本研究旨在討論臺北市449位里長的工作參與動機及工作滿意之情形，研究目的有四，分別為：一、探討臺北市449位里長的工作動機與工作滿意之現況；二、探討臺北市449位里長個人背景變項對工作滿意之影響；三、探討工作動機與工作滿意之間關係；四、根據研究果提出結論與建議，做為行政機關進行村里制度改革之政策建議，並提供未來從事相關研究者參考。因此，本研究首先由文獻探討開始，廣泛蒐集相關資料，予以分析歸納，提出本研究之架構及作為問卷設計的理論依據；其次編製問卷調查研究工具－「臺北市里長工作滿意調查量表」，經過預試、因素分析、信度考驗的程序，透過臺北市政府民政局、十二區區公所及449位里幹事同仁協助發放問卷至449位臺北市第九任現任里長，共計發出問卷449份，回收有效問卷357份，最後將實際調查所獲知資料經由統計處理，加以分析討論，得出相關研究結果，本研究主要發現如下： 一、性別、職業、里長服務資歷、獲得績優里長表揚與否、里幹事獲得 績優表揚與否、有無擔任社區發展協會幹部等因素，對於里長之工作滿意無顯著差異影響。 二、年長里長對「工作內容」滿意程度高於中年里長及年輕里長，而對「市府支持」的滿意程度，中年里長及年長里長顯著的高於年輕里長。 三、研究所及以上學歷之里長對整體工作滿意程度、「內在需求」及「福利措施」滿意程度上低於其他學歷者；國中學歷之里長對「退撫保障」之滿意程度高於高中學歷及研究所及以上學歷者；國小及以下和國中學歷之里長，對「市府支持」構面滿意程度高於研究所及以上學歷之里長。 四、里上有社區發展協會組織之里長，在「內在需求」滿意程度高於里上無社區發展協會組織者。 五、未來但決定繼續參選的里長對於「人際關係」滿意程度高於未來不繼續參選者。 六、里長對整體工作滿意度的重視程度，並未因參與動機類型的差異而有所不同；「社會接觸動機」類型之里長，對「福利措施」的滿意程度高於「自我成長動機」、「表達社會責任動機」、「個人利益動機」及「成就感需求動機」者；「自我成長動機」類型之里長，對「里鄰互動」滿意程度低於「表達社會責任動機」、「社會接觸動機」及「反應他人期望動機」者。 七、人口統計變項與里長參與動機類型交互作用，對里長的工作滿意無顯著差異影響。

現今村里組織為台灣地方自治最基層之編組，其運作之健全與否對於地方治理的發展，自有其一定的影響。本文即以里長為研究對象，並以兩個在成立背景及特質強烈對比的里作為研究之個案，探討里長在治理過程是如何拓展個人網絡，並從里長角色、地位與網絡三個部份做點、線、面的分析。 本文的研究方法主要採用參與觀察法並輔以訪談法，觀察地點基本上以里辦公室以及里民會堂為主。而研究問題則要去探討，里長這個角色的目標是如何去完成的？哪些是幫助里長完成角色目標的最適夥伴？里長在治理網絡中要採取何種策略或是工具？接著，里長是如何去拓展能完成角色目標的網絡？ 研究發現部分，本文嘗試提出三點命題：第一個命題：擔任里長的新舊世代會影響其對里長角色的主/被動態度。第二個命題：新世代的里長處理爭議時抱持著資源取向的敵對態度來面對，而舊世代里長則以人情取向的和平態度來應對。第三個命題：新世代的里長在空間資源與物力資源爭取上採取積極取向，人力資源重心放在里民；相對的，舊世代里長在空間資源與物力資源方面採取保守取向，人力資源重心放在政治人物。 / Nowadays the village/Li organization is the most basic unit for Taiwan local self-governance. Its operation has certain influence on the development of local governance. The research objects of this thesis are two Li chiefs who contrast sharply in their background. By analyzing their roles, status and networks, this research attempts to find out how they construct and develop their individual network in the governance process. The research methods of this thesis are participant observation and in-depth interview; the places of observation are the Li office and the public conference hall; the issues of this research are as followed: how is the goal of the Li chief completed? who are the most suitable partners that help the Li chief achieve the goal? what kind of strategies or instruments does the Li chief adopt in the governance network? how does the Li chief develop and construct the network that can achieve the goal? Regarding the findings of the research, this thesis attempts to propose three propositions. The first proposition is that the new and old generation of Li chiefs contribute to the difference between active and passive attitude of the Li chief. The second proposition is that the new generation of Li chief holds a hostile attitude toward disputes, but the old one holds a peaceful attitude in resembling circumstances. The third proposition is that Li chief of the new generation adopts positive orientation toward the spatial and the material resources, and focuses on Li residents in the human resources; however, Li chief of the old generation adopts conservative orientation toward the spatial and the material resources, and focuses on political figures in the human resources.

