The thesis identifies four modes of action and cooperation of transnational networks of GROs by taking the Tanzania Urban Poor Federation (TUPF), a sub-network of Shack Slum Dweller International (SDI), as an example. Based on the understanding of “interpretive network analysis” (Schindler 2006: pp. 100-101), qualitative and quantitative methodologies of data collection and analysis (expert interviews, member survey, on-site visits of projects, review of TUPF and SDI reports) have been applied in the course of field research. Analysis took place based on a set of criteria regarding the current state of knowledge of typologies, structures, processes, dynamics and preconditions for stable, effective networks. Furthermore, mechanisms for network governance are also taken into account. The selected cases represent a range of issues, applied instruments, different modes of cooperation and scopes of action. Based on the set of criteria, the examination is intended to address questions concerning the relevance of local embeddedness and the capability of the local communities of the TUPF to enter into cross-sectoral and cross-level cooperation. Based on these insights, effects for the scope of action, the empowerment of the actors involved and the development of marginalized settlements are indentified. The case-study research on the basis of the TUPF and SDI verifies the potential of networks for the dissemination of knowledge and the creation of social capital and multidimensional cooperation. However, the analysed modes of action and cooperation develop different degrees of capacities regarding these issues. In this context, the assumed interrelation between the degree of extension of the scope of action and the capability to create multidimensional cooperation in the course of networking activities becomes clear. The cases of the TUPF and SDI show that transnational networks of GROs are able to develop cooperation structures and development strategies involving features of integrated approaches which are spatially and socially embedded in local communities and also benefit from transnational and crosssectoral cooperation. The aspects highlighted above represent a range of potentials and preconditions which turned out to be relevant and important for the activities and processes of local communities within the network. These final results are intended to provide guidance for the development of beneficial structures by governmental actors and development organizations. Furthermore, they should be integrated into a reconsideration of cooperation strategies in the course of urban management processes and development approaches to reduce urban poverty.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 4334.pdf: 1106898 bytes, checksum: f4eb1ee25fbd44abb2f597435f8d918b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-02-28 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / This study aims to understand the process of formation and incorporation of climate agenda in environmental and urban policy areas of São Paulo, including contextualizing and the formulation of the law that established the Climate Change Policy in São Paulo (Law 14,933 of June 5, 2009). To do so, based on theoretical assumptions of agenda-setting, we will hold: a literature review of international literature on the mode of action of ICLEI's CCP campaign, qualitative analysis of interviews with some actors who participated in the formulation of the law; survey of the actions converging local municipality to tackling global climate change, and analysis of organizations and instruments created by law. We found that the climate agenda is being built gradually in urban and environmental policy of the city of São Paulo, since 2003, when the municipality joined the Cities Campaign for Climate Protection of Transnational Network of Local Governments, ICLEI and as a result, produced its first inventory of greenhouse gases emissions (GHGs). With the publication of the inventory in 2005, the City received indications of its priorities regarding GHG mitigation. We identified that between the years 2005 to 2007, the political actions in dealing with an interface to local causes and consequences of climate change were expanded in São Paulo. The implementation of urban and environmental policies with climate agenda provided a political learning that led to the formulation of the law 14,933. The law, in turn, provided an institutional legacy that structure the definition of policy problems, policy formulation and the influence of outside groups for the continued inclusion of the climate agenda in the formulation of policies in the municipality. / Esse trabalho tem por objetivo entender o processo de formação e incorporação da agenda climática na política ambiental e urbana do município de São Paulo, incluindo e contextualizando o processo de formulação da Lei que definiu a Política de Mudanças Climáticas do Município de São Paulo (lei 14.933 de 05 de junho de 2009). Para tanto, com base nos pressupostos teóricos de agenda-setting, realizamos: revisão bibliográfica da literatura internacional sobre o modo de atuação da campanha CPC do ICLEI; análise qualitativa de entrevistas com alguns atores que participaram no processo de formulação da lei; levantamento das ações locais do município convergentes com o enfrentamento das mudanças climáticas globais; e análise das organizações e instrumentos criados pela lei. Observamos que a agenda climática vem sendo construída paulatinamente na política ambiental e urbana do município de São Paulo, desde 2003, quando a Prefeitura aderiu à Campanha Cidades para Proteção do Clima da Rede Transnacional de Governos Locais ICLEI e, como resultado, elaborou seu primeiro inventário de emissões de gases de efeito estufa (GEE). Com a publicação do inventário em 2005, o Município obteve indicações das suas prioridades quanto à mitigação de GEE. Identificamos que, entre os anos de 2005 a 2007, as ações políticas com interface no enfrentamento às causas e consequências locais das mudanças climáticas foram ampliadas no município de São Paulo. A implementação de políticas urbanas e ambientais aderentes à agenda climática proporcionou um aprendizado político que possibilitou a formulação da lei 14.933. A lei, por sua vez, proporcionou um legado institucional que estrutura a definição dos problemas políticos, a formulação de políticas e a influência de grupos externos para a contínua inserção da agenda climática na formulação de políticas no município.

