Magister Legum - LLM / Even though sexual violence has always been a part and parcel of conflicts and atrocities throughout the ages, it never found any interpretation by subsequent tribunals who were responsible for prosecuting offenders.The case of The Prosecutor v Jean-Paul Akayesu was the first of its kind to give jurisprudential recognition and interpretation to sexual violence as war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide respectively. This case was important for the following reasons:1. It acknowledged that sexual violence can amount to an act of genocide; 2. It acknowledged that sexual violence can amount to a crime against humanity; and 3. It was the first case to define rape within an international context.Following the case of The Prosecutor v Jean-Paul Akayesu many tribunals gave recognition to the extent of which sexual violence takes place during atrocities by correctly convicting accused for either participating in sexual violence or aiding and abetting to sexual violence. Amidst the various interpretations on what constitutes sexual violence and how it is defined, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and the Special Court for Sierra Leone all either conceptualised sexual violence as genocide, war crimes or/ and crimes against humanity.At the same time, the development of sexual violence as either a crime against humanity or a war crime did not end with the courts. The case of The Prosecutor v Jean-Paul Akayesu sparked a fire in the international community, which led to it paying more attention to the place of sexual violence in treaty law. Taking into account that rape is listed as a crime against humanity in both the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda statutes, the Special Court for Sierra Leone and the International Criminal Court statutes both list more than one form of sexual violence as a crime against humanity. It is interesting to note that the latter two treaty developments took place only after the International Criminal Tribunal conceptualised sexual violence as a crime against humanity.Thus apart from merely listing rape as a crime against humanity, the Statute establishing the Special Court for Sierra Leone, states in article 2(g) that sexual slavery, enforced prostitution, forced pregnancy and any other form of sexual violence constitutes a crime against humanity. The Statute establishing the International Criminal Court states in article 7(1)(g) that rape, sexual slavery, enforced prostitution, forced pregnancy, enforced sterilisation or any other form of sexual violence of comparable gravity constitutes a crime against humanity. The interpretation of these acts is further guided by the ‘Elements of Crimes’ which are annexed to the International Criminal Court statute.Once again it is interesting to note that the ‘Elements of Crimes’ for these acts are similar to how the International Criminal Tribunals (both the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda tribunals) conceptualised various acts of sexual violence.On the other hand, the definition of genocide remained the same as it was defined in the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide of 1948. This definition does not expressly mention any form of sexual violence as a form of genocide.However, once again, the trial chamber in the case of The Prosecutor v Jean-Paul Akayesu set the benchmark for sexual violence to constitute a form of genocide by way of interpretation. The definition of genocide did not subsequently change in the Statute establishing the International Criminal Court.Based on these premises, this thesis attempts to investigate the similarities and differences in sexual violence as a form of both genocide and a crime against humanity,by addressing the following question:What are the essential and practical differences between sexual violence as crimes against humanity and genocide and what is the legal effect of the differences, should there be any? Chapter 1 highlights the historical overview and developments of sexual violence as genocide and crimes against humanity, while chapter 2 investigates how sexual violence can amount to a form of genocide. Chapter 3 assesses the advances made in sexual violence as a crime against humanity, while chapter 4 importantly draws a comparative analysis between sexual violence as genocide and a crime against humanity. Chapter 4 draws this comparison by weighing up four differences and four similarities in sexual violence as genocide and a crime against humanity.Chapter 5 highlights the conclusion and provides an answer for the research question that is posed above. Here it is concluded that even though there exist multiple differences in sexual violence as crimes against humanity and genocide, there are also multiple similarities which could possibly amount to a better chance for conviction of an accused under a crime against humanity than genocide. Chapter 5 also provide possible recommendations for the consequences that might flow should sexual violence as a crime against humanity be fairly similar to sexual violence as genocide.

The Master's thesis "Investment and tax environment of selected former Yugoslavian countries" deals with current tax systems and investment environment of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Slovenia. The first three chapters of the thesis are focused on the economic situation of selected countries, their business relations among themselves and the EU countries, foreign direct investment and rating. The fourth key chapter starts with the tax theory and fiscal harmonization within the European Union in order to give detailed analysis of tax systems with emphasis on current development. In conclusion is elaborated the comparison of selected tax systems.

