金融危機後，東協尋求進一步區域經濟合作，中國大陸有爭逐區域霸權的思維，提供市場及其他公共財予東協，兩者開展合作；而日本憂慮中國大陸崛起，也積極與東協合作，但是多邊制度甚至一開放的東亞區域經濟建制對日本有利，不過欲保持自身自主性的東協及欲排除其美國於東亞勢力的中國大陸並不贊成。中國大陸也認知到區域內需中日共存與合作；日本雖欲建立制度領導，但仍遭遇東協與中國大陸之疑慮，況又有來自國內保守壓力；但是東協透過集體與中國大陸簽訂「自由貿易協定」，再由東協成員國個別與日本簽訂自由貿易協定的方式，尋求東亞經濟合作，使得東亞區域雖無一正式化經濟合作制度，但彼此卻已展開實質經濟合作，本論文將要探討在這過程中，東協國家如何彈性地避開爭議又獲得東亞地區實質合作的進展。 / After the financial crisis, ASEAN sought for further regional economic cooperation. China bearing the thought to pursue becoming the regional hegemony provides ASEAN with public goods and ASEAN started to cooperate with China. And Japan who was worried about the rise of China began to cooperate with ASEAN actively. But the multilateral regime, or a open-end East Asia regional economic regime is more beneficial to Japan. ASEAN who wants to keep their self-autonomy and China who has a strong wish to exclude the U.S. influence form East Asia do not approve to build the multilateral economic system in East Asia. China recognizes that China and Japan must work economically together and co-exist in East Asia. Although Japan who needs to handle the doubts of ASEAN and China hopes to build a system and to lead the economic cooperation within the region, Japan encounters the conservative power domestically. ASEAN who looks for the economic cooperation in East Asia by concluding the Free Trade Agreement with China collectively and Japan individually to make real economical cooperation in East Asia. This paper is going to discuss how does ASEAN flexibly avoid the disputes and achieve real economic cooperation progress during the economic cooperation process.

Abstract Business opportunities generated through free trade agreements with Central America By Silvia Villalobos This thesis looks to introduce Central America as a strategic ally for Taiwan at a business level, and a suitable and profitable place for investment. These positive characteristics have been enhanced by the free trade agreements signed or currently being negotiated, and as such, we will endeavor to introduce these FTAs affecting investments in the Central American region, such as CAFTA and FTAA, and will try to dwell on the opportunities derived thereof for Taiwanese business to expand their scope in this market. We will talk about the Central American countries, their relationship with Taiwan, and China’s increasing role in the region. Special mention will be given previous Asian investments in the isthmus, their focus, objectives, and analyze the results of their initiatives as support for our theory that links between Asia and Central America are growing and that this is a good place for investment. Finally, we will attempt to predict what areas would be most profitable for Taiwanese investors and business people. In terms of the research method and data sources, primary sources were news and magazine articles from prestigious publications, as well as books on general international trade, as this issue is rather fresh and, as a matter of fact, most of the treaties are barely into effect or still being negotiated.

本文所研究之主要問題為美國於東亞地區的經濟合作上是否還具有決定性或主導性之地位。研究重心為美國對東亞經貿政策之效能及其與東亞國家之經貿互動關係，並且以亞太經濟合作會議(APEC)、東協加三、美國與東亞國家之雙邊自由貿易協定(FTA)為主要研究標的。本文將先由理論切入，釐清霸權穩定理論之相關概念與內涵，提供觀察美國對東亞經濟合作政策之基本視角。次則觀察美國歷年對於APEC政策之微妙變化，亦探討東協加三合作機制之前景與對APEC之影響。再次則討論美國對東亞各國之FTA政策。研究後發現，霸權國家欲穩定其霸權體系除霸權國家本身實力至為關鍵外，霸權國家提供公共財之意願和與中型強權之互動亦為體系穩定之重要因素。然而美國無意強化APEC，甚間接導致其地位弱化；加上美國對東亞國家FTA政策過於僵化，執意堅持多項原則，導致簽署進度落後。本文認為，雖然目前美國於東亞地區仍具一定影響力，與地區中各國之聯繫也相當密切；但若美國無法將其經濟合作政策改弦易轍，以積極的態度與東亞地區中型強權進行互動，構建該地區之經濟合作制度、建制或機制，則其影響力勢將於未來進一步弱化。