A partir dos conceitos de regime internacional e de governança global, busca-se compreender a influência dos governos subnacionais no âmbito das negociações multilaterais intergovernamentais, no que diz respeito à efetividade do regime internacional da mudança climática. O indicador de influência foi desenvolvido levando em consideração a criação e implementação das agendas políticas domésticas. Dessa forma, destacam-se as grandes cidades como atores subnacionais públicos, reunidas nas Redes de Cidades líderes contra as mudanças climáticas, entre elas a Rede C40. A transformação de atores públicos locais em agentes de mudança no âmbito transnacional, por meio da constituição de uma rede, abre novas perspectivas teóricas para a discussão acerca do papel de atores subnacionais nas Relações Internacionais, o que deve repercutir sobre o debate a respeito das abordagens teóricas nas subáreas de regimes e de governança global. / Following the conceptual framework of global governance and international regimes, we tried to demonstrate the relevance of subnational governments towards the conclusion of the international negotiations and the effectiveness of the international regime on climate change. This influence can be measured by their role in the domestic agenda setting, in the decision-making process and in the implementation of public policies, as well as in the increase in cooperation agreements with non-state actors. The Climate Leadership Group, the C40 network, gathering the largest cities in the world, have become an important international player, transforming itself into a new transnational actor in the Climate Change arena, which is going to have a influence on scholars of international regimes and global governance.

A partir d’une ethnographie de la mobilité des travailleurs colombiens originaires de classes moyennes urbaines, cette recherche explore les recompositions spatiales, sociales et d’entraide, à la lumière d’une mondialisation qui prône la flexibilité tout en limitant la mobilité de certains. Les Colombiens font parti du groupe des indésirables au niveau de la mobilité internationale et passent par des formes de contournement et de dénationalisation; mais ils sont bien placés au sein de l’échelle des migrants aux Etats-Unis où ils reconstruisent des identités positives. Cette approche contribue aux études sur les latinos aux Etats-Unis en y positionnant le groupe des Colombiens qui bien que numériquement important est aujourd’hui invisible, mais aussi au débat sur le rôle des réseaux sociaux dans les mobilités. Ces migrants n’utilisent les réseaux d’origine nationale que comme une aide parmi d’autres et la méfiance joue un rôle récurrent dans les liens qu’ils développent. L’approche multi sites incluant le pays d’origine a permis de mieux interpréter les stratégies des personnes qui se construisent au sein d’un seul champ social. L’étude rend compte de la remise en question des hiérarchies et du rôle des femmes au sein des relations transnationales. Enfin, ce travail questionne la fonction de la ville globale et des quartiers multi ethniques non ségrégués dans l’accueil des migrants. En effet, loin des schémas des quartiers ethniques isolés, les Colombiens ont construit différents «espaces colombiens» dont Jackson Heights, dans le Queens, serait un nœud essentiel leur donnant accès à un capital social au niveau du «Grand New York», mais aussi de certains réseaux transnationaux. / Based on the ethnography of the mobility of middle-class Colombian workers of urban origin, this research explores the spatial, social and solidarity reconstructions, amidst a globalization process which advocates for flexibility while restricting the mobility of certain individuals. Colombians belong to an undesirable group when it comes to international mobility and they go through certain forms of bypassing and citizenship denial; however they are well positioned when it comes to the social standing of migrants in the United States, finding ways to recreate positive identities. This approach contributes to the studies about Latinos in the United States, not only placing Colombians within this group, currently invisible in spite of their growing number, but also placing them in the debate of the roll of social networks in mobilities. These migrants only use the national origin networks as an aid among others and distrust plays a recurrent roll in the connections they develop. The multi city approach, including the country of origin, has allowed a better interpretation of the strategies of persons who grow in a unique social field. This study brings back the question of hierarchy and of the roll of women in transnational relationships. Finally, this study questions the function of the global city and of non segregated multi-ethnical neighbourhoods concerning the reception of migrants. In fact, far from the schemes of isolated ethnic neighbourhoods, Colombians have built different «Colombian spaces», Jackson Heights in Queens being an essential knot giving them access to a social capital, not only at a «Great New York» level, but also to certain transnational networks.

