京都大学 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(法学) / 甲第25065号 / 法博第311号 / 京都大学大学院法学研究科法政理論専攻 / (主査)教授 建林 正彦, 教授 待鳥 聡史, 教授 曽我 謙悟 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Laws / Kyoto University / DGAM

日本自古以來便自外於中華朝貢制度，為東亞之異例。至明治維新後，中日兩國外交糾紛不斷。近代中日間最初之外交衝突為台灣事件。中國因此事件察覺到日本之野心，開始提防日本。其結果，反刺激日本國內之強硬論者，兩國開始步向衝突。日本面對中國此一大國，不論是作為競爭對手，或是侵略對象，開始積極關注中國政治發展之動向。特別在引發中日甲午戰爭的朝鮮問題上，日本著力最多。本論文想一探甲午開戰前日本人對中國觀點的變化。 當時日本發行多份報紙。各家報社有其不同政治立場，其社論亦各有趣旨。筆者認為由報紙研究日本的對中國觀點，確有其價值。因此，本論文主要使用之史料為明治時期之報紙，以學界先進之研究為基礎，想由新聞報導中找出當時日本之對中國觀，再將報導中的對中國觀與當時日本政府之對中國政策比較分析，藉以探究日本政府之對中國觀。 本論文之研究範圍由1873年起，至1894年甲午戰爭爆發為止前後共21年。清日修好條規並未為中日雙方帶來長久的和平，隨即兩國外交關係日漸惡化，到甲午戰爭之時互相敵視終至無法挽回。本論文之目的是想探討日本輿論、政府與知識份子從清日修好條規到甲午戰爭這段期間，他們對中國觀點之轉化，究竟對兩國關係起了什麼樣的影響；關鍵何在？ / Japan was a unique state in East Asia because it kept away from the Chinese tributary system. Therefore, Japan had diplomatic issue with China after the Meiji Restoration. The first diplomatic issue was the Taiwan problem. After this affair, China noticed Japan’s ambition of oversea expansion and began to take keen interests in Japan’s ambitions. On the contrary, this result leads to conflict between both countries by the motivation of the Japanese domestic debaters. Consequently, Japan also viewing China as such a powerful country begun to observe it as a competitor or a target for invasion. Especially due to the Korea problem, which caused the first Sino-Japanese war, lasted for a period of over 20 years. And it is this situation and period that I want to conduct my research on by viewing the Japanese view of China during that period. A lot of newspapers were published in Japan at that period. And each one had different political positions and editorial intent. And I think Japan’s view of China as portrayed as in the newspapers of that time has its own value. So I intend to use the newspapers of the Meiji era as the primary source of historical material. And use the senior researcher’s study as background. I hope therefore, that I can find out Japanese view on China in the newspapers. In this case, I want to compare the newspaper’s view of China and the Japanese government’s view to analyze the whole Japan’s view of China. This thesis looks at the period from 1873 to 1894, which is from the treaty of amity between Qing Empire and Japan Empire to first Sino-Japanese war. Though a treaty has been signed, peace was still limited between the two countries. The two countries’ emotions to each other were getting worse and worse. Finally the two countries antagonized to a situation that could not be repaired. The purpose of this thesis is how the Japanese newspapers, the government and the highbrow’s view of China changed in those 21 years between the treaty of amity between Qing Empire and Japan Empire and the First Sino-Japanese war.

