O estudo tem como objeto as relações estabelecidas pela mulher entre o processo de abortamento e as situações de violência vivenciadas durante a gestação. A violência e o aborto caracterizam-se por serem temáticas de grande complexidade, envolvendo questões interdisciplinares de gênero, saúde, saúde reprodutiva, religião, movimentos sociais, ética e direitos humanos. No aprofundamento do objeto de estudo, traçamos os seguintes objetivos: identificar os tipos de situações de violência vivenciados, durante a gravidez, pela mulher em processo de abortamento; descrever a vivência de violência sob a ótica da gestante em processo de abortamento e analisar as relações estabelecidas pela gestante em processo de abortamento e a ocorrência de situações de violência na gestação. Trata-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa, que teve como sujeitos 15 mulheres com o diagnóstico de abortamento, internadas em maternidades públicas da cidade de Niterói/Rio de Janeiro. A coleta de dados foi iniciada com a busca nos prontuários do diagnóstico e, posteriormente, foram realizadas entrevistas com roteiro semi-estruturado, gravadas atendendo à legislação vigente acerca das diretrizes de pesquisas com seres humanos. Na análise dos dados utilizamos a técnica de Análise de Conteúdo de Bardin. Os resultados demonstraram a visão ampliada da mulher sobre a violência, sendo de gênero e psicológica as mais apontadas. O aborto foi indicado como uma das manifestações de violência contra a mulher, tanto nos processos espontâneos como nos induzidos. Esse fenômeno, assim como o da violência, é permeado por determinantes sociais, éticas, morais e religiosas. Quando espontâneo, pode ser visto como um fracasso da mulher diante de sua capacidade vital de ser mãe gerando culpa e derrota diante de companheiros e familiares, além da possibilidade de ser vista como pecadora e/ou criminosa, em decorrência do princípio social, religioso e legal do aborto como crime, acarretando o desgaste psicológico. As relações estabelecidas pelas mulheres acerca da violência na gestação e o processo de abortamento versaram basicamente sobre os dilemas vivenciados nas gestações indesejadas; sobre o cotidiano feminino nos espaços públicos e privados, refletidos em conflitos; o excesso da dupla jornada de trabalho; e sobre a violência institucional perpetuada pelos serviços de saúde, principalmente na busca por uma assistência digna e humanizada nas unidades de emergência. / The study has as object the established relationships for the woman between the abortion process and the violence situations lived during the gestation. The Violence and the Abortion are characterized for they be thematic of great complexity, involving interdisciplinary subjects of gender, health, reproductive health, religion, of the social movements, of the ethics and of the human rights. In the deepen of the study object we drew the following objectives: to identify the types of violence situations during the gestation lived by the woman in abortion process; to describe the violence existence under the pregnant woman's optics in abortion process and to analyze the established relationships for the pregnant woman in abortion process and the occurrence of violence situations in the gestation. It is a qualitative research, that had as subjects 15 women with the abortion diagnosis, interned at public maternities of the city of Niterói/Rio of January. The collection of data was initiate with the search in the handbooks of the diagnosis and, later we accomplished interviews with semi-structured itinerary, which were recorded assisting the effective legislation that dispose concerning the guidelines of researches with human beings. In the analysis of the data we used the technique of Analysis of Content of Bardin. The results demonstrated that women possess a vision enlarged concerning the violence, being the gender violence and psychological the most pointed. The abortion was indicated as being one of the manifestations of the violence against the woman, so much in the spontaneous processes as induced us. That phenomenon, as well as the one of the violence, possesses determinations social, ethical, moral and religious that permeate them. When spontaneous it can be seen as a failure of the woman due to her vital capacity to be mother - generating fault and failure before companions and family, beyond, of the possibility to see as sinner and or criminal, due to the social beginning, religious and legal of the abortion as crime, carting the psychological wear. The established relationships for the women concerning the violence in the gestation and the abortion process turned basically, in the dilemmas lived in the undesired gestations; in the daily feminine of the public and private spaces, contemplated in conflicts; in the couple's work day excess; and in the violence institutional eternalized for the services of health, mainly in the search for a worthy attendance and humanized in the units of emergency.

