CHIPOTLE Mexican Grill Taipei (hereafter will be abbreviated as “CMGT”) plans to open in Fall 2012 and will be located in the Xinyi District of Taipei, Taiwan. CHIPOTLE Mexican Grill Taipei will seek to capitalize on the growing interest in Mexican food by introducing to Taipei a decent but affordable choice of Mexican Grill – CHIPOTLE (NYSE: CMG). As one the most successful Mexican fast food chain restaurants in the United States, CHIPOTLE currently has no stores in Taiwan. As with other CHIPOTLE stores in the United States, CHIPOTLE Mexican Grill Taipei will serve a short list of menu but long on options, and is dedicated to become the number one choice of Mexican fast food for residents, workers and visitors in the Xinyi District as well as the metropolitan Taipei. Under the Corporation Law of Taiwan, CHIPOTLE Mexican Grill Taipei will be a limited liability corporation owned by Buzz Chen and Hughes Chen and two private investors. Both Buzz and Hughes have long been interested in bringing the CHIPOTLE dinning experience, which they both enjoyed a lot when studying in the United States, to Taiwan. Buzz, who has previously studied and worked in the San Francisco Bay Area of the United States and Shanghai China, is a soon-to-be MBA graduate of NCCU Taipei. Hughes, on the other hand, received his PH.D. in marketing from the University of Maryland and has worked part-time as a business consultant on numerous projects. CHIPOTLE Mexican Grill Taipei will seek to lease a space approximately 25 pings (坪) in the Xinyi District of Taipei. The Xinyi District is so called the “Manhattan of Taipei” where a number of financial institutions of both foreign and local have established their Taipei headquarters in, hence is very heavy with people traffic especially during lunch and dinner hours. An initial amount of NTD 4.54 million will be required for start-up, where Buzz and Hughes will each contribute NTD 1.16 million, and the private investors will contribute NTD 1.11 million each.

台灣和墨西哥皆是二次戰後的新興工業國，但是四十年的發展過程卻是兩種不同的結果，台灣的出口導向政策，使台灣能持續四十年的穩定發展，而墨西哥進口代替政策，卻是危機連連。除了政策面差異，就理論的層面，分析兩國在世界資本體系的生存和發展之道。本論文分析之範圍，自二次大戰後至一九九○年止。本論文分析之架構，以西方現化理論和依賴理論為主軸，從縱橫兩面比較台灣與墨西哥之發展差異。

在二次世界大戰之後，美、英兩國主導建構的國際金融體制，稱為「布雷頓森林體系」（Bretton Woods System），這個體系在一九七一年解體後，國際金融就沒有明確的制度規範，再加上資訊科技的發展、各國資本帳的自由化、各國資本市場的規模擴大、以及多國籍企業對資金移動的需要，使得國際金融規模益大、流動速度益快、全球金融的整合益強。國際金融因此對國際政治、國內政治都產生了顯著的影響。 近二十年來國際間接連發生的金融危機，正透露出改革過程中，國家適應緩慢的徵候。以一九九四年墨西哥的債務危機為例，自一九八二年開始墨西哥由於外匯短缺，停止償還外債，巴西、阿根廷及智利等國亦跟進，引發債務危機，整個八０年代拉丁美洲國家接連遭受經濟危機的挑戰，被喻為「失去的十年」。終於從一九八０年代末期一九九０年代初期以後，拉丁美洲開始了另一次發展策略上的巨大轉折，接受國際貨幣基金會的建議，採取新自由主義的改革方案，透過經濟開放、金融自由化和提高出口數量等方式，逐步走出債務危機的陰影，然而，這波拉丁美洲國家改革的成功果實並沒有延續整個九０年代。一九九四年十二月二十日墨西哥當局宣布放寬政府干預披索匯率上限，從3.4712兌一美元，調整為4.0016兌一美元，此舉又再度引爆墨西哥外匯市場的大幅賣壓，帶來另一場金融危機。 墨西哥的案例或許是一個借鏡，我國於加入世界衛生組織後，金融自由化與市場開放的壓力勢必難以抵擋，如何面對國際金融體制轉變帶來的改革壓力，並承擔改革過程中經歷的變動與危機，將是本論文關注的焦點。本文將比較分析墨西哥與台灣這兩個發展中國家的金融改革經驗，檢視兩國進行金融自由化的同時，國內金融體制如何進行調適與改革等相關議題。