村里基層行政人員是執行政策的主要行動者，其業務執行的判斷與裁量行為將影響民眾的權利，其對民主價值觀的認知，則左右其行政行為態樣。本研究的主要目的是欲探討民主化後的台灣，村里基層行政人員的民主價值，並找出影響因素。同時，探討村里基層行政人員是否因為民主價值的差異，而對於裁量行為有不同偏好。本研究使用2007年國科會計畫『填補「公民參與」研究脫落的環節—基層公務人員對公民參與態度的初探』所收集的量化資料。在分析961位村里基層行政人員所填答的問卷資料後，發現多數村里基層行政人員具中等程度的民主價值，其中村里幹事更達八成以上。主要影響民主價值差異的因素，是村里基層行政人員的年齡與教育程度。在裁量的偏好方面，多數受訪者傾向依法行政，民眾需求居次。主要解釋變異的因素是村里長與村里幹事間職責的差異，導致其偏好不同的裁量原則。因為村里長與村里幹事在民主價值以及裁量類型方面有許多的不同，而村里層級又是民主機制運作的第一線，因此應強化村里基層行政人員的民主價值。本研究建議政府應當建立村里長的培訓課程，以提升其對民主機制的認識與涵養，確保民眾的利益。 / Street-level administrators in Village/Li are the main actors for policy implementation. Their discretionary behaviors will affect the rights of citizens and such behaviors are profoundly influenced by their belief in democracy. The purpose of this thesis is to explore the democratic values of Village/Li Chiefs and Secretaries in Taiwan, and to find out the influential factors of democratic values. Further, this thesis discusses the extent to which their democratic values affect the preference of discretionary behaviors. The data used in this article are from the research sponsored by the National Science Council of the Executive Yuan; which conducted 961 face-to-face interviews with Village/Li Chiefs and Village/Li Secretaries in Taiwan in early 2007. This study finds that the majority of street-level administrators and 80% of Village/Li Secretaries have moderate democratic values. Statistical analysis indicates that age and education have critical influence on democratic values. With regard to their preference of discretionary behaviors, most respondents make decision mainly based on the enactments, and the need of citizens is secondary concern. The crucial factor to explain the variation is the difference on duties between Village/Li Chiefs and Secretaries. Consequently, the preference of their discretionary behaviors is diverse. Because of such divergence and the crucial role of street-level administrators in service delivery and grass-root democracy, this study suggests that the government should provide training programs to enhance the democratic values of Village/Li chiefs in particular and street-level administrators in general.

「社基保育」（Community-Based Conservation）是強調「由下到上」（bottom-up）的自然資源管理模式。透過在地民眾的參與（participation），不僅減少政府在自然資源管理的支出，形成為社區居民認可的資源管理模式；更重要的，透過居民參與，社基保育連結地方自治（self-governance）與民主（democracy），實踐公共財合產（coproduction）與增效（synergy）的效果。因此社基保育不僅有生態保育的優勢，更有政治與經濟面的討論意義。 以往對社基保育的研究，多以鄉村或原住民地區的資源管理為研究範例，這些地區藉由居民的共議或傳統文化，獲得居民認同，刺激居民主動參與。然而若將研究焦點轉向都市地區，社基保育能否發揮相同功效？透過本研究的兩個案例—台北市富陽自然生態公園與台南市巴克禮紀念公園，社基保育在都市社區中仍有實行的可能。但相較鄉村與原民社區，都市社基保育的參與者更多，彼此溝通協調需要更多成本，形成集體行動也更不容易。本研究兩個案例中的里長，皆發揮動員居民的功能，並代表居民和其他參與者如政府、非營利組織溝通，降低居民參與的成本，營造居民集體行動的雛形。而政府、非營利組織與居民在社基保育過程中的關係，將影響社基保育能否達成在地落實的目標。 / Community-Based Conservation is the model emphasizing “bottom-up” power of managing natural resources. It reduces the government’s cost of resource management, and becomes a widely accepted model by the locals through their participation. Furthermore, it combines Coproduction, Synergy, local Self-Governance, and Democracy Governance through the locals’ direct participation. Therefore, Community-Based Conservation not only has advantage in ecological conservation, but also shows importance in politics and economics. Previously, the researches on Community-Based Conservation often take resource management models in rural and indigenous areas as their cases. These models obtain the residents’ identity and stimulate their active participation by their discussion or the influence of traditional culture. But if we transfer the researches’ focus to urban areas, can Community-Based Conservation play the same role? Through the two cases in this thesis: Fuyang Eco Park in Taipei and Barclay Memorial Park in Tainan, it is possible to implement Community-Based Conservation in urban areas. However, compared with rural and indigenous areas, there are more participators in urban areas. It costs more to make them coordinate and communicate with each other well. Consequently, it is very important to inspire the locals to participate in Community-Based Conservation. In these two cases, both Neighborhood magistrates construct the model by mobilizing the residents, communicating with different participators such as the government, non-profit organizations, and reducing the cost of their participation. The relationship between the government, non-profit organizations and the residents in the process of Community-Based Conservation will affect the fulfillment in urban areas.