中國與南韓正在從事自由貿易協定之洽簽程序，本篇論文的目的即在於評估其經濟效果。本文應用多國多部門之一般均衡模型，模擬二國農工商品完全自由化在靜態及考慮資本累積之動態效果。 實證效果顯示，上述二種模擬情境下，中國與南韓的整體社會福利都有正面效益，因此本文建議中韓應儘速完成可行性研究階段並開始諮商。如此，中國可以早日扮演建立東亞經濟整合的領導角色，而南韓也可以享受中韓自由貿易協定加上美韓自由貿易協定所產生之綜效。 目前亞洲任何一個已形成或是正在洽簽的自由貿易協定皆不包含台灣，故台灣應積極參與多邊體系下的貿易談判，以減低自由貿易協定所帶來的歧視，並應採納多樣化的協定而非拘泥於自由貿易協定之形式。同時應優先考量可以避免中國政治壓力及可擴大台灣經濟利益的議題，例如：雙邊投資協定及避免雙重課稅協定，以為洽簽正式之自由貿易協定鋪路。 關鍵字：中國、南韓、自由貿易協定、多國多部門之一般均衡分析 / China and South Korea are in the process of pursuing a free trade agreement. The purpose of this study is to assess its economic effects. The paper employs CGE models and the GTAP database to conduct a simulation with full elimination of tariffs in all sectors. Two CGE models are used. One is a static CGE model that captures the short-run effects, and the other captures the static effects as well as the capital accumulation effects arising from higher savings and investment induced by the static gains. The study finds that both South Korea and China will enjoy the welfare gains from the deals. We suggest that China and Korea complete feasibility studies and start the negotiation process at the earliest possible time for the purposes that China can play a leading role in building an East Asian economic integration and that Korea can enjoy the effects of multiple FTAs due to the Korea-China FTA plus Korea-US FTA. In addition, none of the bilateral agreements in Asia includes Taiwan. Taiwan should aggressively engage in trade negotiations under a multilateral system to decrease the discrimination caused by the free trade agreements and adopt diversified forms of agreements instead of focusing on “FTAs” only. Besides, Taiwan should prioritize the issues that can avoid the political pressure from China and expand Taiwan’s economic benefit, such as Bilateral Investment Agreement and Double Taxation Agreement, in order to pave the way for a formal FTA. Key words: China, South Korea, Free Trade Agreement, GTAP

有些學者認為，一國依地位、歷史、政治諸環境，所擬定的固定與長期性外交目標應視為外交原則(Principle of Foreign Policy)而非外交是不易變動的，外交政策則因時勢的推移、環境的轉變、利害的權衡，而可以隨機應變。睽諸墨西哥外交史，自始即強調了"民族自決"與"不干預原則"。為貫徹此原則，墨西哥外交政策便屢有調整。一方反對大國干預，爭取經濟獨立，帶領拉丁美洲國家整體化發展，由區域開發與利益的保護觀點與大國相抗；一方也必須採取務實方略，認清國家發展的重點仍離不開北方巨人的奧援，故而調整政策與美國親善。鑑於外交原則是墨西哥外交政策重要的政策意涵所在，本文特就墨西經驗與獨特地理位置，索引墨西哥外交政策發展的軌跡，提供一種全方位的觀察角度。尤其置重於七Ｏ年代以后，墨西哥努力成為區域主權領導者，其堅決同"第三世界國家"打成一片的外交政策，率先提出"各國經濟權利與義務憲章"成為發展中國家向工業化國家進行鬥爭的象徵。墨西哥限於本身國力，雖未能以強國姿態左右區域動向，但曾挾其富有石油力量促進區域之穩定。尤有進者八０年代的"康塔多拉集團"(Contadora Group)積極斡旋中美洲動亂的努力成就有目共睹。惟一九八二年石油危機與債務危機，卻帶來倒退厄運。墨西哥除了推倡拉美經濟整合，一方亦努力尋找更多發展機會，與西方國家與東亞國家的經濟互動異常活躍。與此同時，墨西哥也意識到要擺脫美國依賴，無法單純採取疏離美國之作法，而是要正視這份關係，變被動為主導，將與美國相近作為一種優勢，利用同美國的關係發展自己。經濟與外交的多元化，刻正帶領墨西哥走上已開發國家的路向。尤其在北美由貿易協定格局之下，根據美國紐澤西洲Polyconomics公司評估，墨西哥挾其資源與實力，將可成為"另一個台灣"。墨西哥積極外交政策施為、墨美關係之今昔與墨西哥經濟外交及國家發展的關連。筆者認為，惟有跨時空地自歷史、地理、政治、經濟角度觀察墨西哥外交政策，方有全盤性的系統敘述。