本研究旨在呈現日本泡沫經濟崩潰之後，企業變革的方向，觀察日本式經營從過去至今的演化過程，並以「究竟何為日本式經營？」為中心，研究分析日本式經營的優勢及核心所在，瞭解日本企業如何藉此厚實自身能力資源，在劇烈變動的環境中，掌握未來企業的變革方向。如今世界正面臨全球化、IT網路化等，此種前所未有的結構上的變化，透過泡沫經濟崩潰，讓日本企業提早面臨環境改變，迫使其進行策略方向的轉變及組織變革。由於現在企業面臨的環境不確定性提高，此寶貴的經驗對於現在及往後的企業變革，將具有高度的參考價值。 本研究先根據既有的研究，以日本式經營的演進，將日本經濟分為三個階段，形成期：1955至1973年高度成長期、適應期：1974至1991年安定成長期到泡沫經濟崩潰、轉換期：1992年迄今 泡沫經濟崩潰之後的經濟停滯。從「企業實體」、「策略」、「系統」等 三個層面，歸納每個階段的日本式經營特徵、瞭解日本式經營從過去迄今，維持及改變的部分為何。並以現在--轉換期的日本企業實際的做法為例，整理分析從今以後日本式經營的變革方向。 若將過去學者的眾多研究歸納整理，日本式經營從1955年迄今始終存在著不變的特徵，「長期性」及「培育人才」。這是日本式經營的核心，也是企業的優勢。日本企業即使在轉換期的變革中，也是以此優勢為中心，繼續進行變革。並且也繼續實行將既有的優勢再建構及深化，將弱點持續改善，藉由企業社會責任的實踐及強化，以企業成長及地球環境共存為目標，穩健進行提高利潤、結構改革等，厚實因應外在環境變化的基石。 / The purpose of this study is to demonstrate the direction of business change after the collapse of Japan’s bubble economy by observing the evolution process of Japanese firms. With the question, “What is Japanese management?” as central focus, research was aimed at analyzing the core and advantages of Japanese firms to discover how, amid a strong changing environment, firms used their solid resources and abilities in mastering their direction of future change. Currently, the world is confronted with globalization and the combination of IT and Internet; this new structural change caused the collapse of the bubble economy, leading Japanese firms exposed to early environmental changes, compelling them to change their strategies and organizations. Nowadays, since firms face increased uncertainty, the Japanese experience has high referral values for current and future business changes. Based on the findings of existing studies, this study divides the evolution of Japanese firms into three stages: the formation period: from 1955 to 1973 as the period of high growth, the adaptation period: from 1974 to 1991 as the period from stable growth to collapse of bubble economy, and the transition period: from 1992 onwards as the period of economic stagnation following the bubble burst. The characteristics of Japanese firms in each stage are induced and the changes and non-changes throughout the history of Japanese firms are identified. Furthermore, by studying Japanese firm’s case during the transition period, the study hopes to discover insights that point to the direction of Japanese Management’s future change. If past researches are collected and analyzed, the everlasting Japanese firm characteristic from 1955 onwards is the “long-term” quality and the “investment in human capital” quality, both of which are the core and advantage of Japanese management. Even during the transition period, organizational changes were centered on these advantages. These advantages were reconstructed and deepened, whereas weaknesses were tweaked. Profit margins were increased and structures were changed via the implementation and strengthening of a company’s social responsibility as well as the goal of coexistence between firm continual growth and world environment.

Au sortir de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, les Coréens représentaient la première communauté étrangère au Japon. Beaucoup d’entre eux y subissait des discriminations et vivaient dans la précarité, voire dans l’indigence. Dans la deuxième moitié des années 1950, alors que les dirigeants nord-Coréens se proposaient de les accueillir, le rapatriement en Corée du Nord représenta pour nombre de ces Coréens l’espoir d’un avenir meilleur. De 1959 à 1984, plus de 93000 personnes – dont environs 2000 Japonaises mariées à des Coréens – gagnèrent le Nord du 38e parallèle. Toutefois, le gouvernement japonais, confronté dès 1974 aux demandes des familles de ces Japonaises, tenta d’obtenir des informations sur leur sort et leur retour au Japon. Le présent travail établit une cartographie des acteurs impliqués dans le processus décisionnel autour des rapatriements vers la Corée du Nord, mais également dans les négociations touchant à la question de ces femmes japonaises. Plus particulièrement, cette étude met en lumière le rôle d’ « acteurs subsidiaires » – notamment la Société de la Croix-Rouge du Japon et les parlementaires nationaux – intervenant là où les marges de manœuvre du gouvernement sont restreintes en l’absence de relations diplomatiques officielles entre le Japon et la Corée du Nord. Cette contrainte institutionnelle a eu pour conséquence l’investissement des champs d’action traditionnellement dévolus au Ministère des Affaires étrangères (négociation, protection de ses nationaux à l’étranger, renseignement) par ces « acteurs subsidiaires » dont l’analyse permet d’établir une image à la fois plus complète et moins stato-Centrée de la politique étrangère du Japon. / At the end of the Second World War, Koreans constituted the main foreign community in Japan. Many of them were subjected to discrimination, and lived precariously or even in abject poverty. From the latter half of the 1950s, when North Korean leaders were welcoming them and guaranteeing them decent living conditions, repatriation to North Korea represented hope for a better future for many of these Koreans. Between 1959 and 1984, more than 93,000 people – of whom 2,000 were Japanese women married to Koreans – arrived at the 38th Parallel North. Nevertheless, the Japanese government, confronted by requests from the families of these Japanese women from 1974, tried to obtain information on their whereabouts, and asked for their return to Japan. The present work establishes a mapping of the actors implicated in the decision-Making process concerning repatriation operations to North Korea, but also in the negotiations retated to the Japanese women. More specifically, this study highlights the role of the “subsidiary actors” – of which the Japanese Red Cross and national parliaments are the most prominent – those that intervened where the government’s margins for manoeuvring were narrow in the absence of official diplomatic relations between Japan and North Korea. This institutional constraint led to an investment in fields of action that had traditionally been relegated to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (negotiation, protection of nationals abroad, intelligence, etc.) by these “subsidiary actors”, and a subsequent analysis of these actors provided both a more complete and less state-Centred image of Japan’s foreign policy.