The development of joint criminal enterprise at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) has been controversial since the doctrine was first created in 1997. For the judgments rendered by the ICTY to be perceived as legitimate, the doctrines used to bring charges against defendants must also be perceived as legitimate. The purpose of my thesis is to study the application of joint criminal enterprise at the ICTY and examine how the doctrine has influenced the length of sentences given. I find that joint criminal enterprise may be influencing longer sentences and the three categories of joint criminal enterprise are being used differently on defendants of different power levels. By empirically analyzing the patterns developing at the ICTY, I can see how joint criminal enterprise is influencing sentencing and the fairness of trials.

“Här kommer våra svenskar!” är en turismvetenskaplig studie som undersöker hur andra generationens invandrare från det forna Jugoslavien beskriver sina motiv till diasporaresor samt hur diasporaresorna påverkar andra generationens invandrare från det forna Jugoslavien identitetsupplevelser. Studien har hållit en kvalitativ ansats där nio informanter intervjuades om deras erfarenheter av diasporaturism. Den tidigare forskning om diasporaturism har legat till grund för vår studie. Majoriteten av den tidigare forskningen om diasporaturism fokuserar på första generationens invandrare. Forskning om andra generationens invandrare i allmänhet och andra generationens invandrare från det forna Jugoslavien i synnerhet är bristfällig. Denna studie påvisar att det finns indikationer på att diasporaturism har en påverkan på identitetsupplevelsen hos andra generationens invandrare från det forna Jugoslavien. Utöver att studiens informanter bekräftar den tidigare forskningens resonemang om diasporaturisters resemotiv kan studien även presentera ett outforskat bakomliggande resemotiv hos informanterna vilka är intressanta implikationer för den framtida forskningen. / “Här kommer våra svenskar!” is an tourism study that studies how second generation immigrants from former Yugoslavia describe their motives for diaspora tourism as well as how diaspora tourism effects the individuals perception of identity. This study has used a qualitative methodological approach where the empirical data was collected through nine interviews with second generation immigrants from former Yugoslavia concerning their experiences of diaspora tourism. This study shows that there is some indication that diaspora tourism has an effect on second generation immigrants from former Yugoslavias perception of identity. In addition to confirming previous diaspora tourism studies travel motives, this study also puts forward a previously unexplored underlying travel motive which has interesting implication for future tourism studies.

The much-debated new war theory suggest that a new type of organized violence has developed during the last decades of the twentieth century. These new wars occur during an era of globalization and differ from old wars concerning four factors: the goals, the actors, the finance, and the methods. One of these new wars is the war in Yemen (2015-), a country divided and war torn, suffering the world's largest humanitarian crisis. The study aims to critically analyse the application of the new war theory through a qualitative singular case study of Yemen. The analysis shows that an understanding can be made about both Yemen and the theory. The Yemen War revolves around reinvented and/or rekindled particularistic identities, formerly kept under control, but now unleashed after years of exclusion, increasing economic gaps, the Arab Spring, and the dismantling of the central state during an era of globalization. The war took on decentralized characteristics, the Yemeni government lost its monopoly on violence leading to several state and non-state actors involved in the war. They are sometimes financed by external actors or through looting, racketeering, kidnapping, etc., all akin to the methods of new war warfare which sees civilians as the main victims. The study argues that an even greater understanding can be made by reformulating the theory as a process rather than as separate factors only showing the differences between new and old. The new war process shows the interconnectedness between the four factors, while simultaneously including other impactful new war terms and concepts such as globalization, the motives of war, and the reoccurring and persisting violence. Globalization then becomes part of the new war process rather than being a separate element.

