad description of theproblem, this paper has centered around the five central themes of: environment &architecture, living environment, education & worklessness, criminality & crime and “Weand them”. The resulting conclusion of this study is that the three named burroughs areconsistently portrayed in the aforementioned media outlets as areas overrun bysocioeconomic degradation, criminal activity and problematic societal relationships. Theresidents are portrayed as lacking in hygiene, with a low level of education, and of foreignorigin.These types of descriptions in media enhance negative stereotypes and contribute to animage of these areas as containing inhabitants which are deviant and isolated from society asa whole.

The aim of the work is to present Argentinian literary tradition as reflected in the Jorge Luis Borges' essays and collections of poems from his early creative period (twentieth and thirtieth of 20th century). The corpus of the analyzed works is created by three collections of poems - Passion for Buenos Aires, Moon across the Way, San Martin Copybook and three books of essays - Evaristo Carriego, The Size of My Hope and The language of the Argentines. At the beginning, the text is focused on Argentinian (respectively on Hispanoamerican) cultural context at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. Then, the text continues by analysis of six Borges' books mentioned above reflecting five most important Argentinian motives - pampa, gaucho, compadrito, Buenos Aires and its suburbs and dictator. The author notices different attitudes to Argentinian topic and concludes that Argentina symbolizes very important theme, which is influenced also by Borges' predecessors (e. g. Sarmiento, Hernández or Lugones). Key words: Jorge Luis Borges, Argentinian literary tradition, cultural identity, textual analyse, Buenos Aires, suburb, pampa, compadrito, dictator.

[pt] Esta pesquisa se aplica à alimentação no dia de descanso ao se matar a galinha criada no terreiro da casa, preparada e servida no almoço em família quando Todo Domingo Era dia de Galinha. Uma narrativa concebida a uma forma de sociabilidade, adotada na compreensão da necessidade de um padrão, um hábito alimentar de um grupo de homens e mulheres negros, contexto de subalternidade diante da urbanização, localizados nos subúrbios, lançados à luz dos menos visíveis, na reordenação da cidade. O estudo no uso da metodologia explora o modelo etnográfico. Na passagem do tempo, a galinha viva passou a ser comprada no centro das práticas sociais, no Mercadão de Madureira, onde tudo alimenta e salva o valor no consumo das mercadorias. O que se busca é problematizar esse sujeito marcado na função da ausência, engessado na negação de uma produção do pensamento. Em Spivak, o sujeito impossibilitado da fala, concebido como passivo na prática discursiva presente nas representações sociais e políticas. / [en] This research applies the power to the rest day by killing the goose created the yard of the house, prepared and served at family lunch when All day Sunday was chicken. A narrative designed a form of sociability , adopted in understanding the need for a standard , an eating habit of a group of black men and women , the context of subordination before urbanization , located in the suburbs , launched in light of the less visible , the reordering city . The study explores the use of ethnographic methodology model. The passage of time, the live chicken came to be purchased at the center of social practices in Mercadão Madureira, where everything feeds and saves the value in the consumption of goods. What is sought is to question this guy scored in terms of the absence, plastered in a denial of production of thought. In Speak, the subject prevented speech, designed as a liability in this discursive practice in social and political representations.

[pt] A dispersão da mancha urbana das cidades provoca alto custo para toda a população, com a necessidade de investimentos em saneamento, transportes e equipamentos urbanos, além do problema da poluição e desmatamento causados por essa expansão. Em casos como o da cidade do Rio de janeiro, a mancha urbana ocupa praticamente todo o território municipal e se desenvolve em áreas ainda desprovidas de infraestrutura que suporte novos empreendimentos, enquanto outras, melhor estruturadas, ficam estigmatizadas por conceitos urbanos pejorativos e desprestigiadas pela sociedade - os seus chamados subúrbios, hoje conhecidos como Área de Planejamento 3. Formam-se, com isso, vazios urbanos em áreas próximas ao centro, que poderiam ser melhor aproveitados para termos um território mais compacto e poupador de recursos públicos. O atual Plano Diretor da cidade estabeleceu como zonas de incentivo áreas antes desprestigiadas, em quase toda a Zona Norte e parte da Zona Oeste, sendo um ponto de partida para reversão do atual quadro de crescimento desordenado e segregatório da cidade. / [en] Rio de Janeiro has had a fragmented model of expansion, where many new regions occupied not have transportation and sanitation infrastructure, and old areas, structured, tend to be disparaged and stigmatized as places of low social value. The effects on the city is catastrophic, affecting the routine of all the population and hindering the control of the territory by the government. While there were new areas to grow, the city took advantage of that. Many neighborhoods were born, evolved and died, while new spaces were created and encouraged. Came to Barra da Tijuca, the greatest example of how Rio de Janeiro has expanded to meet the desires of a particular group in search of a safe and elitist environment. Condos upper middle class were built and attracted people from all over the city and, in parallel, its sewage was dumped in the lagoons of the neighborhood. While a new Rio grew, much of the city was deteriorating, especially downtown and North Zone. In the central region, the idea of transferring downtown to Barra da Tijuca gained strength, with large companies moving into this new neighborhood. Modern buildings, wide open spaces and parking were the main differences between the two regions. In the residential aspect, concern for downtown was virtually nil. In the North Zone, with the increase of slums and violence, traditional neighborhoods were no longer the focus of the middle class carioca, with stagnating real estate investments over time and making the region passed by a process of forgetting his relevance within the context of the city, having his image associated with violence and crime. In areas called suburbian, the situation was even worse. The old industries have moved to other cities due to the daily violence of those neighborhoods, highlighting