日本卡通在台灣相當受到歡迎，其閱聽人不只限於兒童，更擴大到青少年甚至年輕成人的年齡層，已經是台灣重要的電視節目類型。日本卡通除了媒體文本的播映之外，同時亦挾帶大量相關產品叩關，不但創造出廣大的商機，更全面而深入的影響了閱聽人／消費者的休閒娛樂與日常生活空間。 本研究採用問卷調查的方式，以台北市國高中生為研究對象，深入探討國內青少年接受日本卡通與相關商品的情形。研究者首先探討媒介結合商品的廠商策略與市場現狀，繼而從閱聽人使用的角度，追問青少年如何將卡通相關產品使用在日常生活當中，並綜合討論日本卡通影響下的青少年消費文化。 統計結果發現青少年收看日本卡通的時間能夠有效預測日本卡通相關商品的購買頻率，因此證實了收看日本卡通確實能夠提高青少年對於日本卡通相關商品的購買行為。研究發現日本卡通結合相關產品的銷售可以互相增強，而台灣青少年購買最多的卡通相關產品，是兼媒體、商品於一身的漫畫與電動，因此卡通、漫畫、電動三者隱然表現出一種「成套」販賣、使用的特色，甚至對日本流行文化整體的接觸與好感都有互相加強的現象。研究亦發現台灣青少年購買卡通商品時，最主要的意義是「新奇流行」，可知台灣青少年受到消費主義相當的影響，尚未發展出具有真實性、抗拒性的青少年文化。然而資本主義市場邏輯與青少年文化的抗拒特性關係相當複雜，因此台灣青少年是否具有主動性？這個問題仍留下許多值得討論的空間。 / Japanese animation is so popular in Taiwan that it has become a major television genre across children, adolescents, and young adults. It is not only a media text, but also bringing lots of animation merchandise, including comic books, games, clothes, accessories, and so on. Thus Japanese animation industry has created marvelous benefit, and its influence is prevailing and deeply on many aspects of the audience/consumer*s leisure and everyday practice. This thesis takes the adolescents in Taipei for example, exploring the promotion tactics of the industry on the one hand, and discovering how the adolescents use the animation merchandise on the other; then the discussion of youth culture and consumer culture in Taiwan will be carry on. This research finds out that the animation merchandise would reinforce each other and enhance the audience/consumer*s buying frequency. Comics and games are consumed most by the adolescents in Taiwan, implying that the three (animation, comics, games) are sold and consumed in "packages". At the same time, the most important meaning adolescents inscribe to the animation merchandise is "fashion and novelty", revealing that the youth culture in Taiwan is following the market and consumerism, not a original and authentic one.

本文主要就日本與我國關於工資債權保障制度作一整體之討論與比較。首先，就日本勞動基準法及民法、倒產法制關於勞動者之法定優先清償權利制度，分析該制度制定之理由、種類以及到目前為止的變遷過程。另一方面，則就日本工資支付確保法所規範之工資債權履行制度加以介紹，並分析該制度之基本問題、具體內容及相關配套措施。最後，藉由上開日本相關法制之討論，對我國現行相關制度進行分析研究與整理，以探討我國工資債權保護規範應有的制度設計及應注意的相關問題。