Martin Šmejc Abstract: "Conception of reconstruction of Yugoslavia after WW II." The topic "Conception of reconstruction of Yugoslavia after WW II." covers three different phenomena. The most important factor, that determined the development of Yugoslavia during the WW II., was the coming to power of the communist Partisans led by Josip Broz Tito. Their vision of Yugoslavia's reconstruction after the war was defined during the second session of the AVNOJ in Bosnian town Jajce in November 1943. How should according to those visions reconstructed Yugoslavia look like is one of the research questions this thesis is going to answer. The second phenomenon touches upon the conceptions of Yugoslavia's reconstruction by the royal Yugoslav governments in exile. Their project was quite as important as of the Partisans. Their importance resides in the fact that until March 1945, when a united government of Royalists and Partisans based on Tito-Šubašić agreement was created, the government in exile were considered as the only legitimate representatives of Yugoslavia. The third analyzed phenomenon is the impact of the three Allied powers on the situation of Yugoslavia until 1948. The third question posed in this analysis will determine the scope of influence of the USA, UK and USSR on the development of Yugoslavia -...

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Die Dissertation untersucht einen Paradigmenwechsel in der Rezeption der historischen Avantgarde in (medien-)künstlerischen Projekten der 1980er und 1990er Jahre in Ex-Jugoslawien und Russland. Dieser Paradigmenwechsel liegt im veränderten Verhältnis zum Begriff der (politischen wie künstlerischen) Utopie begründet. In den 1980er Jahren zeichnet sich die Rezeption sowohl im sogenannten sowjetischen Postutopismus (Il’ja Kabakov, Ėrik Bulatov, Oleg Vasil’ev, Komar & Melamid, Kollektive Aktionen) als auch in der jugoslawischen Retroavantgarde (NSK, Mladen Stilinović, Malevič aus Belgrad etc.) durch ein ‚diskursarchäologisches’ Interesse an potentiell totalitären Elementen der Avantgarde aus. Seit Beginn der 1990er Jahre lässt sich eine signifikant veränderte Rezeption der historischen künstlerischen Avantgarde in Projekten junger KünstlerInnen aus dem östlichen Europa festellen (Neoutopismus, Retroutopismus). Die Utopien der Avantgarde werden im sogenannten Retroutopismus (Marko Peljhan, Vadim Fishkin) nicht mehr primär mit totalitären Tendenzen gleichgesetzt, sondern sie werden jetzt vor allem auf ihre medientechnologischen Projektionen und Entwürfe durchgesehen. Diese wurden nicht nur von einzelnen Avantgarde-Künstlern und –Theoretikern (Velimir Chlebnikov, Bertolt Brecht), sondern auch von Wissenschaftlern und Ingenieuren (Nikola Tesla, Herman Potočnik Noordung) am Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts entwickelt. In den 1990er Jahren wird in künstlerischen Projekten somit ein verstärktes medienarchäologisches Interesse für frühe utopische Technologiephantasien der Avantgarde wahrnehmbar, das symptomatisch für ein signifikant verändertes Verhältnis zur Utopie bzw. zum Utopischen ist: Das Utopische löst sich von seinem eindeutig negativen, da politisch-totalitären Beigeschmack (verstanden als ‚Utopismus’) und wird wieder verstärkt positiv politisch konnotiert, d.h. als emanzipatives oder auch visionär-gespinsthaftes Potenzial verstanden (‚Utopizität’). / The dissertation researches a paradigmatic shift in the way artists reflect the historical avant-garde in visual and media art projects of the 1980s and 1990s in (ex-)Yugoslavia and Russia. The reasons for this paradigm shift can be found in the changing relationship to the notion of utopia, both in its political and its artistic connotation. In the 1980s, the reception both in so-called Soviet postutopianism (Il’ja Kabakov, Ėrik Bulatov, Oleg Vasil’ev, Komar & Melamid, Kollektive Aktionen) and in the Yugoslav retro-avant-garde (NSK, Mladen Stilinović, Malevič from Belgrads etc.) is characterized by a ‘discourse archeological’ interest in the potentially totalitarian elements of the avant-garde. Yet this point of view changes fundamentally during the 1990s in a younger generation of artists (neoutopianism and retroutopianism). Retroutopianism (Marko Peljhan, Vadim Fishkin) no longer primarily equates the utopianism of the avant-garde with totalitarian tendencies, but is reexamined with regard to its media-technological projections and designs, which were not only developed by individual avant-garde artists and theoreticians (Velimir Khlebnikov, Bertolt Brecht) but also by scientists and engineers during the early 20th century (Nikola Tesla, Herman Potočnik Noordung). Artistic projects of the time reveal an increasing ‘media-archeological’ fascination for the avant-garde's early utopian fantasies of technology. This fascination, in turn, is symptomatic for a significant change in the relationship to utopia and utopian thinking on the whole: utopian thinking per se separates from its unambiguously negative, political-totalitarian aftertaste (understood as 'utopianism') and takes on a new positive political connotation. It is now understood as an emancipatory or visionary-spectral potentiality ('utopicity').

