本論文關注世紀末台灣文學中的污名身體，試探文學研究的「身體轉向」可能性。在心靈為上肉體為下的現代文明中，「身體轉向」這個詞提倡將研究焦點從本來被尊崇的心靈轉向總是被邊緣化的肉體。本研究認為文學研究者除了重視文學中身體的寓意外，也要關注身體「自身展開的敘述及文本」（羅蘭・巴特語）。論文的主標題「身不由己」一詞，簡而言之，就是沒辦法「做自己」。本研究將透過台灣文學中的污名身體，揭露為什麼做自己好難。本論文試圖在結論統整污名身體的共有經驗，重新摸索一條「做自己」的路。 有鑑於高夫曼《污名》的啟發。本研究發現台灣文學中的污名身體，也時常採用高夫曼根據西方文獻中受污者的行為所歸納的各種方法抵抗污名。但是高夫曼大多分析西方社會的受污名者如何回應、隱藏於常人社會。不過本研究透過台灣文學的閱讀經驗，想要補充台灣的社會結構使受污名者發展不同的抵抗策略。海澀愛在〈污名的比較〉中指出，高夫曼並不批判造成受污名者處境的社會結構。而本研究指出，高夫曼所描述的種種情境，模糊了正常人與受污名者的界線。高夫曼正是透過模糊兩者之間的界線，鬆動看似穩固的社會結構。 這份研究力求擴大社會對於芸芸眾生的多元身體想像，並將分析下列三種污名身體：一、非主流審美觀的身體；二、愛滋的身體；三、跨性別的身體。本研究以這三種身體為例，除了因為他們都容易落入污名處境外，也因為這些身體都因特定的生理差異被邊緣化。本論文將這三種身體以污名身體一詞涵蓋，是受到海澀愛等國內外學者的啟迪。海澀愛表示，透過「污名」一詞能夠跨越連結不同的身分類別。本文探討的年代，以二十世紀末的文本為主。這是因為解嚴前後的社會運動發展蓬勃，許多邊緣弱勢的身體都紛紛站出來為自己發聲。他們的身體也因此被許多文學創作者記錄下來寫進文學。 一、非主流審美觀的身體散見於七等生〈灰色鳥〉、郭正偉《可是美麗的人（都）死掉了》，以及徐嘉澤《不熄燈的房》。本研究要藉這些文本，分析非主流身體與現代主義的糾葛；觀察「另類」的非主流身體的生存之道。還有非主流身體如何翻轉「勵志性」及「健全」主義的壓迫。 二、文學中愛滋的身體並不少見，不過本研究認為下列的文本較能呈現愛滋（防治）進程的歷史。本研究將探討李昂〈禁色的愛〉、林俊頴〈愛奴〉，以及汪其楣《青春悲懷》。本研究將透過分析敘事者與感染者的位置，以及文本中的男同性戀感染者。藉此分析官方愛滋政策下導致的歧視與偏見。本論文也要進一步分析寫作者如何透過寫作策略，抵抗愛滋污名。 三、最後，本論文要透過成英姝《人類不宜飛行》、吳繼文《天河撩亂》，以及林佑軒的〈女兒命〉討論跨性別者的身體部署與抵抗污名的策略。本研究注重文本中跨性別身體的物質性，並進一步分析跨性別身體如何抵抗污名與偏見。

我將逛街購衣經驗視為日常生活「做（doing）」性別的關鍵過程，並探討胖女性在其中如何與肥胖污名對話。本文「胖女性」的定義為：曾有身體大小超過多數衣物消費場所中的衣物尺寸，且在逛街購衣經驗中感知到肥胖污名，而有相關負面感受如挫折不安感的女性認同者。通過收集網路言論、訪談14位胖女性後，研究結果如下： 尚未進入購衣活動前，胖女性已在商圈環境中感受到胖身體的低階級；進入購衣活動後，「體型」則成為支配胖女性活動空間與社交角色的關鍵因素。逛街購衣過程中，胖女性應對肥胖污名所採取的戰術大致可分為融入、旁觀、衝撞三種類型。胖女性反思逛街購衣經驗時，會通過將自己的身體正常化，以及從主體位置出發和時尚論述對話等方式來開展能動性、接納自己的身體。 逛街購衣情境交織胖女性在不同時空情境扮演的女性角色（如做為女職員、女兒、女友），可看出胖女性和瘦（正常）女性「做」女人的歷程具有相當大的差異──胖女性「做」女人的緊張挫折感幾乎全面滲透在日常生活各領域中。但任何一個情境中的環節鬆動，就可能給胖女性反思、行動的空間。胖身體能正當化自己的資源太過稀少，購衣管道、購衣空間、衣物選擇的多元化；大眾媒體時尚論述中女性多元典範的建立，是此情境中提供賦能的重要條件。 若要反轉肥胖污名，建議日後研究必須小心回到主體所在情境定義「胖」，不要直覺地沿用BMI等主流論述，才可覺察「胖」的多元意義；胖女性購衣經驗中「做」性別的過程，顯現出「體型」已成為個體性別建制過程的重要支配因素。本文以某些女性的經驗為例，但這種狀況發生在各種性別認同者身上，「體型」急需被建制為台灣性別運動的重要主題。 / I view clothes shopping experiences as key processes of “doing gender” in everyday life, in which fat women often struggle with fat stigmas. The main issues to be discussed in this article are thus the following: 1) How do fat women cope with fat stigmas during these processes? 2) What are the connections between fat women’s self-identities, gender-doing and their clothes shopping experiences? In this context, a "fat woman" is defined as: A woman (who identifies herself as a woman) always gets negative feelings through clothes shopping experiences due to her outsized body size(s). Research data are collected from forum discussions and 14 interviewees. The results are as follows: Before encountering clothes shopping situations, fat women are already devaluating their fat bodies in shopping space, e.g. on streets. Once fat women enter clothes shopping processes, their "body sizes" become the key factor that limits fat women’s activity within certain places and the social roles they play. There are three types of coping tactics: integrating, onlooking and resisting. Fat women show their reflexivity on clothes shopping experiences through normalizing their bodies, negotiating with fashion