Benfica, Bonsucesso, Ramos and Penha, suffering a massive stagnation over the past decades. Associated with urban problems, prejudice was responsable for the not occupation of a large space in the city, well structured and located. But none of this was seen as a problem, but as a solution, because in Rio there were still many areas to grow and receive new residents, not being interesting recover and encourage the occupation of what had actually structure to receive new ventures. The thought of rejection of old areas and interest in new lasted nearly three decades and, as a consequence of this neglect, we have seen emerge an ancient and undervalued city and another one new and prosperous, resulting in a decentralized Rio and full of empty urban, increasingly dependent of transport, sanitation and opening new routes, generating costs for the entire population. Analyzing the urban area in Rio, in North Zone, we can see how there is a waste of urbanized areas, where there is a structured urban space, with transportation and sanitation system established, but underutilized and virtually without good projects being introduced. In certain parts of West Zone, investments are numerous, without a previous and efficient infrastructure that can receive all these investments. This is a contradiction. Currently known as Planning Area 3 (AP 3), a huge and discredited region in North Zone is in a strategic location, but is stigmatized by the media and society with pejorative concepts of class, who treats it like a suburb, but the application of that name ends up being contradictory, because, in Rio de Janeiro, this concept is associated with an etymology and not with a urban fact. There are in AP 3 urbanized neighborhoods and near downtown, but they are viewed negatively, often caused by so-called opinion leaders. AP 3 is the gateway of the city, with a strategic location to anywhere else in the city, state, country and abroad (the international airport is located there). It is the most populated area in the city and needs to be well treated, as a new investment option, regardless of titles assigned to it. With its proper use, we would have a less process of expansion toward the West Zone, giving to the Rio a efficient urban development, integrator and spending few public resources, resulting in a territory less dispersed and more egalitarian. The lack of investment in AP 3 has brought, besides the widespread abandonment, tragic consequences not only for the 38 per cent of the population carioca living there, but also for the entire city, which bears the overall expenditure of the municipality. Carioca population grew between 2000 and 2010 from 5,857,904 to 6,320,446 inhabitants, and the population density grew from 4880.37 to 5265.81 hab/square km. Analyzing the five planning areas, we observed a population growth across all APs in the nineties, but the representative of each one in the citys total population was redistributed. The AP 3, which concentrates most of the population of Rio, had a dicrease from 40.20 per cent to 37.96 per cent hab/square km, while the West Zone had a considerable increase in that number. The West Zone (Barra da Tijuca, Recreio dos Bandeirantes, Jacarepaguá e Vargens) is the area that received the most investments and incentives to be occupied, with only 14.39 per cent of the population residing there. There is still no efficient system of sewerage, transport, sidewalks and street paving. Nevertheless, we can see that area envolving more and more, causing a collapse not only within the limits of the West Zone, but also affecting the traffic throughout the city. In contrast, AP 3, with nearly 38 per cent of the municipal population, has been losing its representativity, due to the lack of policies to encourage the attraction of new residents and provide better services to the current. A city like Rio de Janeiro, where there is still no efficient mass transport, should be more compact and its residents served by quality services in short rays, eliminating the dependence on shifts that require the use of own vehicles. The consequences of urban sprawl is what we see nowadays, like the constant traffic jams, due to the dependence of vehicles from those who live in areas furthest from downtown, the high cost of deployment transportation system to meet these new areas, need for sanitation base infrastructure, paving and lighting. The big question is, if there is a region still largely in its horizontal and already endowed with infrastructure, as the AP 3, investments in development and attracting new residents would be a way to save public money and take advantage from the current urban area of the city, contributing to a truly sustainable development. Rio de Janeiro does not have more growth cluttered spaces and building in prime areas are increasingly rare. Seeing the AP 3 as a growth vector of Rio is an economical way to have an efficient and inclusive urban development. This need has been ratified by legislation through the Complementary Law 111/11, which determined the incentive of that area and some adjacent. AP 3, because of its size and diversity, demands varied solutions, but the common denominator is the need to stimulate the formal residential occupation, urbanization, retrenchment in slums, the recovery of peripheral areas to them, that has been assuming characteristics of informality, and improving the infrastructure and quality of the transport system. There are many obsolete and underutilized areas that will enable a transformation in the way of inhabiting the city. If there is a global awareness of the urban territory, either in Rio de Janeiro or any other city in the world, the concept of sustainable growth is meaningless, with neighborhoods rising, developing and dying, wasting past spending and future spending provoking. Cities can not continue with thoughts segregatórios class and should be properly used and maintained, valuing its past and controlling the growth process on expensive areas untouched, becoming an integrated environment and easy to be used and administered. Despite this negative picture, a more attentive enough to discover the enormous economic potential of the AP 3. The housing market in certain spots is heated and there are high expectations of its expansion with new public and private investments that are occurring. Life in neighborhoods still retains an aspect of good neighborliness, preserving a quality of life now lost in the more developed districts of the city. We can already notice a special attention to the region, with new public and private investment, with little prospect of improvement in visibility and consolidation of growth vector proposed by the current master plan.

