本研究探討日本生活用品與沙烏地通信用品兩國通路市場的比較, 通路類似生物有機體,它會隨著科技演進、消費者行為、社會環境 的變遷而改變,以最適宜的方式存活下來,玆就兩國通路分述如下: 一.日本,世界第二大經濟體,在經歷長期不景氣,歷經通路變革後,本研究探討消費者購買行為的轉變,導致通路何種改變?原自國內生產 、品牌優先,轉變為海外生產,品質優先的原因? 所衍生的新通路形態及通路商機為何? 如何作行銷,應注意事項為何 ? 有那些障礙 ? 具體拓銷管道有那些 ? 二. 沙烏地阿拉伯,21世紀最大君主專制國家,世界最大產油國,探討其關稅在2005年將與G.C.C.聯盟國採取相同稅率後,對其通路可能的變化為何 ? 而該國行銷方式,市場特性,有效拓銷管道又為何 ? 比較研究兩國在政治、經濟、宗教、人口、品質、通路上的差異,從兩國完全不同生活方式上出發,由市場競爭程度,對產品的要求差異,可能的商機,市場未來趨勢等作比較,再從比較中發現人脈、人際關係在兩國商業活動中佔著極重要角色,及通路的經營需有中長期計劃,以及獲得對方的”信任”,才能長期成功拓銷進駐兩國通路. 同時篩選適當通路個案,有通路的具體運作模式並跟理論作比對, 例如日本D公司為日常生活用品進口名列前茅公司,關連通路不下千家,D公司所面對通路時實際發生問題,可做為供應商的重要參考. 而沙國SUP公司及AT公司皆為當地知名通信用品進口商及大盤商, 以新事業創新模式來分析其通路成功經營的方式,及其核心能耐及與中盤、小盤通路商的具體作法. 最後加上研究者在兩國市場經營八年的實戰經驗,整理加注在兩地通路行銷方式、拓銷管道及應注意事項之中,希望對於兩國通路市場研究或拓銷有興趣的學者、業界先進,提供一些實務上的參考 / This research inquires into the comparison that the Japanese interior and Saudi ArabiaTelecommunication two country market channels compare. The channel is similar to the living creature organism, it will evolve along with science and Technology, consumer behavior, social environment of the flux then change, the survival comes Down in the most suitable and proper way; the summarizes as follows for two country channel: 1.Japan, the second economy in world, be experiencing the long-term recession, does this Research inquire into the change that the consumer purchases the behavior, cause the Channel what change After experiencing successively the channel change? Produce from domestic at first, the brand’s priority, changing into the overseas to produce, the quality has the initiative of reason? The new channel appearance and the channel business opportunities developed is why? How make the marketing, in response to the special note is why? Have those obstacles? Does the concretely develop sell channel have those? 2.Saudi Arabia, 21 centuries most the overlord absolute monarchy is national, the world is biggest to produce the oil country, studying its tariff after 2005 will adopt the same tax rate with the G.C.C. alliance country, to its channel possible variety is why ? And what country promotion way, the market characteristic, and what’s the valid sell ? Relatively study two country in the politics, economy, religion, population, quality, the difference on the channel, from two country totally different life style up set out, compete the degree by the market, request the difference to the product, possible business opportunities, the market future trend …etc.,makes the comparison, then find from the comparison social interaction is in two country business activities the companion plays the role, and the management of the channel need in the long-term planned necessity, and obtain the “ trust “ of the other party, can own the long-term cooperative relation. Sieve the appropriate channel individual cases meanwhile, the concrete operation mode that has the channel also makes the ratio with the theories to, for example the Japanese D company imports to come out in front for the interior company face arise problem physically, can be used as important reference of the supplier. And the Saudi Arabia SUP company and the AT company are all for the well-known telecommunication importer and wholesaler with new business innovative mode to analyze its channel successfully the management of way, and its core ability and with wholesaler retailer channel business’ concrete method. Besides the researcher conducts the experience in two country markets for eight years, putting forward at the two sides channel sells should the special note and advice, expect the scholar who studies to twO country channel market or to the sell industry forerunner who have the interest, be the further research data and the sell reference on the actual situation.