discourses from the position of subjects, and accepting their bodies in the way they are. Clothes shopping experiences interweave different daily encounters in fat women’s everyday life, in which they play various kinds of “gendered roles” such as female employee, daughter or girlfriend. Summing from the above, I notices that the different gender doing experiences between “thin (normal) women” and “fat women” usually make the latter more frustrated in most daily encounters. In clothes shopping context, resources for justifying fat bodies are needed. As to the empowerment of fat women, diversity of shopping channels, places and clothes are as important as establishing different fashion discourses, e.g. fat female fashion icons. To reverse fat stigmas, I suggest that we avoid defining “fat” intuitively by medical discourses (e.g. BMI) but by situating fat bodies as subjects, thus we will not be subject to dominated fat discourses and thereby limit the rich meanings of fat bodies. Fat women’s clothes shopping experiences show that “ body sizes” is a key factor affecting individuals in doing one’s gender. In Taiwan, there is still room for us to raise the awareness of “body size issue” and further address it as a gender issue.

性工作者的勞動權益是一個細緻化的工程，除罪化、合法化的難處、法制政策的價值辯證尚待確立，同時須遷就社會、政治及經濟的現實。 在性工作者的認知中，無論是以商品的方式看待交易行為或認其性交易是處境中求生存的選擇，其實與大眾對於職業選擇並無差異。需要被正視的是性工作者的性服務中，其勞動條件包括：待遇、福利、風險、休假、自主權、工作環境、工會組織、資本形式與股份制度、服務規範的缺乏、服務程序的監督等。再進一步地檢視社會價值觀對性工作者的污名化及社會文化，用歧視性工作的手段進行社會控制。 本研究旨在從性工作者的主體觀點訪談中，期望真實反應性工作者的工作處遇及態樣，對於訪談發現進行分析，輔以他國制度比對相較，藉以了解現我國現行實務上不完備的缺口與參照適用的可能。最後於結論部分，針對性工作者身處惡劣勞動環境、面對的勞動情緒與失去的勞動尊嚴提出看法，並對於相關規定政策及性工作者的自主勞動、社會福利提出建議作為未來相關議題研究者之參考。 / When it comes to labor rights of workers who provide direct sexual services, it is the meticulous and painstaking process. Due to difficulties of decriminalization of sex work and of legalizing as well as the value of legal policies is yet to be set up, we often take social-political and economic environments for the practical consideration. As those worker’s understanding, the services they serve are familiar with others, that is, they work like others do as they serve whom need it. However, they do not get the same rights and protection as others, such as labor welfares, labor insurances, labor protection, and rights to union, Furthermore, they are living under the control of stigmatization and discrimination. The main focus of the study is to explore and reveal commercial sex workers' working conditions and status through the interviews . According to the analysis and induction of the data from the interviews, we have compared the differences of sex work policies between Taiwan and other countries so as to find the gap between current practices and applicable policies. In conclusion, we suggest those sex workers who work in bad working condition and suffer misunderstanding, stigmatization and discrimination, the better way to get the decent work. Also we offer some suggestions for the further related study in the future.