Anhand von drei Untersuchungen, die jeweils als eigenständige Artikel in Fachzeitschriften publiziert wurden, werden unterschiedliche Aspekte der Rolle der Familie auf das Partnerwahl- und Partnerschaftsleben bei türkischstämmigen Personen untersucht. In einem ersten Artikel werden die Determinanten einer familiären Einflussnahme auf die Partnerwahl untersucht. Hierzu werden Hypothesen zum Einfluss des Bildungsgrades, der ethnischen Zusammensetzung des sozialen Netzwerkes und des Geschlechts untersucht. Ein weiterer Artikel untersucht, wie sich die familiäre Einflussnahme auf die Partnerwahl auf die spätere Partnerschaftsqualität auswirkt. Der dritte Artikel hat die familiären transnationalen Netzwerke als Untersuchungsgegenstand. Dabei wird analysiert, wie ein familiäres Netzwerk, das sich über mehrere Nationalstaaten spannt, auf die Wahrscheinlichkeit einer transnationalen Partnerschaft auswirkt.:1 Forschungsgegenstand und Aufbau der Synopsis .............................................................1 2 Partnerwahl im familialistischen Kontext ............................................................................3 3 Partnerwahl nach dem westlichen Liebesideal .................................................................. 7 4 Bildung und andere Determinanten des Partnerwahlmodus ............................................10 5 Partnerwahl im Migrationskontext .................................................................................. .12 6 Partnerwahlmodus und Partnerschaftsqualität ............................................................. ..16 7 Familiäre Netzwerke und transnationale Partnerschaften ............................................... 19 8 Zusammenfassung und Ausblick ...................................................................................... 27 9 Literaturverzeichnis ..........................................................................................................30

The thesis identifies four modes of action and cooperation of transnational networks of GROs by taking the Tanzania Urban Poor Federation (TUPF), a sub-network of Shack Slum Dweller International (SDI), as an example. Based on the understanding of “interpretive network analysis” (Schindler 2006: pp. 100-101), qualitative and quantitative methodologies of data collection and analysis (expert interviews, member survey, on-site visits of projects, review of TUPF and SDI reports) have been applied in the course of field research. Analysis took place based on a set of criteria regarding the current state of knowledge of typologies, structures, processes, dynamics and preconditions for stable, effective networks. Furthermore, mechanisms for network governance are also taken into account. The selected cases represent a range of issues, applied instruments, different modes of cooperation and scopes of action. Based on the set of criteria, the examination is intended to address questions concerning the relevance of local embeddedness and the capability of the local communities of the TUPF to enter into cross-sectoral and cross-level cooperation. Based on these insights, effects for the scope of action, the empowerment of the actors involved and the development of marginalized settlements are indentified. The case-study research on the basis of the TUPF and SDI verifies the potential of networks for the dissemination of knowledge and the creation of social capital and multidimensional cooperation. However, the analysed modes of action and cooperation develop different degrees of capacities regarding these issues. In this context, the assumed interrelation between the degree of extension of the scope of action and the capability to create multidimensional cooperation in the course of networking activities becomes clear. The cases of the TUPF and SDI show that transnational networks of GROs are able to develop cooperation structures and development strategies involving features of integrated approaches which are spatially and socially embedded in local communities and also benefit from transnational and crosssectoral cooperation. The aspects highlighted above represent a range of potentials and preconditions which turned out to be relevant and important for the activities and processes of local communities within the network. These final results are intended to provide guidance for the development of beneficial structures by governmental actors and development organizations. Furthermore, they should be integrated into a reconsideration of cooperation strategies in the course of urban management processes and development approaches to reduce urban poverty.