我們在此論文中，首先針對老子思想與伊斯蘭思想有關「創造者」、「創生過程」、「創造者與被創造者之間的關係」、「生死觀」與「墮落」等問題的看法進行深入說明，然後再進而嘗試對此二思想進行相互地比較討論。而根據一系列的探討研究，我們理解發現到，老子思想和伊斯蘭思想中的「創造者」觀念和「創造之過程」有許多類似和相同之處，兩個思想系統中的「創造者」都是創生天地萬物之至高絕對的存在，兩者創造之過程也是很類似的。不過，伊斯蘭思想中之「阿拉」卻有其「位格性」，且正是這種「位格性」使其在「創造者與被創造者之間的關係」此一方面和不具「位格性」的老子思想中之「道」有著重大的差異。這也即是說，伊斯蘭思想中之「阿拉」因為有其「位格性」，故會以其意志、情感、認識、慾望等等「心靈能力」來要求、安排一切存在，相反地，老子之「道」因為不具「位格性」，故沒有以各種「心靈能力」來要求、安排一切存在的情形，其只是自然地創生天地萬物而後自然地任憑它們各自生長、發展與消滅。我們也理解發現到，老子思想與伊斯蘭思想中的「生死觀」也有著許多類似和相同之處，雖說老子思想並不如伊斯蘭思想般強調著「後世生活（死後世界）」。一方面，老子思想與伊斯蘭思想中的「生」之觀念，大致都包含著「創生」、「出生」、「生命」與「生活」等四種意義。而另一方面，老子思想與伊斯蘭思想中的「死」之觀念，則大致都可分為「身體上的」死亡與「心靈上的」死亡兩類，且按「身體上的」死亡之原因又進而可將「身體上的」死亡細分成兩種，一種是按創造者的自然法則（規定）所發生的「自然的」死亡，另一種則是老子所言「貴生」所造成的「不道早已」、「動之於死地」，或伊斯蘭所言「強烈欲望與情感」所造成的「不自然的」死亡。然而，不論就老子思想或伊斯蘭思想言，「生命」（靈魂/精神）本身都是不會死的，故此處所言老子思想與伊斯蘭思想中共同具有之意義極其特殊的「心靈上的」死亡，無非就是「心靈」的「墮落」，也是造成「身體上的」「不自然的」死亡之「原因」。而「心靈上的」死亡或「心靈的墮落」，也無非正是「心靈」所具有之「自然理想的」且「良善的」「認識」、「意志」與「情感」等較高心靈能力，受到作為較低心靈能力的「欲望」之「不自然的」且「過度無節制的」影響支配而無法健全地發揮作用。而按老子思想的見解，人欲避免心靈墮落的最好方法，就是要「效法道」之作用特性，也就是要「效法道」對萬物保持著一種「低下」、「柔靜」、「公正」、「包容」、「無為而為」、「自然而然」等等的態度與作為。若就伊斯蘭思想來看，人欲避免心靈墮落的最好方法，則是讓心靈較低部分的「Nafs」在「純淨化」的七個階段中逐漸被洗滌乾淨。

列建國迄今四十五年以來，甚至更早以前，巴勒 直是中東和平未能達成 之關鍵之一，而中東的戰略地 _和平與世界和平息息相關。因此為著世界 和平，巴勒 o妥善的解決。巴勒斯坦問題除了直接關係猶太人及巴 鴷□ 撉□唭B國家而言都休戚相關。本文旨在自巴勒斯 □-巴解--的立場出發 ，將其外交政策之轉折做為研究 珓炯e穿整個決策過程。首先本文對巴勒 斯坦問題之源 齱A其中並闡述當今之巴勒斯坦問題與巴人建國權利問 C而 巴解正是領導巴人爭取建國權利的組織。本文接著 峖芋B發展、及其內部 結構做一描述。巴解在一九六四 |年獲得阿拉伯國家承認其為巴人唯一合 法代表，其由 ㄗt組成，因派系間缺乏共識，因此組織本身的生存為 e之 先決問題，加上巴解並無固定據點，又無固定財政 坌O其組織分裂性之外 的一大特徵。在此種特性下，巴 甈F策，實則為當時所處內外環境情勢之 反映。本文先 鴾皒悁菑@九六四年以來對外政策的發展做一回顧，次 筍 □衧偶g緯，找出八０年代之中，巴解在外交政策上 禸銵C同時並自國際 環境、國內環境及決策機器本身等 @改變之原因。另外再進一步探討目前 情勢中可能使巴 o生變化的因素。本文雖擇題為研究巴解外交政策於八 M 實則藉對此轉變關鍵之探討，發現巴解所處內外環境 颩y跡為本文另一重 點。而預測巴解未來外交政策之可 筒Z問題之解決提出建議方案，則是本 文希望做出的貢獻。

葉門共和國(Republic of Yemen)位在亞歐非三大洲交界地帶，不論在軍事、交通、經濟等方面扮演相當重要角色，身為產油國但卻是世界最貧窮的國家之一。除內政、經濟危機外，還需面臨內部叛亂團體和恐怖主義組織等問題，這些都成為其國家安全威脅主要來源。九一一事件發生後，跨國性恐怖主義問題更成為美葉之間安全合作關係之主軸。 本文以結構現實主義理論為基礎架構，分析美國與葉門反恐安全合作關係之背景、發展過程及內容，並探討該二國外交政策及其合作關係對國際社會之影響。

本篇論文題目為「中華民國與沙烏地阿拉伯王國關係之研究」，旨在尋求中沙邦交由 肇始，奠基發展鞏固乃至衰退、逆轉整個變化軌跡之合未來關係走向之參考。本篇論 文架構包含七個章節，茲分別簡述如下： 首章緒論說明研究動機與目的，研究方法及研究範圍與限制。 第二章論述沙國建國經過以彰明沙國之伊斯蘭與阿拉伯文化背景。並為使讀者於進入 本文主題章節前，先對沙烏地阿拉伯王國外交政策各層面有相當了解，乃先就其影響 因素、人物、機構及政策與目標等做一概要說明。 第三章則簡略回顧溯伊斯蘭教傳入中國之歷史沿革以及中沙兩國初期交往情形， 尤 其著重於影響兩國初期關係關鍵人物私人情誼之互動，然後再就兩國關係之制度化做 一分析說明。 第四章涵蓋具相關性之兩個不同互動領域一宗教事務與官式互訪深入研究過去四十年 來我國回教朝覲團與因兩國領袖互訪而達到高潮之官式互訪， 在維續及提昇兩國關 係與相互了解上所扮演之重要角色。 第五章一一檢視中沙互動關係中更具體而實質之內涵； 包括雙方文教交流與經技合 作兩層面。 第六章的內容主要在於說明中共運用宗教、經貿、國際事務影響力、體育及軍官等手 段滲透拉攏沙國並經由階段性之策略；由商務代表處之互設終而達到與沙國建交之目 的。 最後第七章結論部份則就本文各章節所探討之主題做一總結與評析， 尤其呼應第二 章所述影響沙國對外關係之各個層面之剖析，針對沙國何以會與中共建交闡釋個人淺 見， 最後筆者並就如何因應中沙關係新局加強兩國關係提出原則性的看法， 以做 為筆者個人實際從事對沙外交工作之基本念。