A pesquisa se trata de um estudo de caso realizado em um templo da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus no bairro de Piraporinha, periferia na zona sul de São Paulo. Por meio de um estudo etnográfico e uma série de entrevistas com os fiéis do templo, buscou-se avaliar o impacto da religião seja pela indicação da igreja, pela orientação moral, seja pela identidade evangélica no processo de decisão do voto nas eleições de 2014, particularmente para deputado federal e estadual e para presidente. Seguindo a tese do lulismo, de André Singer, os fiéis, que faziam parte da classe trabalhadora com 2 a 5 salários mínimos de renda familiar deveriam apoiar candidatos do PT; porém, a questão que surge é o quanto o fator religioso alteraria essa lógica. Assim, a pesquisa encontrou que a religião teve um peso significativamente maior na decisão do voto para o Legislativo no qual os fiéis, em quase sua totalidade, seguiram a indicação da igreja e apoiaram seus candidatos a deputado federal e estadual do que para o Executivo no qual os entrevistados se pautaram, primordialmente, por questões de renda na decisão do voto para presidente. / The research is a case study in a temple of the Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus, in the Piraporinha neighborhood, in the southern suburbs of São Paulo. Through an ethnographic study and a series of interviews with the church-goers, we sought to assess the impact of religion whether through an indication of the church, through moral guidance, or through evangelical identity in the voting decision process in the 2014 elections, particularly for federal and state deputies and for president. Following the thesis of the Lulismo, from André Singer, the church-goers, who were part of the working class with 2 to 5 minimum wages of family income should support candidates of the Workers Party (PT); however, the question arises how the religious factor would alter this logic. Thus, the survey found that religion had a significantly greater weight in the voting decision for the Legislative branch in which the church-goers, in almost their entirety, followed the indication of the church and supported its candidates for federal and state deputies than to the Executive branch in which respondents were guided primarily by income issues in the voting decision for president.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo de estudo a relação envolvendo a periferia e o seu processo de reposição na metrópole de São Paulo, tendo por base o estudo realizado no bairro do Cabuçu, no município de Guarulhos. A complexidade urbana do momento atual comporta diferentes análises no sentido de sua interpretação. Partindo-se desse pressuposto, o que se analisa neste trabalho é a atual condição da periferia na metrópole de São Paulo face as promessas da modernidade relacionada ao desenvolvimento urbano. Essa modernidade, acompanhando a evolução do capitalismo, leva a instituição propriedade privada à posição de centralidade, transformando esta numa das principais marcas da sociedade moderna. Em meio a tantas alternativas acerca da complexidade urbana atual, a escolha aqui feita foi a de analisar a periferia enquanto uma realidade sócio-espacial que, do ponto de vista desta reprodução ampliada, deve ser incessamente resposta ao longo do território da metrópole, não excluindo as contradições inerentes a esse processo. Por sua vez, esse movimento incessante vincula-se ao próprio sentido do urbano, que é reproduzido a partir da lógica do capital, e à impossibilidade no alcance das promessas da modernidade. A metrópole chega à atual fase enquanto um território que, dentre vários outros desdobramentos, passa a enfatizar a relação entre o capital especulativo e o mercado imobiliário. Vem daí a intensificação da especulação imobiliária, que é articulada longo do território da metrópole. Como consequência, a reposição da periferia, que se consubstancia em função do drama cada vez maior da moradia, passa também a ser um movimento articulado nessa mesma metrópole. / This task has as na aim of study the relation which involves the suburb and its processo f replacement in São Paulo city, having as a fundamental support the accomplished study in Cabuçu district in Guarulhos city. The complexity, for the time being keeps diferent analysis in the way of its interpretation starting from this pretext what studies in this task is the presente situation of São Paulo metropolis suburb according to the promises of modernity in the relation to the suburb development. This modernity with the capital evolution takes private property institution to the center point, changing it into the most principal marks of the modern society. Among so many alternatives around the present urban complexity, the done choice here was to analyse the suburb as the reality of associate space that, by the point of view of this bigger reprodution must be constantly replaced in the metropolis land not excluding contradictions inherent into this process. However, this constant movement goes to its own urban way which is remade from a capital logic and impossibility in reaching modernity promises. The metropolis gets to the present moment as a territory that, among several developments, begings emphasizing the link between speculative capital and real state market. From this point, the intensification of speculative real state comes and it is articulated in the metropolis land. By as consequences, the suburb repositiion that gets worse according to the misery which becomes bigger in the dwellings and also becomes being na articulated movement in the same metropolis.