在父權的社會中，女性一直處於被宰制的弱勢地位，雖然今日女性在賦權的過程中，已在經濟、宗教、教育各方面達到平權，但在真實的社會制度裡，兩性平權依然只是一種幻覺。 本研究將藉由女性主義的觀點，輔以Goffman的「污名」理論與Veblen的「有閒階級」理論，探討過往兩性在酒文化裡所扮演的角色，以及當前臺灣資本主義社會的酒類廣告，如何呈現兩性意象，來作為洞悉台灣女性賦權真況的著力點。 研究發現，在酒類廣告中，女性主義所提倡的符號，已然被酒商商品化，而女性被污名化的現象，從明顯易見的狀況轉為更精緻隱晦的手法。最後，酒類廣告中，父權主義男性對於女性的刻板意象依然存在，例如，男性掌握了權力與生產工具，女性還是努力模仿學習男性，或只是配角。由以上可得知，目前的兩性平權，還是僅存於表面形式，真正的女性賦權，仍有一段辛苦的道路要努力。 / In the patriarchal society,women have long occupied a lower status . Although women today have gained more rights in economy, religion, and education in the process of empowerment, denger equality is still an illusion in real social systems. In order to explore the empowerment of Taiwanese women, this study is based on feminist view, complemented with Goffman's "stigma" theory and Veblen's "leisure class" theory, discussing the roles women and man played in the wine culture in the past, as well as how gender images are currently presented in alcohol advertising. According to this research, the wine merchants have commercialized in the advertising the symbols advocated by the feminists. And the stigmatized phenomenon of women still exists, while just turning from obvious ways into more sophisticated approach. Men’s patriarchal stereotype images for women still exist. For example, men control the power and produce tools, while women still try to imitate men, or just take supporting roles. From all above, it is not difficult to find out that gender equality is merely superficial. There is still long way to go for the woman empowerment.

人類社會中有許多社會現象是隱而不顯的，或者刻意被視而不見、被忽略。當SARS疫情在台灣社會蔓延時，所有與「SARS」相連結的人、事、物，都被投以異樣的眼光，被貼上他者身份的標籤而受到歧視、排拒與指責。同樣，SARS他者的建構也並非自然地存在，而是透過許多語言、行動與機制所形塑出來的。本研究透過分析新聞媒體的語言及所對應的情境脈絡，來理解SARS他者建構之由隱微到顯見的過程，期冀經由逐步揭露SARS他者的風貌，褪去覆蓋在疾病之上的外衣，以回歸到「人」的本質。 　　本研究主要運用Fairclough（1995）的互文性分析策略來分析SARS新聞中他者的再現，將SARS他者分為「新興的他者」—感染者與居家隔離者、「變異的他者」— 醫護人員、以及「恆久的他者」—社會邊緣地位者等三種類別。本對了 所以所謂的七月底前畢業就是七月底前把那張單子交給註冊組就好了 印論文慢慢來 這樣妳應該輕鬆一點了吧是研究發現新聞論述中建構出「恐怖他者」、「罪犯他者」與「自私他者」的想像，劃分著健康我群與染病他者的界限，形塑了感染者與居家隔離者的他者風貌。另外，本研究以Davies & Harré（1990）的定位（positioning）理論來分析醫護人員身份認同的變動也發現，醫護人員、政府、媒體、民眾透過相互定位與定位的回應，隨著指標性新聞事件的發生，而改變著彼此間的身份位置。處於社會邊緣地位者如街友，及醫院看護與清潔人員，長久以來被社會刻意忽視，當SARS風暴席捲台灣時，成了代罪的羔羊而受到矚目，疫情落幕之後依舊回歸到邊緣地位。 　　我們以Fairclough（1995） 分析他者再現之「存在/缺席」原則來檢視三種類別他者，也發現了三種他者在媒體中的「存在/缺席」呈現光譜狀的分配：醫護人員在媒體中的發聲機會與存在多於感染者及居家隔離者，感染者及居家隔離者又多於社會邊緣地位者。本研究亦發現媒體在報導他者的身份的多重角色上可以是污名的製造者；或者是強化者；然而也可能僅是烙印的傳遞者；甚或扮演著有正面意涵之烙印減輕者角色。影響媒體角色的變動因素，與媒體內部既有的框架（frame）有關，面對不同的對象，媒體論述有不同的再現方式。此外，我們也發現，台灣社會在SARS疫情間的他者塑造，有些現象是過去的文獻所無法提供解釋的，特別是在政治層面的考量，展現了台灣社會的特殊性。 　　SARS他者在社會中受到的排斥，來自於社會大眾與媒體只見「病」而不見「人」的思維，而這個「病」又包覆著種種的負面的想像。本研究以SARS為個案，嘗試為疾病去污名化，並且提醒社會要重視「人」的本質，從「人」的角度出發來面對未來的疫病，能夠盡可能的拋開疾病負面意義的包袱，理解人類乃是健康與疾病共存的個體，以正面的態度面對疫病，在未來面對疫疾時，同時看見「病」也看見「人」。

