No description available.

No description available.

In here, the criminalization of sexual violence is a manifestation of increased recognition of feminism, and proof of international law reaching at liberal criteria for legitimization. Though, in making conclusions other necessary criteria for fully recognized legitimacy are acknowledged (such as other types of rights, types of security and other levels for analysis). Though, from a strict feminist critical approach the criminalization of sexual violence, and the extent of such criminalization can by itself prove legitimacy or illegitimacy.The criminalizing of sexual violence took place over 100 years ago, yet the systematic use of it in warfare was not publicly condemned until the ICTR (International Criminal Tribunal of Rwanda) and the ICTY (International Criminal Tribunal of former Yugoslavia) (Buss, 2009, p. 356) took on the duty to prosecute and convict. Still today women’s security and sexual violence are research fields that awake a lot of hostile emotions.Findings show that there is few, if any, affects for those tribunals that fail to bring justice to rape victims; calling for an analysis of Walzer’s political fit. The international praxis of impunity supports feminism in an existing ‘male truth’ risking the security of women. The legitimacy of the institution of international law is, however, not dependent on one legal procedure.Liberalist and feminist different interpretations of adequate necessity to create peace frame after 15 224 words a utilitarian illusion which slows down the pace of the implementation of a feminist security agenda. However, the progress is still evidence of strife towards the Kantian society of states. An inconsistent moral consensus finally results in the conclusion that this thesis cannot confirm the institution of international law illegitimate, arguably validating legitimacy.

This thesis explored the perceptions of immigrants from the Former Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) residing in Malmö, Sweden, of their Yugoslavian, national, and ethnic identities, as well as factors contributing to maintenance of Yugoslavian identity. Despite the dissolution of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s and the subsequent rise of distinct national identities, some individuals continue to identify as Yugoslavian. The study therefore aimed to understand how these immigrants maintain their Yugoslavian identity and perceive their national and ethnic identities, through a qualitative approach utilizing semi-structured interviews. The findings reveal that the Yugoslavian identity is perceived as one of unity, acceptance, and inclusion, shaped and maintained by various factors together. The research contributes to the field of migration and ethnic relations by explaining the solid nature of Yugoslavian identity, and its ability to transcend time and space, showing how it is influenced and maintained by a combination of various factors.