拉丁裔的人口數量已於2002年凌駕非洲裔成為美國最大的少數族群，2004年杭廷頓（Samuel P. Huntington）在《我們是誰？對美國國家認同的挑戰》（Who Are We? The Challenges to America’s National Identity）ㄧ書中嚴厲譴責拉丁裔移民進入美國後，倡議兩種語言與兩種文化，此將危及美國國家「盎格魯－新教」（Anglo-Protestantism）文化，更將侵蝕美國的國家利益與威脅美國在國際社會的霸權地位。由於目前國內學界對拉丁裔研究多為單一族裔的研究，本文藉由比較性研究呈現古巴裔與墨西哥裔的不同發展歷程。研究內容涵蓋古巴裔與墨西哥裔對美國的影響，以及布希政府對不同族裔的移民政策研究。研究結果可發現古巴裔與墨西哥裔的影響能力與影響層面有所不同，而布希政府看待古巴裔與墨西哥裔的態度也有不同。 針對古巴裔與墨西哥裔影響的研究，超過六成的古巴裔集中在佛州，因此古巴裔在佛州的影響力明顯，而分佈廣闊的墨西哥裔卻能挾人數之眾影響全國性議題。此外，重視外交議題的古巴裔也與重視內政議題（教育為主）的墨西哥裔不同。另就古巴裔與墨西哥裔的身分、認同與母國關係也有不同的發展歷程，因而導引出布希政府不同的移民政策。古巴裔部分，因為古巴裔的公民身分與美古雙邊關係發展，使得古巴裔在移民過程中擁有較多的優惠；墨西哥裔部分，墨西哥裔美國人重視雙語教育政策，而墨西哥裔非法移民則期待移民大赦與臨時工計畫。然而，布希政府不僅反對雙語教育與全面的移民大赦，表態支持的臨時工計畫卻受到參眾兩院無法達成協議而停滯。 / The population of Latinos has exceeded African American and become the largest minority group in the U.S in 2002. In the book “Who Are We? The Challenges to America’s National Identity,” Samuel P. Huntington condemn Latinos as advocating double language and double culture, and this will ultimately endanger the Anglo-Protestantism culture of U.S. Moreover, the increasing entrance of Latinos into the U.S will erode America's national interest and influence America's hegemony in international society. Since domestic research has focused on studying single ethnic group-Latinos, this research tries to present the different developmental process of Cubans and Mexicans via comparative studies. This paper discusses Cubans and Mexicans' impact on America, and George W. Bush's immigration policy toward different ethnic groups. From my research result, I have found that Cubans and Mexicans’ influential power and level as being different, and President Bush’s policy toward Cubans and Mexicans is different as well. More than sixty percent Cubans lives in Florida, which implies that Cubans has strong impact on Florida. On the other side, the massive number of Mexicans can influence national policy with its national wide population distribution. In addition, Cubans is more concerned about foreign policy toward Castro regime, while Mexicans concerns more about internal issues, especially education. Cubans and Mexicans also have different development process regarding their status, identity, and relationship with home countries, thus leading Bush’s distinct policy toward this two groups. For the Cubans, because of citizenship rate and U.S.-Cuba relationship, Cubans has more privileges during immigration. To the Mexicans, Mexican American is concerned about bilingual education, and Mexican illegal labors have focus on amnesty temporary worker program. However, Bush administration not only opposes bilingual education and a comprehensive immigration amnesty, but the temporary worker program is also delayed by the Senate and the House of Representative.

隨著一九八○年代「第三波」民主化浪潮的來臨，學者們對於第三世界國家的關注焦點乃不再僅限於經濟層面，同時也開始重視其政治發展過程以及與經濟活動間的互動關係。特別是針對東亞與拉丁美洲這兩個發展中的區域；由於它們各自有一些重要國家繼引人注目的經濟表現後，接著在政治民主化方面也有著大幅突破，因此逐漸成為學界的研究重心之一。在此，我們便企圖以台灣與墨西哥這兩個區域性的代表國家為例，來進行深入的比較研究。 儘管上述兩個國家各自擁有著不同的歷史文化背景與社會組織結構，地緣環境方面也相距極遠，但它們在從傳統社會邁向現代民主國家的過程中，不論是政黨體系、政治運作規範、國家發展途徑、經濟成長表現、民主化變遷歷程，以及最近的整體轉型特徵方面，都有甚多可供統合歸類的相似之處；這些共通點同時也構成我們進行比較研究的根本基礎。 在本篇論文中，我們希望藉由對民主概念的整理，利用「國際政治經濟學」的觀察視野，並透過「現代化理論」與「新制度主義」研究途徑間的互相補充，針對台灣與墨西哥這兩個國家的長遠歷史進行綜合與深入的剖析；一方面設法獲致其政治發展的真實面貌，同時也期盼對區域研究以及民主化理論做出一定的貢獻。 / In the 1980s, after the coming of a strong current of democratization called "the Third Wave", scholars who study about the Third World began to transfer their main focus from the economic level to the process of political development and the interactions of economic liberalization and political democratization. Especially to some counties in Eastern Asia and Latin America ( such as Taiwan and Mexico ), their achievements of reform have become more and more eye-catching. In spite of the different backgrounds of historical development, social structure and geographical position, Taiwan and Mexico have owned many points of similarity, for example, the party system, political norms, developing approach, process of democratization, and so on. Except for providing the analogy between above two countries, such similarities also constitute the foundation of my comparative studies. In this dissertation, I tried to view the matter of democratization with the approach of international political economy and neo-institutionalism. On one side, I will analyze the long history of Taiwan and Mexico deeply; and on the other hand, I hope simultaneously to make a contribution to the area study and democratization theory.