本研究一方面剖析馬來西亞僑生來台前的教育歷程以及他們選擇來台的原因，另一方面亦深入探討馬來西亞僑生群體內部之國籍異質性對其在台生活經驗及「僑生」身分認同上的影響。本研究採用質性研究方法進行研究，主要透過訪談法與參與觀察法，分別於台灣與馬來西亞地區蒐集田野資料。主要研究發現為： 一、國籍的差異建構了馬來西亞馬籍與台籍僑生個人與國家（馬來西亞、台灣）關係上的差異，以及來台前教育歷程上的歧異性。來台之馬來西亞僑生中，馬籍僑生多畢業於著重華文教學之獨立中學中體系，而台籍僑生主要來自海外台灣學校。在馬來西亞獨立中學與海外台灣學校就讀的學生面對的是迥異的學習環境與教材、隱藏性課程與參考團體，但在不同因素的考量及作用下，他們不約而同地選擇來台就讀大學，並成為「僑生」。不論是馬籍或台籍僑生，他們對於其所具有之「僑生」身份多是採接受但不認同的態度，不過原因不盡相同。 二、「僑生」身份在台灣社會特殊的歷史脈絡中已逐漸與原始意涵脫鉤，並累積了如學業程度不好、說中文有口音及升學制度中之既得利益者等負面標籤，讓「僑生」成為一個被污名之群體。馬來西亞籍僑生由於其成長及受教背景之故，較易具備外顯的僑生符號（如說中文有口音），容易被辨識為「僑生」，因而常需背負「僑生」所具有的污名。台灣籍僑生因為具有台灣國籍以及講中文沒有口音等，迥異於台灣民眾對於一般僑生之想像，而難以被辨識其「僑生」身分，或其僑生身分較難獲得他人認同而另給予「假僑生」的稱謂。 三、依據自身與情境的特質，馬籍與台籍僑生發展相關策略以避免因「僑生」身份而被污名化，包括諸多規避（passing）行為（如口音轉換、呈現在地之身分認同、避免參與僑生團體）以避免身分暴露、構成強凝聚力之僑生團體以獲取社會支持及建構群體認同等策略。另外，台籍僑生一方面由於不符合社會對「僑生」的刻版印象，另一方面也為避免承受「僑生」身份的污名，往往接受「假僑生」的稱謂，並視其為一「戲謔性」但不具污名的稱呼。 / This study alalyzes the the education processes of Malaysian overseas Chinese students and their reasonings for studying in Taiwan on the one hand, and explores how the difference in nationality (Malaysia vs. Taiwan) affect their life experiences in Taiwan and their attitudes toward the “overseas Chinese student” identity given by the Taiwanese society on the other. The study utilizes qualitative research methods and collects field data (mainly through participant observation and in-depth interviewing techniques) from Taiwan and Malaysia. The major findings are stated as follows: 1. Difference in nationality between Malaysian and Taiwanese Chinese students constructs the divergence in their relations with respective states (Taiwan and Malaysia) and eductation tracking processes prior to their study in Taiwan. Among ethnic Chinese students from Malaysia studying in Taiwan, Malaysian Chinese students mostly graduated from independent high schools while Taiwanese Chinese came from overseas Taiwanese schools. The distinctions in these two schooling systems in the academic melius, teaching materials, hidden curriculums, and reference groups shape the different reasonings to study in Taiwan. For various reasons, these students accept but not necessarily agree on the “overseas Chinese student” identity given by Taiwanese soceity upon their arrival in Taiwan. 2. Under the changing historical context, the identity of “overseas Chinese student” has gradually lost its originally denotation and even become a stigmatized label. Malaysian Chinese students tend to be more easily identified as “overseas Chinese students” due to their more salient outer attributes (such as accent) and thus more likely to be stigmatized. Taiwanese Chinese students (from Malaysia), due to their Taiwanese nationality and Taiwanese accent, are less likely to be seen as “overseas Chinese students.”Even if this identity is disclosed, such identity is often challenged by others because of the misfit with the stereotype of “overseas Chinese student” that exists in the Taiwanese society. As a result, Taiwanes Chinese students from Malaysia are often called “psudo overseas Chinese students.” 3. Both Malaysian and Taiwanese Chinese students from Malaysia develop various strategies to aviod or overcome the possible stigmatization brought by the identity of “overseas Chinese students,” including many “passing” techniques as well as forming proactive and powerful overseas student associations. For Taiwanese Chinese students from Malaysia specifically, they often playfully accept the seemly degrading and yet un-stigmatzied title of “psudo overseas Chinese students” as a way to avoid stigmatization embedded in the identity of “overseas Chinese students.”