[pt] Esta dissertação busca olhar para o espaço das redes transnacionais religiosas sob a perspectiva da Sociologia Política Internacional. Através do caso paradigmático da construção da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (IURD) como ator transnacional e sua transnacionalização para a África, procuro oferecer elementos para entender o lugar dessas redes na política mundial. Muitos estudiosos pensaram que a importância da religião desapareceria da política com o advento da modernização. No entanto, as tradições religiosas se adaptaram aos novos tempos, ressignificando o espaço da religião na sociedade. As redes transnacionais religiosas são resultado desse processo de adaptação. No Brasil, o movimento de transnacionalização religiosa que mais teve destaque foi o das redes neopentecostais, como o da IURD, que se intensificaram a partir da década de 1980. Em uma abordagem de redes de religião como fenômenos transnacionais, vemos que elas produzem efeitos na política mundial que nos permitem modificar a forma como se pode olhar para as relações políticas e sociais, e, por vezes, desafiar o próprio sistema de estados. / [en] This dissertation seeks to look at the space of transnational religious networks from the perspective of International Political Sociology. Through the paradigmatic case of the construction of the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God (IURD) as a transnational actor and its transnationalization for Africa, I try to offer elements to understand the place of these networks in world politics. Many scholars thought that the importance of religion would disappear from politics with the advent of modernization. However, religious traditions have adapted to new times, giving new meaning to the space of religion in society. Transnational religious networks are the result of this adaptation process. In Brazil, the movement of religious transnationalization that stood out the most was that of neopentecostal networks, such as that of the IURD, which intensified from the 1980s onwards. In an approach of religious networks as transnational phenomena, we see that they produce effects on world politics that allow us to modify the way we can look at political and social relations, and sometimes to challenge the state system itself.

Quel est le pouvoir des normes internationales de droits humains ? Ces normes ont-elles un pouvoir politique? En s’appuyant sur le cas mexicain (entre 1988 et 2006), la thèse tente de répondre à trois questionnements. Le premier est lié à la trajectoire des normes: les défenseurs mexicains des droits humains cherchent-ils l’appui d’acteurs internationaux pour promouvoir les droits humains vis-à-vis leur gouvernement, tel que le suggère le modèle du boomerang ? Deuxièmement, il s’agit de comprendre l’impact du processus de diffusion des normes sur le respect des droits humains : les acteurs internationaux et nationaux qui défendent les droits humains parviennent-ils à influencer les décisions politiques gouvernementales, en matière de protection des droits humains ? Et finalement: ces groupes contribuent-ils à changer le cours du processus de démocratisation d’un État ? Les résultats de la recherche permettent de tirer quelques conclusions. La thèse confirme dans un premier temps la théorie du boomerang de Keck et Sikkink (1998), puisque les pressions domestiques en matière de droits humains deviennent efficaces au moment où les acteurs domestiques gagnent l’appui des acteurs internationaux. En ce qui concerne l’impact de la diffusion des normes internationales des droits humains sur leur protection gouvernementale, il semble que le gouvernement mexicain entre 1988 et 2006 réagisse aux pressions des acteurs qui diffusent les normes de droits humains par la mise en place d’institutions et de lois et non par une protection effective de ces droits. Un deuxième type d’impact, lié à la diffusion des normes en droits humains, est observé sur le processus de démocratisation. La thèse montre que les acteurs qui diffusent les normes en droits humains jouent un rôle dans la mise en place de réformes électorales, tout en contribuant à une redéfinition plus démocratique des rapports de pouvoir entre la société civile et l’État. / What is the power of international human rights norms ? Do those norms have the capacity to change the political course of a State ? More precisely, can they contribute to a better human rights protection and the democratization of a State ? This thesis tackles these questions and tries to figure out how the international human rights norms are participating to the political evolution of a country. Examining the case of Mexico, this thesis seeks to provide answers to three main questions. The first one is related to the path followed by norms : are the domestic human rights groups bypassing their State to search out international allies to bring pressure on the government, as suggested by the boomerang model, or are they able to display effective pressure for human rights changes? This thesis also tries to understand the impact of human rights groups on human rights domestic changes : are the international and national human rights groups able to bring out domestic human rights changes ? Finally, the impact of human rights groups on democratization is examined : do international and national human rights groups play a role within the democratization of the mexican State ? The analysis of data helps to draw the appropriate conclusions. First, the thesis argues that domestic human rights groups are using the boomerang effect, seeking international allies in Mexico to put effective pressure on their gouvernment. Indeed, the human rights domestic pressure became effective only when the international community started to get involved in the protection of human rights in Mexico. Secondly, it shows that international and national human rights groups have been efficient in encouraging the Mexican government to adopt human rights policies between 1988 and 2006. As the human rights sector expanded in Mexico, the government has put into place many reforms and institutions to promote human rights.

No description available.