Die vorliegende Dissertation bietet eine anthropologische Perspektive auf die Beziehungen zwischen Jugoslawien und Indien während der Zeit der Blockfreien-Bewegung. Durch die Analyse verschiedener Archivmaterialien, einschließlich offizieller, privater und biographischer Quellen aus Print- und Bildmedien, bietet die Studie ein Korrektiv zu dem weit verbreiteten Argument, dass die Bewegung der Blockfreien Staaten die Ideale des Antiimperialismus, der gegenseitigen Zusammenarbeit und des friedlichen Zusammenlebens nicht erfüllt habe. Im Mittelpunkt der Studie steht die Analyse der Rolle von Freundschaften, kulturellen Beziehungen und verflochtenen Biographien bei der Herausbildung einer "Geographie der Affinität" zwischen Indien und Jugoslawien, die durch die kulturelle Infrastruktur der Blockfreien-Bewegung ermöglicht wurde. Der indische Dichter und Übersetzer Rabindranath Tagore, dessen Werk im 20. Jahrhundert einen erheblichen Einfluss auf den jugoslawischen Kontext hatte, ist ein Beispiel für die zentrale Funktion der Übersetzbarkeit für diesen kritischen, humanistisch geprägten Internationalismus. Tagores lebenslanges Interesse an der Erforschung transnationaler Affinitäten entsprang sowohl seiner Tätigkeit als Übersetzer seiner eigenen Werke als auch seiner unerlässlichen Suche nach übersetzten Werken anderer Künstler und Schriftsteller aus aller Welt. Die persönliche Begegnung zwischen Ileana Čura, einer jugoslawischen Wissenschaftlerin, und Amrita Pritam, einer indischen Dichterin, ist ein eindrückliches Beispiel dafür, wie das Streben nach Übersetzbarkeit neue Konstellationen von Freundschaft, Reisemöglichkeiten und gemeinsam imaginierten Zukünften entstehen ließ. All dies ist nach wie vor von grundlegendem Interesse für Forscher im jugoslawischen Kontext. Diese "vergangenen Zukünfte", die von Künstlern, Kuratoren, Archivaren und Aktivisten der Region entdeckt wurden, stellen wichtige Ressourcen für die Gestaltung eines Lebens nach dem Kommunismus dar. Das Ziel dieser Studie ist es, diese verschiedenen kulturellen Stimmen zusammenzubringen, um eine neue Perspektive auf die Blockfreien-Bewegung als einen wichtigen Ort zu werfen, an dem die globalen Verflechtungen Europas aus der marginalisierten Perspektive des ehemaligen Jugoslawien neu gedacht werden können. / This dissertation offers an anthropological perspective on the connection between Yugoslavia and India during the period of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). Drawing on an assemblage of archives, some official, some personal and biographical, some from print and visual media, this study offers a corrective to the widespread argument that the NAM did not live up to its ideals of anti-imperialism, mutual cooperation and peaceful coexistence. This study focuses on the role of friendships, cultural ties and intertwined biographies in shaping a “geography of affinity” between India and Yugoslavia, which was enabled by the cultural infrastructures of the NAM. A crucial part of this critical and humanist internationalism is the idea of translatability, which was exemplified by the role of the Indian poet and translator, Rabindranath Tagore, who had a notable impact on the Yugoslav region for the entire century following the 1920’s. Tagore’s lifelong interest in exploring transnational affinities was driven by his own interest in translating his own work and in his incessant search for the translated works of artists and writers from different parts of the world. The personal encounter between Ileana Čura, a scholar from Yugoslavia, and Amrita Pritam, an Indian poet, is a powerful example of the way in which the quest for translatability created possibilities for friendship, travel, and imagined futures, which continues to be of vital interest to critical thinkers in the Yugoslav region. Artists, curators, archivists and activists from this region are unearthing these “past futures” as critical resources for life after communism. This dissertation is a study which joins these cultural voices in looking at the NAM as an important site for rethinking the global entanglements of Europe, from the marginalized perspective of what used to be Yugoslavia.