1990年7月22日，沙國與中共建交，我國隨即也宣布與之斷交。中、沙兩國的外交關係雖然消失，但雙方的實質關係仍繼續存在。例如在經貿關係方面，沙國是我國在全世界中第16大的貿易夥伴，同時也是在中東地區的第一大貿易夥伴，同時我國進口之原油約有30%以上來自該國。 儘管沙國是中東地區的重要國家，也和我國維持多項實質關係，但中、沙實質關係的發展，卻鮮少有國內的專家或學者深入探討。有鑒於此，加上沙國在國際社會以及我國對外關係上所扮演的重要角色，因而促成筆者研究此一專題。 本文總計五章，共十六節：第一章為緒論，指在闡明本文之研究動機與目的、研究途徑與方法等；第二章為中、沙兩國在斷交前的關係做一扼要說明，內容包括政治、外交、經濟、貿易、教科文與宗教等各層面之交流及其分析，此外也將對中、沙斷交之背景、過程做一深入之探討；第三章則將焦點放在兩國新關係之分析，自新關係談判開始，終於對新架構之評估，以補此方面研究之不足；第四章將針對斷交後的各方面交流與實質關係做一通盤整理，並進行觀察與分析，以期深入了解兩國關係﹔第五章為結論，將本文所探討之內容做一總結，檢討中、沙兩國關係得失，並提出未來展望與建議。 / On Jul. 22nd in 1990, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia（S.A.） established its diplomatic relations with Mainland China（P.R.C.）, meanwhile, Republic of China（R.O.C., Taiwan）also declared to break off that with Saudi Arabia. With the termination of Saudi and Taiwan’s mutual official relations, however, the communication and pragmatic relations between the two parties are still keeping moving on. For example, in terms of economic and trading dimension, Saudi Arabia is the top 16 trading partner in the world as well as the top 1 in Middle-East Area for R.O.C. in 2002, and 30% of Taiwan’s imported crude oil comes from S.A. annually. Though the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is one of the most important countries in Middle East, and she does maintain lots of pragmatic communication with R.O.C., only few domestic scholars or experts take their studies on Saudi and Taiwan’s interaction and/or relationships. In addition to that, S.A. also plays a very important role in international society as well as for Taiwan’s foreign Relations. As a result, I decided to research on such a theme. There are 16 sections composed to 5 chapters in this thesis: Chapter 1 is an “Introduction”, the motive, and the purpose for the study, as well as the researching approach will be illustrated here; in Chapter 2, we are going to summarize the communication before the termination of diplomatic relations between Saudi Arabia and R.O.C., including politics, diplomacy, economy, trade, education and etc.; Chapter 3 is focused on the two parties’ new framework for mutual relations; in Chapter 4, to clarify in all respects that the development of Saudi and Taiwan’s relations in recent years after the diplomatic relations been severed will be the key point; and in Chapter 5, we take a whole review and make some conclusions for readers’ or even governmental reference.