In this thesis I provide a business plan for the establishment of a Chinese Language Institute in the city of Querétaro, México. The city of Querétaro is and advantageous location for the operations of this institute. It is highly developed and ranked the most innovative in the country for its industry and education, which is reflected in its population’s levels of education, professional capabilities and income. The city is also attractive to foreign investment for the establishment of their operations, and more recently, attracting interest from Asian corporations. With competitive prices, academic excellence and comprehensive materials, we expect to serve the population in Queretaro ranging of ages between 3 and 45. We will deliver quality services with mandarin native-speaking professors who will additional have a background and training in teaching and languages. This will be our main differentiator. We believe this will provide students of all ages with the tools and preparation to be competitive in the global panorama in which we live today.

許多文獻已經研究過政治事件和外匯市場之間的關聯性。然而，較少研究聚焦在一個國家的政治事件是如何影響另外一個國家的匯率。因此，本文章主要在探討2016美國總統大選如何影響墨西哥幣兌美元的走勢。我們使用EGARCH 模型來衡量美國總統候選人的民調對匯率的平均或波動所造成的影響。實證結果發現美國總統大選會對墨西哥幣兌美元產生較大的波動，希拉蕊的民調增加也會造成墨西哥幣的升值。因此，本文檢驗政治活動會對外匯市場產生影響的假說，也進一步提出實證結果支持一國的匯率會受到他國政治因素牽動的看法。 / Many articles have shown the relationship between political events and currency markets. Nevertheless, few studies provide empirical evidence on how one country’s political elections have impact on movements of exchange rate in other country. In this paper, we attempt to provide some empirical results by analyzing the impact of the 2016 United States presidential election on Mexico’s currency market. We use EGARCH models to estimate the influence of recent U.S. presidential candidates have on the mean and the variance of the Mexican foreign exchange market. We find statistically significant evidence that U.S. presidential election is associated with higher volatility of Mexico’s currency market, and the increase in the chance for a Clinton to win has positive impact on mean return of the peso-dollar exchange rate. These findings offer important insights into the expected impact of the United States presidential elections on the Mexican peso and more generally, the relationship between political events and foreign exchange market.

This business plan aims to develop a premium holistic service for girls who suffer from obesity, overweight and/or eating disorders, using new approaches to these existing problems. Our mission is to provide an innovative approach that can make a difference for young women with obesity, overweight and/or eating disorders.

有些學者認為，一國依地位、歷史、政治諸環境，所擬定的固定與長期性外交目標應視為外交原則(Principle of Foreign Policy)而非外交是不易變動的，外交政策則因時勢的推移、環境的轉變、利害的權衡，而可以隨機應變。睽諸墨西哥外交史，自始即強調了"民族自決"與"不干預原則"。為貫徹此原則，墨西哥外交政策便屢有調整。一方反對大國干預，爭取經濟獨立，帶領拉丁美洲國家整體化發展，由區域開發與利益的保護觀點與大國相抗；一方也必須採取務實方略，認清國家發展的重點仍離不開北方巨人的奧援，故而調整政策與美國親善。鑑於外交原則是墨西哥外交政策重要的政策意涵所在，本文特就墨西經驗與獨特地理位置，索引墨西哥外交政策發展的軌跡，提供一種全方位的觀察角度。尤其置重於七Ｏ年代以后，墨西哥努力成為區域主權領導者，其堅決同"第三世界國家"打成一片的外交政策，率先提出"各國經濟權利與義務憲章"成為發展中國家向工業化國家進行鬥爭的象徵。墨西哥限於本身國力，雖未能以強國姿態左右區域動向，但曾挾其富有石油力量促進區域之穩定。尤有進者八０年代的"康塔多拉集團"(Contadora Group)積極斡旋中美洲動亂的努力成就有目共睹。惟一九八二年石油危機與債務危機，卻帶來倒退厄運。墨西哥除了推倡拉美經濟整合，一方亦努力尋找更多發展機會，與西方國家與東亞國家的經濟互動異常活躍。與此同時，墨西哥也意識到要擺脫美國依賴，無法單純採取疏離美國之作法，而是要正視這份關係，變被動為主導，將與美國相近作為一種優勢，利用同美國的關係發展自己。經濟與外交的多元化，刻正帶領墨西哥走上已開發國家的路向。尤其在北美由貿易協定格局之下，根據美國紐澤西洲Polyconomics公司評估，墨西哥挾其資源與實力，將可成為"另一個台灣"。墨西哥積極外交政策施為、墨美關係之今昔與墨西哥經濟外交及國家發展的關連。筆者認為，惟有跨時空地自歷史、地理、政治、經濟角度觀察墨西哥外交政策，方有全盤性的系統敘述。