本文首先討論權力平衡與政治均衡的差異。以Waltz為代表的新現實主義是力學式、演繹邏輯的國際觀；而Schroeder的政治均衡則是生物學式、整體式、歸納的國際觀。權力平衡與政治均衡構成本文的分析架構。本文採歷史研究法，以愛爾蘭為例，說明愛爾蘭在受到「國家」、「人」、「國際體系」的影響後，放棄抗衡的策略後，均衡的國際觀才為愛爾蘭帶來和平與繁榮。 愛爾蘭自十二世紀起成為英國的殖民地，累積八個世紀的恩怨情仇在二十世紀初爆發。愛爾蘭政治家de Valera採用抗衡式的經濟外交策略，即使愛爾蘭成為歐洲的乞丐也在所不惜。1959年接手主政的Lemass對國家利益則有完全不同的見解。取消閉關自守的經貿政策、大膽與英國簽訂英愛自由貿易協定，促使愛爾蘭在1973年順利加入歐洲共同體，開啟了塞爾特之虎的序幕。 文末則是回到兩岸關係的探討。台灣與愛爾蘭相似點在於，同屬小國且也同樣面對同文同種的強敵威脅。台灣或可以愛爾蘭為鏡，走出成功的小國國際政治。

美國柯林頓總統於1995、1996年所提出《擴大與交往的國家安全戰略》報告指出：「美國國家安全戰略基礎在於擴大市場、民主社群，同時嚇阻與圍堵對我們國家、盟邦與我們利益的廣泛威脅。」。為了這一廣泛目的，美國須維持一個強大的防衛力量與運用有效的外交政策，以提升合作性的安全措施；致力打開外國市場與激勵全球成長；助長海外的民主並促進區域的合作安全等。 　　小布希總統2002年《美國國家安全戰略》報告也將「透過自由市場和自由貿易開啟全球經濟發展的新時期」列為國家安全戰略的一環。2006年的「美國國家安全戰略」重申自由且公平的貿易政策是第一支柱的一部份，透過自由市場和自由貿易來啟動一個全球經濟成長的新時代是其整體戰略之一；另一方面為了終結暴政和促進有效率的民主，工具之一就是締結自由貿易協定，鼓勵各國加強法治、打擊腐敗、落實民主責任。 　　美國的東亞政策可說重回「新現實主義」與「新自由主義」的雙軌路線。東亞經貿的發展與區域經濟的整合，更是讓美國看到延長霸權經濟命脈的新金礦。未來區域內的主導地位，將會取決於中國與美國相互競爭，這個競爭也許會是良性的，各取所需、各有所獲，但是過程中將會顯示這兩個大國經濟發展將在區域內的產生權力消長。 　　美國認為，中國在地緣戰略上是具有實力引起國際權力分配產生重大轉變，因此美國政策必須調和改變去掌控中國，以便維持及促進美國重大利益。但是隨著國際局勢變化，美國對中國的態度趨於務實，摒除與中國聯盟對抗蘇聯的思維，轉為全面性交往，但是強化其與日本等國的軍事同盟關係。 　　推展民主制度雖然不一定是美國的優先要務，但只要機會，美國總是鼓勵各國走向民主，因為美國人普遍認為，民主政體有能力抵擋極權擴張、便於美國行使權利、減少軍事衝突的風險。此論點乃基於民主國家比非民主國家更不願意發動戰爭之想法。在某些菁英人士心目中，保障及推展民主乃是美國重要的道德目標。 　　美國為確保國家利益及國家安全戰略總體指導，後冷戰時期美國在東亞區域經濟、軍事、政治安全等領域維護將更為重視，並力求主導區域安全相關議題制定、運作機制和秩序規範。 / US president Clinton points out a topic “Enlargement and Engagement” in the National Security Strategy Report, it says “United States National Security Strategy is based on enlargement the market and diplomatic social groups, simultaneously deter and stop any threat that will disadvantage out nation and allied nations.” For this general purpose, United States has to sustain a strong defense power and utilize diplomatic to improve the cooperation of security measures, endeavor in open foreign market, incentive global economic growth, diplomatic nations growth, and area security cooperation, etc. 　　President George Bush also point out “use free market and free trading to open the new growth of global economic era” from the National Security Strategy Report in 2002. It restated free and fair trading policy plays a big portion in 2006. Through free market and free trading to initiate a new era of global economic growth is part of the plan. The tool of terminating tyranny and effective the diplomatic is making a trade policy to encourage other nations stop crime and corruption. Play the role of democracy country. 　　