日本從1979年開始對中國實施政府開發援助至2009年，金額累計達209.77億美元，占所有對中國援助國家資金的60%以上，日本為對中國的最大援助國，中國也是日本對外援助的第二大受援國（僅次於印尼）。在日本援助投入的建設比較有代表性為：京秦鐵路、南昆鐵路、北京市地鐵、北京首都機場、上海浦東機場、武漢長江第二大橋、北京市污水處理廠、環境示範城市（重慶、大連、貴州）等。 本文發現，日本的援助理念與歐美各國不太一樣，美國的援助是以安全保障及戰略為考量為主，對中東許多國家來進行軍事援助，一旦這些受援國家發生政變，即自動立刻停止援助。英、法兩國的援助則偏向由以前殖民從屬的關係上來考量。日本的援助理念主要著眼於人道立場的考量及各國相互依存的關係。日圓貸款開始是以公共工程基礎建設為主，尤其以鐵路、港口等運輸設施為多，其次為能源、 農業、通信等，而且不同於日本對其他國家之日圓貸款以每年審核為主，日本對中國之日圓貸款則是一次決定多年間之貸放金額。到2000年開始受到日本本身政黨輪替，以及中國發展軍事等因素影響，轉而偏向幫助中國解決中西部地區的環保以及農業問題。 對中國經濟發展方面來看，日本對中國提供政府開發援助，有助於促進中國的經濟發展、對外開放、及改善投資環境。特別是在能源、資源等的基礎產業、交通、通訊、運輸及環境保護方面等的大部分大型建設計畫，都是援助的項目，同時日圓貸款更是中國經濟建設不可或缺的重要資金來源。對日本在東亞國際政治經濟發展而言，日本對中國開發援助，不但有利於日本企業的商品在中國進出，間接促進日本企業對中國投資，加深中日兩國經濟互動，也同時促進兩國之間的民間交流，改善兩國的政治關係。 / The Japanese government began to provide Official Development Assistance (ODA) to China in 1979. By 2009, Japan had given China a cumulative total of US$20,977 million in ODA, accounting for over 60% of all ODA received by China from other countries during this period, making Japan China’s largest source of foreign aid. Japan has given more ODA to China than to any other foreign country except Indonesia. The present study shows that Japan’s attitude towards foreign aid is significantly different from that displayed by the U.S. or the European nations. The selection of recipients of foreign aid by the U.S. government is mainly motivated by strategic and security considerations. For example, many countries in the Middle East have received U.S. aid at one time or another, but a regime change in a recipient nation can lead to the cessation of U.S. aid. Foreign aid granted by the U.K. and France tends to be directed towards countries that were formerly British or French colonies. By contrast, the main focus in Japan’s ODA policy appears to be on humanitarian issues and on the granting of aid to countries with which Japan has a mutually beneficial relationship. Japan’s provision of ODA to China helped to stimulate economic growth in China, encouraged China to open up more to the outside world, and contributed to the improvement in the investment environment in China. A high percentage of large-scale infrastructure projects in China – particularly in “basic industries” such as energy and natural resource extraction, but also in the transportation, communications, transportation and environmental sectors – have benefited from Japanese ODA, while Yen-denominated loans constituted a vital source of funding for China’s economic construction. From Japan’s point of view, the granting of ODA to China by Japan not only helped to facilitate Japanese exports to (and imports from) China, indirectly encourage Japanese firms to invest in China, and strengthen bilateral economic ties between Japan and China, it also served to promote an intensification of interchange between the two countries’ citizens, and to bring about an improvement in bilateral relations at the governmental level.

由美國911事件作為分水嶺，重新界定了日本對於現代情報戰爭的認知，當今21世紀的國際社會儼然成為情報戰場，換言之，情報研究科學早已隨社會需要，發展成跨越學科範疇之複合性知識。日本二戰後在國際上先以強大的情報力穩扎經濟領域，然其后陷入失落的二十年，國際影響力亦隨之萎靡，致使日本政府遂行原有情報組織體制之調整，及相關情報政策實務之運行，皆成為安倍政權引領日本必經的荊棘之道。 本文研究重點界分四面向：其一、戰後日本國家安全機制的發展與轉變，記錄其所歷經重大事態時之因應模式，介紹其安保政策結構化之過程；其二、從內外環境分析日本成立國家安全會議之意涵，先交代「南北韓仇日遺緒」、「中國崛起論」等當今亞太局勢，分析日本國家安全保障會議何以在歷史遺題中為安保政策解套；其三、解構日本國家安全保障會議制度，分析日本政治結構與社會，研究日本國家安全保障會議在創立後，其行政職權上如何調整日本情報組織之運作；其四、以特定秘密保護法分析日本國家安全保障會議之角色，闡述安倍政權必然以情報需求達到社會控制之強化，進而實踐其安保戰略。 日本情報組織隨國際環境變化而沿革，歷經1990至2000年的轉型期後，其於2000年迄今已表現出擴張之型態。在安倍內閣的戰略藍圖中是要以首相官邸為核心，使其成為統籌國家安全保障政策之司令塔，而日本國家安全保障會議與國家安全保障局之設立，即是其鞏固中央集權，並使首相意志能主導日本復興的戰略。 / The September 11 terrorist attacks marked a watershed moment for the recognition and dispose of intelligence, in other words, the research of intelligence has become an interdisciplinary knowledge. After the Second World War, Japan has consolidated its economic power by sound espionage system. But Japan has later on lost its international impact after gone through 20-Year-Recession. This made an intractable way for Shinzo Abe to readjust and innovate the espionage system. The thesis includes four dimensions: First, focusing on the transformation of national security mechanism in Japan after the Second World War, and the structuralization of Security Policy. Second, analyzing the implication of the found of Japan’s National Security Council(NSC) from domestic and international factors. Third, destructuring the NSC , try to analyze the social and political structure in Japan. Forth, analyzing the role of NSC from the perspective of Secret Protection Law, which for Abe is a way to further control the society and carry out the security strategy. The intelligence organization in Japan proceeds as the international situation changed. Till now it has strengthened its power and influence after going through a period of transforming from 1990 to 2000. Among Abe’s strategic viewpoints, making Prime Minister’s Office as a core to unify national security is the top priority. The found of NSC and National Security Agency(NSA) is also a way for Abe to centralize the authority and to carry out his will, which can eventually lead to the revival of Japan.

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