Diese Dissertation ist im Rahmen der Berlin Graduate School Muslim Cultures and Societies entstanden. / Diese historische Diskursanalyse untersucht zwei Stränge des zusammenhängenden historischen Basisnarrativs der Hidschra, welcher bosniakische Muslime Südosteuropas, ihre ausgewanderten Verwandten sowie das Denken politischer Eliten in der Türkei seit dem schrittweisen Niedergang des Osmanischen Reichs auf wechselvolle Weise verbindet. In den ersten beiden Teilen wird gezeigt, wie auch nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg in der historischen Region des Sandžaks von Novi Pazar (Serbien/Montenegro) der Migrationsdruck auf Muslime fortdauerte, die in der Türkei ihren Reservestaat sahen. Über die durchlässigen Grenzen des blockfreien Jugoslawiens hielten jugoslawische Muslime den gesamten Kalten Krieg hinweg Kontakte zwischen alter und neuer Heimat aufrecht, sind in beträchtlicher Zahl in die Türkei ausgewandert und konnten dort paradoxerweise über ihr symbolisches Kapital, aus Europa gekommen zu sein, schnell zu Etablierten werden. In dieser Phase, die an die figurative Rede des Fortgangs der Türkei aus Europa des 19. Jahrhunderts anschließt, dauert die Abwertung des Ostens und die Aufwertung Europas an, was sich auf Denken und Selbstverständnisse sozialistischer und kemalistischer Eliten beider Länder ausgewirkt hat, die sich von der osmanischen Geschichte abzugrenzen suchten. In den beiden folgenden Teilen wird gezeigt, wie der Bosnien-Krieg (1992-95), die geopolitische Wende sowie Entwicklungen im Feld des politischen Islams auf globaler und regionaler Ebene den Diskurs veränderten: Europa erfuhr eine symbolische Abwertung, während über eine Neurezeption des Exodus- und Gründungsmythos der Hidschra ein neuer Zivilisationismus entstand. Dadurch inspirierte türkische Kulturdiplomaten entfalteten ein neues Sendungsbewusstsein, das durch restaurative Aktivitäten auf dem Balkan die figurative Rede von der Rückkehr der Türkei beförderte. Das türkische Sicherheitsversprechen Amanet wird seitdem von beiden Seiten zur Herstellung diskursiver Einheit und politischer Zustimmung bemüht. / This historical discourse analysis examines two strands of the interrelated basic historical narrative of the Hijrah, which has linked Bosniak Muslims, their emigrant relatives and the thinking of political elites in Turkey from the gradual decline of the Ottoman Empire down to the present day in varying ways. The first two parts of this study show how the migratory pressure on Muslims in the historical region of the Sandžak of Novi Pazar (Serbia/Montenegro) continued even after World War II; these Muslim emigrants perceived Turkey as their reserve state. Through the permeable borders of non-aligned Yugoslavia, Muslims from the Sandžak region emigrated to Turkey in considerable numbers, maintained contact between their old and new homelands throughout the Cold War, and managed to quickly establish themselves, profiting from their symbolic capital of having come from Europe. In this period of time, which follows on from the figurative speech of The Outgoing Turk in the 19th century, the devaluation of the East and the revaluation of Europe continued, shaping the self-image of socialist and Kemalist elites in both countries who were seeking to distance themselves from the Ottoman past. The following two parts, by contrast, show how the Bosnian war (1992-95), the broader geopolitical shift and the concomitant developments in the field of political Islam were changing the discourse on a global and regional level: Europe underwent a symbolic devaluation, while a new civilizationism emerged via a new perception of the exodus and founding myth of the Hijrah. Inspired by this intellectual movement, Turkish cultural diplomats developed a new sense of mission that promoted Turkey's figurative and political return to the Balkans through restorative activities in the formerly Ottoman lands of Southeastern Europe. The promise of acting as a protective power for European Muslims termed Amanet is used by both sides to create discursive unity and even political approval.

La présente thèse a pour objet l’étude de la relation entre la preuve et la responsabilité pénale des supérieurs hiérarchiques devant les juridictions pénales internationales. Ces juridictions sont chargées de juger les responsables des crimes de masse. La question est donc de savoir comment elles procèdent, sur quelles preuves elles se basent et quel mode de participation est le plus adapté pour juger ces responsables. / This thesis deals with the study of the relationship between evidence and criminal responsibility of high ranking officers before international criminal courts. These courts judge the persons responsible for having committed mass crimes. The question is how they proceed, on which evidence they rely and which mode of participation is the most adequate to do so.