本文主要關注：何種原因造成2011年阿拉伯之春期間的內戰發生與否。在評估由Boix、Collier和Hoeffler，以及Fearon和Laitin所提出的內戰理論後，我發現單獨適用Collier和Hoeffler即可有效又簡約地解釋阿拉伯之春期間的情況。此外，我認為「和平持續期」(peace duration)和「半民主」(anocracy)可能是內戰的必要條件。為了進一步確認理論的解釋力，我將焦點轉移至探索造成理論預測例外（如阿爾及利亞和利比亞）的原因。最後，我提出對理論發展和政策的一些建議。 / The main concern of this study lies in what is the cause behind whether civil war broke out during the Arab Spring (2011). By evaluating civil war theories by Boix, Collier and Hoeffler, and Fearon and Laitin, I find that applying the theory by Collier and Hoeffler alone can effectively and parsimoniously explains the situation during the Arab Spring. In addition, I identify two variables: “peace duration” and “anocracy”, which might be the necessary conditions behind the civil wars during the Arab Spring. To further assure the explanatory power of theories, I switch the focus to explore the reasons why there are exceptions, such as Algeria and Libya, out of the theoretical prediction. Finally, I present some recommendations for theoretical development and policy.

2003年，喬治亞民眾因不滿政府選舉舞弊而爆發玫瑰革命，翌年，烏克蘭同樣因民眾不滿選舉舞弊而爆發橙色革命，兩者革命性質成因相同，且都成功推翻舊有領導人，被學者認為是第三波民主化浪潮之一，稱為顏色革命；2010年，中東國家突尼西亞爆發茉莉花革命，翌年，這把革命之火延燒到臨近國家埃及，造成原有領導人下台。兩波革命發生的時間、地點和成因都不同，但兩波革命發生過程中，大眾媒介皆扮演了重要角色，本文先探討大眾媒介跟政權更替的關聯性，從而探討大眾媒介如何對政權更替造成影響。 　　顏色革命國家跟阿拉伯之春國家的政權體制、文化、宗教等背景等全然不同，但同樣發生民眾不滿現況而上街抗議，最後促成執政者下台，本文認為，革命之所以成功，大眾媒介是重要推手，因其傳播速度快、無時效性、無地域性，特別是社群媒體，透過社群媒體，民眾動員更迅速，消息的傳播也更為快速。 / This thesis focus on the role of media in the series of revolutions in 2003-2004, which are called “Color Revolution” and the Arab Spring, which had had been broke out from 2010. Some scholars call the revolution in Georgia is “Rose Revolution”, in Ukraine – Orange Revolution, those people successfully overthrow their leader, for this reason, most of them deeply believe that to be the one of the Third Waves of Democratization. 　　In 2010, Tunisia burst into a revolution and the fire spreads Egypt, the regime also had been overthrow by people. Although the causes of these revolutions are totally different, they have a common point – mass media. 　　This thesis argues that mass media play an important role in these revolutions, first of all interpret the relationship between mass media and regime, and then analyze that the mass media how to lead to regime change.