摘要 本研究探討印尼家傭，使用智慧型手機維護家庭親密關係的經驗。透過對台灣20名印尼家傭工進行深入訪談並觀察他們的在臉書的活動來究探討智慧型手機在跨國母親和遠距離婚姻中的複雜性，同時強調了家庭中的性別權力動態。部分由於智慧型手機作為相對較新的出現，智慧型手機與跨國母親尚未得到系統的研究。雖然已有若干研究探究了印尼家傭雖使用智慧型手機的經驗，但其獨特的社會文化特徵尚未得到充分和獨立的探究。 研究發現，智慧型手機是家傭維持家庭親密關係的不可或缺的工具。WhatsApp和LINE的語音通話和簡訊，是最被偏好的通訊模式。他們的溝通方式常受雇主控制;然而，一般來說，他們享有使用智慧型手機的通訊自由。智慧型手機的永續連結性為家傭提供了一個虛擬環境創造與孩子的共存感，增溫了他們的關係，並且使家傭能夠向子女提供宗教指導，履行他們作為穆斯林母親的教育責任。智慧型手機也用於配偶間的溝通，儘管頻率往往由妻子或其就業情況決定。 以Goffman的被寵壞的認同（spoiled identity）作為視角，本研究指出印尼家傭在工作期間遭受「作為與雇主同居女傭」之污名化，他們使用各種策略，用智慧型手機進行形象管理來應對他們的生活，包括與丈夫選擇性的分享他們的生活。這項研究進一步假定，在女性移工透過智慧型手機進行密集的網路互動不僅可以作為再現性別角色規範的場所。相反來說，它也是性別規範不斷被挑戰和重建的場所。本研究強調，受污名化的印尼女性家傭移工在其所居的社區之地位的再協商、。控制、賦權、應對策略之要素。 / Abstract This study explores the experience of Indonesian domestic workers in using smartphones to maintain family intimacy. By conducting in-depth interviews with 20 Indonesian domestic workers in Taiwan and observing their Facebook activities, this study examines the intricacy of smartphone use in transnational mothering and distant marriage while highlighting the gender power dynamics in the family. Partly due to its relatively recent emergence, smartphone use for transnational mothering has not been systematically investigated. While Indonesian domestic workers have been included in several studies on this subject, their unique sociocultural characteristics have not been sufficiently and independently examined. The findings suggest that smartphones are an indispensable instrument for family intimacy among domestic workers. Voice calls and text messages via mobile application such as WhatsApp and LINE are the most preferred modes of communication. Their communication practices are often conditioned by their employers; however, in general, they enjoy freedom to use smartphones for communication. Perpetual connectivity of smartphones gives the domestic workers the perception of co-presence with their children in virtual environment which enhances the warmth of their relationship and allows domestic helpers to fulfil their spiritual duties as Muslim mothers by providing religious guidance to their children. Smartphones are also used for spousal communication although the frequency is often dictated by the wives or their employment circumstances. Based on Goffman’s concept of spoiled identity, this study argues that Indonesian domestic workers face social stigma during their work as live-in maids and device various strategies in order to cope with their living condition by using smartphone activities for impression management, including with their husbands by selectively share their life stories. This study further posits that the intensive networked interaction via smartphones during feminized migration does not only serve as a site for the reproduction of normative gender roles. Instead, it is also a venue where these gender norms are challenged and reconstructed constantly. This study highlights the elements of control, empowerment and coping strategies of Indonesian maids to renegotiate their position within their communities during feminized (and stigmatized) migration.