村里組織是台灣實施地方自治的最基層編組，而村里資源如何運用與分配，更是影響地方自治行政功能甚鉅，然過去研究鮮少討論村里公共資源的分配政治現象。於此，本研究以政治學的分配理論為基礎，採取質性研究方法，以村里基層工作經費為研究主軸，透過深入訪談及文件分析探討村里長是分配村里資源的情形，並分析公所與村里長之間委託-代理關係的監督失靈現象。 研究結果顯示，村里長分配村里資源的模式偏向Cox-McCubbins的模型，村里長以是否為「選舉票倉區」，作為分配村里基層工作經費的基準，而鄉鎮公所與村里長之間的委託-代理關係，則因資訊不對稱及里幹事聯繫失衡對村里長的行政監督有所失靈。 基於研究發現，本文建議，村里基層工作經費應依照村里的大小及人口予以公式化的補助金分配，此外村里長與公所之間的行政責任釐清，可助於減少資訊不對稱的問題，最後村里長運用村里資源的情形應建立衡量指標，落實稽核制度。本文為一初探性嘗試，提供台灣分配政策與政治研究另外一種思考的面向，並且提供未來台灣分配政治研究的實證基礎。 / Village and Neighborhood organization is the most basic unit of local governance in Taiwan, and how the village and neighborhood uses and allocates resources has important impact on the local self-government administration. However, existing research rarely discusses distributive politics of public resources in the village arena. Therefore, based on the perspective of distributive theory, this study explores the allocation of village resources by in-depth interviews and archival research. It further presents the supervision failure by township, on village and neighborhood. The results of this study confirm Cox-McCubbins ’s model on resources allocation. The village and neighborhood chiefs use "election support zone" as criteria to allocate the village and neighborhood funds. The principal-agency relationship between township and village was disconnected due to information asymmetries and loss of contact with the village secretary, which leads to the failure of administrative supervision on village chiefs regarding allocation of the funds.. This study proposes three suggestions for reforms. First, the village and neighborhood funds should be distributed in accordance with a formula based on the size of the village and neighborhood. Second, the administrative responsibility should be clarified between the village and neighborhood chief and townships to reduce the information asymmetry problem. Finally, the indicators measuring the effectiveness of the fund’s usage, should be constructed in order to enforce the audit system. This research is a pilot attempt to provide another perspective and empirical analysis on the distributive policy at local level. It has theoretical and empirical implications for distributive politics.