阿拉伯聯合大公國（United Arab Emirates, UAE）並非中東大國， 但卻是世界重要產油國及海灣國家合作理事會創會成員之一。其自 1971 年獨立建國以來，除有內政危機外，同時還需因應周遭強權摩 擦及區域衝突，這些挑戰均係其國家安全之威脅。然而，阿拉伯聯合 大公國在首任總統翟伊德（Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan）的領 導下，充分發揮其務實且具彈性之外交政策面對外來的挑戰，成功確 保國家利益及生存。 本文分析重點在於闡釋阿聯外交政策之特色及實踐，並探討影響 其外交政策之內外因素，以對其外交政策有完整概念。 / United Arab Emirates (UAE) is a small state in the Middle East. But it is an important oil exporter in the world and an initial member of Gulf Cooperation Council. Since the seven members of UAE federation was established in 1971, the UAE government has been spontaneously dealing with the internal political crisis, frictions between major powers, and conflicts in this region, which were crucial threats to its national security. Nevertheless, under the leadership of the first President, Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, the UAE government was capable to cope with these challenges with the practical and flexible foreign policy, and successfully safeguarded its national interests. The content of this thesis is first to analyze the features and conduct of UAE’s foreign policy. Then, how the internal and external factors affected the formulation of the policy will be followed.

「沙皇亞歷山大一世之研究」主要以歷史分析法(History Analysis Method)為主軸，針對俄國沙皇亞歷山大一世（Tsar Alexander Ⅰ）從出生(24 Dec 1777)一直到逝世(26 Dec 1825)的一生事蹟，包括了少年成長時期、執政時期(1801-1825年)的社會情況、內政外交、軍事行為等加以研究分析，以提出對此段歷史的分析解釋以及對其後歷史的影響。 由於凱薩琳大帝精心設計的教育歷程，使得亞歷山大一世成為俄國皇室中有史以來第一位具有啟蒙思想的沙皇並且懷有著改革俄國的夢想。然而亞歷山大一世經常在言行上出現不一致的狀況。舉例來說，少年時代的他曾不只一次地表明本身並不適於擔任沙皇，然而日後他卻在一場弒父的流血政變中登基﹔他宣稱自己熱愛憲政，但卻未能實踐他對憲政主義的理想；他一再地表示對農奴制度極端地憎惡，但卻沒有對這項制度有較為激烈的改革﹔他在外交上表示別無所求只願歐洲和平的想法，卻一再地與法國以及瑞典、顎圖曼土耳其帝國等發生戰爭。因此，為了解釋這種矛盾性，大部分的史家經常將亞歷山大一世描寫為一個謎題一般神秘而且矛盾的人物，或者將他描繪成詭計多端、不真誠的乃至於白癡與精神分裂，以提出對於亞歷山大一世如此矛盾不協調的統治的解釋。除了以這種方式來解釋亞歷山大一世的統治歷程外，本篇文章旨在更進一步地深入瞭解沙皇的性格與人格特質，以及將外在條件的制約納入分析思考的範圍中，以對此段歷史提出更為全面而廣泛地解釋。 終亞歷山大一生，他耗費了相當多的時間在國內改革與外交事務的參與上。1801年即位之始，他便汲汲營營地進行各項改革，然而由於國內改革事務存在的艱困阻礙加上拿破崙的壓力，逐漸促使他遠離內政改革而將心思轉向外交事務上。在提爾斯特條約暫時地解脫亞歷山大一世在外交與軍事上的壓力之後，亞歷山大一世又回到內政改革上，他任命了麥克海爾•史普蘭斯基為國務卿，並且命他進行憲政計劃的草擬。由於許多的原因，史普蘭斯基所提出的計劃沒能夠全盤被執行，而憲政改革又再次陷入了停擺。1812年，俄國面臨了拿破崙侵略的威脅，最終又捲入與法國的戰爭中。在拿破崙經歷了征俄戰爭以及最終受到聯軍的圍剿而徹底失敗之後，亞歷山大一世成為歐洲最有勢力的統治者，他的功績在此時達到最高峰，並且要將歐洲改造成新的局面，最終藉由神聖同盟的設立而完成他的志願。在回到國內之後，亞歷山大一世似乎已經準備好再次面對內政的改革。然而沙皇對於革命的畏懼更勝於他對改革的熱情，1820年代俄國國內的不安以及國外的革命騷亂終究使得他的改革劃下了句點。雖然亞歷山大一世未能完成他的改革理想，但無可置疑地，他仍是19世紀裡俄國與歐洲歷史上的重要角色。 本文第一章緒論針對研究動機與目的、研究途徑與架構、文獻分析與研究限制與問題提出說明。第二章係對亞歷山大一世之成長背景，主要探討十八世紀末俄國現況，凱薩琳二世及保羅一世對亞歷山大一世成長的影響。第三章則對亞歷山大一世的內政改革，包括農奴政策、憲政改革、以及其他經濟文教的改革加以研究論述。第四章論述亞歷山大一世的外交與軍事作為，包括俄法戰爭、維也納會議、歐洲協調、四國同盟與神聖同盟等問題。第五章針對亞歷山大一世晚期的作為提出綜合檢討與回顧。第六章為結論。 / The Study of Tsar Alexander I mainly explores the history of the whole life of the Russian Tsar Alexander I (1801-1825). This article basically use the historical analysis method to describe and analysis the history from Alexander I's birth (24 Dec 1777) until his death (26 Dec 1825), which covers his childhood, youth, and his behaviors after his ascended to the throne. And finally provides the explanation and analysis of the history about this period of time, and it’s influence for later history. Due to Catherine II’s delicated education, Alexander I was the first tsar who had the enlightened thoughts and had dreams to reform Russia. But his behaviors were usually contradictory to his words. More than once he professed he was unsuitable for the