Sowohl Ägypter als auch Ashkali sind heute in der Verfassung der Republik Kosovo festgeschriebene communities mit Minderheitenrechten. Ihre Angehörige sind mehrheitlich muslimisch. Ashkali und Ägypter sind albanischsprachig während Roma meist einen der drei im Kosovo vorkommenden Dialekte des Romanes sprechen. In dieser Arbeit wurde untersucht, wie und vor welchem Hintergrund neue ethnische Identifizierungen in Konfliktgesellschaften entstehen, welche historischen und politischen Rahmenbedingungen dafür gegeben sein müssen, damit sie sich erfolgreich etablieren und was der jeweilige Vorteil für eine Identifizierung mit der einen oder der anderen Gruppe ist. Historisch-kritisch untersucht wurden schriftliche Ego-Dokumente von Ägyptern und Ashkali (Webseiten, Offene Briefe, Artikel und Monographien) sowie problemzentrierte Interviews, Statistiken, Menschenrechtsberichten und Artikel aus serbischen und kosovarischen Zeitungen. Der Zusammenhang von Antiziganismus und dem Wunsch nach Schaffung einer neuen nationalen Kategorie wurde dabei in der historischen Perspektive deutlich: in den 1960er/70er Jahren grenzten sich jugoslawische Roma von den negativen Stereotypen und ihrer Bezeichnung als „Zigeuner“ ab, promoteten die Bezeichnung ''Roma'' und vernetzten sich mit Roma anderer europäischer Ländern. Ab Ende der 1980er Jahre versuchten in Südwest-Mazedonien einige Menschen sich zu organisieren und ihr Image als „Zigeuner“ zu verlieren, ohne gleichzeitig den Albanern zugerechnet zu werden, die sich von Jugoslawien separieren wollten. Sie organisierten sich über die Republik Mazedonien und auch Jugoslawien hinaus und schafften es, in Serbien und Mazedonien als positive Alternative zur albanischen Minderheit anerkannt zu werden und ihre eigene Kategorie in der Volkszählung zu erhalten. Die Ashkali entstanden 1999 als Ausweg aus der Nachkriegs-Gewalt im Kosovo. / Both Egyptians and Ashkali are formally defined as communities with minority rights in the current constitution of the Republic of Kosovo. Their members are overwhelmingly Muslim. Ashkali and Egyptians are Albanian-speaking whereas Roma tend to speak one of the three Romany dialects spoken in Kosovo. This work examined how new ethnic identifications originate in societies in conflict and the causes behind this development; the historical and political conditions that must be in place to enable these new identities to become successfully established and what the respective benefits are behind identifying with one group over another. Written autobiographical documents from Egyptians and Ashkali (web sites, open letters, articles and monographs) as well as problem-centred interviews, statistics, human rights reports and articles from Serbian and Kosovan newspapers were critically examined from a historical standpoint. The relationship between antiziganism and the desire to establish a new national ethnic grouping is evident when viewed from a historical perspective: in the 1960s and 70s the Yugoslav Roma distanced themselves from the negative stereotypes associated with the name “Zigeuner” (gypsy), promoted the name Roma and built links with Roma from other European countries. At the end of the 1980s groups in south-west Macedonia joined together to shed their “Zigeuner” (gypsy) image, creating a group distinct from the Albanians who in turn were trying to separate themselves from Yugoslavia. The groups became more organised, extending beyond the Republic of Macedonia and Yugoslavia and they succeeded in being recognised as a positive alternative to the Albanian minority in Serbia and Macedonia where they were included in the census as a separate ethnic category. The Ashkali identity was created in 1999 in response to the post-war violence in Kosovo.