United States Eastern Asia policy is back to theory of “neo-realism” and “neo-liberalism” two axis. The development of Eastern Asia Trade and Integration of Area Economic are the new vault for United States to prolong his sovereign rule in economic. The future leading nation of the area depends on China and United States competition. It maybe positive, each gains his own benefits, but the process will show the grow or diminish of these two nations economic growth within the area. 　　United States think that China’s regional strategy is very powerful which makes the change of international power distribution, so that U.S. has to adjust the policy to facilitate the U.S. key interests. But, along the change of international situation, the U.S. attitude with China turns out to be more practical. It changes the idea of allied with China against Soviet to fully engage with China in all perspectives. In addition, it strengths the military allied relationship with Japan and eastern Asia countries. 　　To popularize the democracy is not the first priority of United States. If there is a chance, U.S. will always encourage all countries toward democracy. American think that democratic system can stop the extremity system expand, which ease U.S. use his privilege and reduce military conflict risk. This is based on democratic nation is more unwilling to start a war than any other nations. In certain elites’ mind, that the goal of U.S. ethics is to ensure and improve democratic. 　　After cold war era based on U.S. interest, United States is more emphasize on the Eastern Asia’s economic, military, and political security, and endeavor on leading the area security.

近年來雙邊甚或區域間簽訂自由貿易協定之風盛行，本文欲探討其影響。參考Caliendo and Parro(2015)的方法，以考慮部門異質性、投入產出連結以及中間財貿易之模型，計算1995-2013年間三個模型的福利效果。旨在分別檢視1995-2005年間WTO成立十年之影響、2005-2013年間全球120份自由貿易協定生效之效果，以及韓國此段期間內簽訂自由貿易協定之成果。本文結果顯示，WTO於1995年成立至其後10年間，確實為會員國帶來正面影響，總體而言，多數國家福利效果變動率為正。到了2005-2013年，全球有120份區域貿易協定生效，亦提升多數國家的福利，然成長幅度不如1995-2005來的顯著。惟韓國受惠於其簽訂自由貿易協定的成效，福利成長得與先前維持相近水準。此外，透過不同模型間的比較，本文發現各模型間的福利效果有明顯差異，顯示現今複雜的國際分工鏈下，完善考量部門間的互動因素實為衡量國際貿易效果的重要課題。