In 1948 the international community in reaction to the horrors of the holocaust sought to eradicate genocide forever by creating the 'Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide'. This Convention criminalised the preparation and act of genocide by international law, making all individuals accountable irrelevant of status or sovereignty. But the Convention has not been enough to deter the act of genocide from occurring again, and again, and again. Worst, the international community has been slow to react to cases of genocide. The problem with preventing and punishing genocide is hindered by the power and right of veto held by permanent members of the UNSC. The UNSC has been given the responsibility to maintain international peace and security and is the only entity that can mandate an intervention that overrides the principle of non-intervention. The aim of this thesis is to show that the veto has been a crucial factor in stopping the prevention of genocide, thus it is imperative that the veto change. This study argues that to effectively prevent and punish genocide the veto needs to be barred from use in cases of genocide. It looks at different cases since the Armenian genocide during WWI through to the Darfur genocide which is still in process. The case of Armenia is significant because for the first time, members of the international community were prepared to hold leaders of another state accountable for their treatment of their own citizens. However the collective will to bring justice to those accountable waned coming to an abrupt end in 1923. The holocaust followed in WWII; six million Jews died, and numerous other groups were targeted under the Nazi's serial genocide. The shock of the holocaust led to the Genocide Convention. But thirty years later during the Cold War, Cambodia became embroiled in a genocide perpetrated by the Khmer Rouge. The international community silently stood by. The USSR, China, and the US all had their reasons to stay out of Cambodia, from supporting a regime with a likeminded political ideology to war weariness from Vietnam. In the 1990s, genocides in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia (Bosnia and Kosovo) followed. The former was neglected by the US's unwillingness to be involved in another peacekeeping disaster. The two genocides in the former Yugoslavia were affected by Russia and China's reluctance to use military force even after the clear failure of serial negotiations. Finally, in 2003 Darfur became the latest tragedy of genocide. Again, Russia and China have been timid of calling the conflict genocide thus avoiding any affirmative action to stop it. These cases all show that where one state is unwilling to be involved in stopping genocide, their right and power to the veto stops or delays the international community from preventing and punishing genocide, regardless of whether the veto is used or merely seen as a threat. Therefore, for future prevention of genocide, the veto needs to be changed to prevent its use in times of genocide.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Universität, Frankfurt am Main, 2006. / Material type: Dissertations. Includes bibliographical references (p. 283-317).

This dissertation explores the types of professional communities that are built when teachers work in initiatives that, in various forms, link them to teachers from other countries. In doing so it explores the types of knowledge that may be exchanged by the building of these communities and the value that teachers put upon these different forms of knowledge. Therefore, this study is situated in the broad theoretical context of discussions related to the building of professional communities but explores this within a specifically international context. The most significant findings that this dissertation identifies are: that the teachers involved built the professional communities that are most important to them in more exploratory ways and with more agency than is suggested by other related research, and in connection to this that those professional communities that the participants attached most significance to were consistently alternative to the immediate workplace. It was also found that whilst the teachers involved in this study problematised the possibility of directly transferring specific classroom strategies, stories about teaching were seen by all to be useful vehicles for exchanging other forms of knowledge, for enabling affirmation and for co-constructing moral purpose. These findings have potential implications for policy and practice as they indicate that structures that focus exclusively on developing communities within schools may need to be enriched by those that provide teachers with the flexibility to discover and build communities in alternative ways too. The primary data collection method used when conducting this research was interview. The participants who were interviewed came from two countries, namely England and Macedonia. This entirely qualitative approach is positioned within an interpretivist paradigm. However, it is argued that contributions to theoretical debates regarding the nature of professional communities can still be made.

Taking into consideration that national identity and nationalism are not purely political, and trying not to simplify the factors that led to fallout of the state, I will try to research the history of Yugoslavia in relation to economic reforms and the discourse in literature and media. Most analysis turn to ethno-nationalism and deep-rooted hate. However, this master thesis will take into consideration some other variables, like the economic reforms and the role of the media, literature and political elites that followed. The main hypothesis is that the implementation of the economic reforms that were introduced during transition weakened the previous economic system in Yugoslavia and that these reforms went hand in hand with the rise of nationalism in the media and literature caused the rise of nationalistic discourse in different parts of Yugoslavia. The main hypothesis is that the implementation of the economic reforms that went hand in hand with the nationalistic discourse in the media and literature caused the rise of nationalism in different parts of Yugoslavia. The most important unit around which I will define the main research is the question of neoliberal reforms and its effects on the nation and the national discourse through media and literature in former Yugoslavia. This is going to be a research on the consequences of those variables in Yugoslavia and the rise of ethno-nationalism in Serbia, and with that respect, the main research question will be: ‘’What is the relation between the economic reforms, politics, literature and media on the rise of nationalism in Yugoslavia before the fallout?’’ Additional questions are: ‘’How did economic reforms in the 1960s affect the rise of nationalism?’’, How did media, literature discourse and the political elite affect the rise of nationalism?’’  This thesis describes the break-up of Yugoslavia in relation to economic reforms and literature and media, perceiving it as a political, economic, as well as a cultural project.