exercise of power, yet he ascended to the throne in a bloody coup which involved the murder of Paul I; He claimed to love constitutions, yet he failed to realize his ideal to implement the constitutional reform; He frequently expressed his abhorrence of serfdom, yet he did little to challenge this institution; He asserted that his only ambition is to promote the peace of the Europe, yet he fought not only with France, but also with Sweden and the Ottoman Empire. Historians usually explained the incongruities of his highly paradoxical reign by portraying Alexander as everything from scheming and insincere to idiotic to schizophrenic. In addition to this kind of explanation for his reign, This article aims at exploring the tsar’s personality and character more deeply and taking the outside constraints on his reign into consideration in order to analysis and explain the history of his lifetime more broadly. Through his lifetime, Alexander I spent most of his time in domestic reforms and diplomatic affairs. After his coronation, he eagerly engaged in domestic reform. However, the difficulties he faced in domestic reforms and the oppressions from Napoleon gradually pushed him to turn away to diplomatic affairs. Until the temporary relief of Tilsit treaty, he proceeded to domestic reforms again. He appointed Mikhail Speransky as the state secretary, and ordered him to draft the plan of constitution. Due to a lot of reasons Speransky’s plan was canceled and the constitution reform was delayed again. In 1812, Russia faced the aggression oeagerly engaged in domestic reform. However, the difficulties he faced in domestic reforms and the oppressions from Napoleon gradually pushed him to turn away to diplomatic affairs. Until the temporary relief of Tilsit treaty, he proceeded to domestic reforms again. He appointed Mikhail Speransky as the state secretary, and ordered him to draft the plan of constitution. Due to a lot of reasons Speransky’s plan was canceled and eagerly engaged in domestic reform. However, the difficulties he faced in domestic reforms and the oppressions from Napoleon gradually pusArakachev to start oppressive and cruel rule until his death. Despite of his failure to fufill all the reforms, generally speaking, he still is a dominant figure in both Russian and European history in the nineteenth century. The construction of this article is as follows：The first chapter focuses on the tropics about motives and intentions of this study, study methods and construction, the article analysis and the study limits. The second chapter explores the background of Alexander I’s growth, which about the tropics of current situations of the end of 18 century, and the influence of Catherine II and Paul I on the growth of Alexander I. The third chapter explores the tropics about the domestic reforms which include the serfs question, the constitutional reform, and other reforms about economy and education. The fourth chapter explores the diplomatic and military behaviors of Alexander I, which includes the tropics of Napoleon’s invasion of Russia, the Vienna conference, the European settlement, the Quadruple Alliance and the Holly Alliance. The fifth chapter explores the last years of AlexanderⅠ’s rule, and provide the full analysis and overview. The sixth chapter is conclusion.