世界各國在經過亞洲金融危機、次貸風暴、歐債危機…等事件後，經濟遭受重創，各國為求經濟成長，區域經濟整合(Regional Economic Integration,REI)逐漸盛行成為趨勢，透過自由貿易協定（Free Trade Agreement, FTA）盼能吸引外資熱錢長期投資以增進成長動能，於是藉由規劃自由經濟區（Free Economic Zone,FEZ）做為貿易競爭的工具，以提昇國家競爭力。 我國因特殊的政治因素及獨特的地理環境因素，導致加入國際組織的困難及必須依靠對外貿易以獲得資源。自由經濟示範區（Taiwan Free Economic Pilot Zones, TFEPZ）的推動代表著政府想引進外資邁向國際化的決心，但在面對國際政治困境、經濟邊緣化、政府朝野對立的情況下，政策及法規的鬆綁與否成為立法院朝野互相攻防的要點。 本研究藉由在貿易上與我國在國際間既合作又競爭且具有密切關係的中國大陸、韓國、日本等三國，藉由研究其自由貿易區政策之內容及推動現況，與我國政策進行比較分析，期能發現不足之處，進而參考借鏡提出相關建議，期許其未來發展得以更臻完善。 / The world's economy has been plagued by a series of financial disasters in recent years, including the Asian financial crisis, subprime mortgage crisis, and the European debt crisis. To revive economy, countries around the world have been seeking deeper cooperation through regional economic integration (REI). Governments have signed free trade agreements (FTA) to draw long-term foreign investments in an attempt to jumpstart growth. They have established free economic zones (FEZ) to boost international trades and improve national competitiveness. However, due to political and geological environment, Taiwan faces a great challenge when trying to join international organizations. Besides, the country has to rely on international trades to acquire necessary resources for growth. The launch of Taiwan Free Economic Pilot Zones (TFEPZ) demonstrates the government's determination to attract foreign investments and play a more important role in the global economy. Yet, given the international political hurdles, risks of economic marginalization, and constant gridlock between the ruling party and the opposition parties in Taiwan, it will be a great challenge for the Legislative Yuan to relax related regulations after a series of fierce debates. This research investigates policies and implementation results of FTZs in South Korea, Japan, and Mainland China—one of Taiwan's close trade partner and competitor. By analyzing and comparing FTZ policies in Taiwan, Mainland China, South Korea, and Japan, this research aims to find some aspects of improvement and provide constructive suggestions for the better development of Taiwan Free Economic Pilot Zones.

自由貿易有利有弊，一方面為國內經濟的出口優勢產業開拓新市場，另一方面伴隨著撤除各種貿易壁壘措施，將會使國內弱勢、內需產業遭到衝擊，無法避免國外進口不斷增加帶來的傷害。因此在自由貿易過程中，政府如何制訂對進口競爭引起衝擊的相關救濟問題與貿易調整協助措施，或是補償措施逐漸受到重視，例如美國自1962年開始採取的貿易援助法案(Trade Adjustment Assistance, TAA)，後改為貿易調整協助方案，旨在透過協助方式協助貿易自由化下容易受到衝擊的產業與勞工，而韓國也因簽訂美韓 FTA 而制定相似的救濟政策。 本文以韓美FTA作為個案討論，研究發現以韓國角度來看，韓美FTA簽訂快速的原因包含政府及人民的大多數支持、韓國政府對受衝擊產業制定各項因應措施等因素。而這些因應措施無論是在談判階段或是協議簽訂後，都不斷在修正與制定，以達到符合協助受衝擊產業之目的。 / Free trade is accompanied by advantages and disadvantages, it could expand new markets for the export advantageous industries; on the other hand, it could affect the disadvantageous minority industries while removing trade barriers.　Thus, it is important how the government sets up the countermeasures or the indemnify measures to ease the harm that foreign import products bring. For instance, the United States have adopted Trade Adjustment Assistance (TAA) since 1962, it is meant to assist industries and workers that are affected by free trade. South Korea has established similar countermeasures since KORUS FTA was concluded. This study is a case study of KORUS FTA . It shows that from South Korea’s perspective, it has support among government and people, Korean government has established countermeasures for the affected industries, and all these factors made KOURS FTA took less time to sign than South Korea’s most FTAs. These countermeasures were being amended during the negotiation process and after the FTA was concluded, in order to achieve the goal of assisting affected industries.