在電子化政府的架構下，民眾最重要的數位意見反映管道可謂是民意電子信箱，然而近年全球許多城市開始建制市民熱線系統，讓民眾得以透過電話向政府反映意見，使整個互動介面更為接近「行動政府」的概念，而在台灣的行政系絡下，「村里長」扮演政府機關與一般民眾互動的中介角色，本研究嘗試了解電子信箱與市民熱線這兩項原意用於促進「直接民主」的意見反應管道，對於村里長的工作產生何種影響，並探討村里長使用電子信箱與市民熱線的情況，以及影響他們對這兩項管道滿意認同的變數。 本研究以台北市里長及台北市市長信箱與1999市民熱線為主要標的，透過量化與質化方法的實證資料，主要發現結果包括：(1)台北市里長較常使用市民熱線，較少使用市長信箱；(2)資訊能力、對案件的時效性要求、問題難度與複雜性將影響村里長選擇市長信箱或市民熱線進行意見反映；(3)市長信箱與市民熱線對里長的正面影響包括解決村里民問題、減少工作負擔、提昇服務時效性、減少人情壓力、可有書面或電子資料備查，作為服務表現的基礎；負面影響則包括受申訴的機會增加、村里長工作有被管道取代的危機；(4)服務品質構面的「資訊可信度」、「問題解決程度」及「易用性」，有用性構面中的「解決里民問題」與「有助工作程度」五個變數對管道的滿意度有正向的影響。 本研究根據研究發現，提出三點實務建議：(1)重視「管道問題適用性」之宣傳；(2)促進村里長與意見反映管道結合的服務綜效；(3)思考管道如何對市民產生「有用性」，以提昇公共接觸效果。 / Under the framework of E-government, e-mail is the most important response channel for citizens to interact with governments. However, many cities around the world start to build citizen hotline systems, allowing people reflect their ideas and suggestions via phone. This fact reveals the opportunities of Mobile Government. In Taiwan, Li-chiefs simultaneously reflect residents’ opinions and help delivery public services. The author tries to figure out (1) how Taipei City Mayor’s E-mail Box and 1999 Citizen Hotline affect the daily works of Li-chiefs; (2) their usage of these two response channels, and (3) what variables might affect Li-chiefs’ satisfaction toward e-mail and citizen hotlines. The study uses Taipei City Mayor’s E-mail Box and Taipei 1999 Citizen Hotline as case examples, and collects both qualitative and quantitative empirical data. The author finds that: (1) The Li-chiefs in Taipei use Taipei 1999 Citizen Hotline more frequently than City Mayor’s E-mail. (2) Information literacy, timeliness and task complexity will affect Li-chiefs’ motives to reflect suggestions via e-mail or citizen hotline. (3) Li-chiefs can use these two channels to solve problems and enhance timeliness. On the other hand, the response channels allow citizens to complain to Li-chiefs more easily, and the positions of Li-chiefs might be replaced by the two channels; and (4) information reliability, problem solving ability, ease of use, the effect of solving citizens’ problems, and helping Li-chiefs’ jobs will positively affect the satisfaction of the channels. Based on the finding, the author suggests the government should: (1) emphasize the “appropriate or right questions” when prompting the channels; (2) teach Li-chiefs how to use response channels well to create synergy; and (3) rethink how response channels produce usefulness for citizens.

網絡是一個依據人與人之間的互動關係所建構出來的，它即是形成我們日常生活中的一部分，而政策網絡則是從網絡的生活環境概念化，進而系統化的分析方法，是較傳統分析方法更有彈性的分析架構。在現在的社會中，想要製造對立的關係很容易，想要挑出他人的問題也是容易的，但是如何促使人們溝通呢？在這個民眾對政府信任低落的時代，社會上的急需解決的公共議題卻未見減少，若里長能發揮一個更作為連結政府和民眾之間溝通的良好媒介，發揮其作為中介樞紐的功能。本研究更期許里長在核子事故緊急應變的政策宣導中，是一個能讓民眾和政府之間的溝通更為順暢的角色。透過政策網絡中的社會網絡分析方法，嘗試去解析在核二廠周遭地區的里長，他們在緊急應變網絡中所擁有的角色、地位及其對網絡的影響，並進一步提出改善當前緊急應變宣導僵化的困境。 本研究透過社會網絡分析的中介性分析結果，發現雖然在緊急應變宣導的政策網絡中，里長確實擁有強大的動員能量，更在網絡中有無法抹煞的影響力，但里長卻並非網絡的單一中介核心，在地方上的緊急應變宣導網絡中，形成了多元的中介核心，這些網絡參與者或因為公務上的正式關係，或因為掌握核能的專業知識，因此，各自在網絡中占有重要的地位，但是若核子事故發生時，這些參與者又會形成環環相扣的宣導和疏散系統，缺一不可。故本研究認為里長的角色，確實會對緊急應變宣導產生不同層面的影響，里長在網絡中也具有相當深厚的稟賦，但更多時候里長只是消極的在執行。 最後本研究彙整出不同受訪者的意見，歸納出了兩個方向性不同的建議，期望負責緊急應變宣導的單位能重新省思這些根本性的問題：第一，只有讓民眾真正的體驗過，體驗才會轉換成有價值的經驗和記憶；第二，對於緊急應變宣導的結構性省思，政府擁有的人力、資源和時間有限，政府官員相較於民眾是否是更需要宣導的群體？