En 1983, alors que les sociétés modernes occidentales s'ouvrent à une libéralisation des lois sur l'avortement, l'Irlande prend le chemin inverse en adoptant le huitième amendement défendant la vie de l'« enfant à naître », amendement conditionné par la doctrine catholique. Nous interprétons cette situation comme un blocage et cherchons à y donner un sens par la mise en perspective du débat en regard du processus de sécularisation dont nous apprécions l'avancée. La question de l'avortement est utilisée ici comme un moyen d'observation privilégié de ce processus à l'échelle individuelle d'une part, et à l'échelle institutionnelle (la relation Église-État) d'autre part. Mais le débat ne se limite pas aux frontières de l'Irlande et s'exporte à l'échelle européenne. L'exception irlandaise sur cette question au sein de l'UE prend une tournure identitaire, une identité ancrée dans le catholicisme, dès lors que la protection de la « vie à naître » est défendue en dehors des frontières, ce qui fut le cas lors de la ratification des traités européens de Maastricht et de Lisbonne. Nous analysons l'attitude de l'Europe sur le droit à la vie tel qu'il est garanti par la Convention européenne des droits de l'homme. Bien qu'elle n'ait pas tranché la question entre le droit à la vie de l'« enfant à naître » ou le droit de la femme à choisir l'avortement, l'Europe pourrait bien être un cheval de Troie car elle est largement favorable aux droits de la femme et à sa santé reproductive, et l'Union ne se prévaut d'aucune confession. / As western modern societies have gradually liberalised their abortion laws, Ireland took the opposite way by adopting the eighth amendment vindicating the right to life of the “unborn” in 1983, an amendment clearly influenced by the prevailing Catholic ethos. The aim of this research is to give sense to this landmark event which we interpret as a moral blocking. To this end, we put the debate in perspective within the secularisation process, the advance of which we propose to assess. The abortion issue is encompassed here as a privileged tool to assess this process both at the individual and institutional level (Church-State relationship) levels. However, the debate is not confined to Ireland and occasionally takes a European dimension. Indeed, the Irish position on abortion is an exception within the EU and has developed as a symbol of the country's Catholic identity when defending its values on unborn human life on the European stage as occurred during the ratification processes of the Maastricht and Lisbon treaties. We analyse Europe's approach to the right to life as guaranteed by the European Convention on Human Rights in relation to the Irish context. Although Europe does not privilege the “unborn's” right to life over the woman's right to choose and vice versa, it might be a Trojan Horse as European institutions are generally in favour of women's rights and reproductive health, and the EU resisted pressure from the Vatican to have any Christian religious denomination engraved in its constitution.

The M. A. thesis "The Protection of the Human Foetus" deals, as obvious from its title, with the issue of protection of the human foetus in the Czech legal order for one thing and in selected countries, taking their legal regulations in concern, for another. The text primarily highlights and analyzes the development of legal regulations in today's Czech Republic; special emphasis is put on the criminal law aspect of the whole matter. According to the presented interpretation and exposition of the problem, it is indeed possible to assume that the legal order of the Czech Republic offers sufficient protection to the human foetus. The germinated life and the life and health of the mother are first are foremost protected through the means of criminal law. The M. A. thesis is divided into eight chapters. The first part of the thesis is devoted to the definition of terms dealing with the issue in concern. Due to its importance, the historical development of the researched phenomenon is likewise not omitted. Furthermore, the constitutional and international dimensions of the problem are also explored. Last but not least, the M. A. thesis deals with the criminal law regulations of the Czech Republic, the regulations of intentional ending of a pregnancy and its conditions. The final chapter puts emphasis on...

O presente estudo tem por escopo investigar o conceito de pessoa moral, e as implicações éticas e jurídicas em considerá-lo como critério de análise nas discussões bioéticas referentes ao aborto, afastando-se, desta forma, do parâmetro estrito da vida biológica, que paira sobre os debates. Assim, o trabalho tem por fundamento metodológico uma abordagem interdisciplinar com predomínio do enfoque zetético-jurídico, valendo-se da inserção de filmes referentes ao assunto e da linguagem logopática do cinema como forma de expandir o objeto de conhecimento, o que colabora para a apreensão afetiva de uma questão humana que envolve em seu interior uma decisão pautada por um conflito éticojurídico. / This work has the aim of studying the concept of moral person, and its moral and legal implications as considering it as a criterion for analysis in bioethical discussions concerning abortion, deviating, in this way, of the strict parameter of biological life, that hovers upon the pleadings. Thus, this work has as methodological foundation an interdisciplinary approach with predominance of legal-zetetic focus, inserting movies related to this issue and logopatic language of cinema as a means of expanding knowledge matter, which helps us comprehend an affective sense of a human question intrinsically connected to a decision of an ethical-legal conflict.

Numa sociedade voltada ao fazer viver, em que se busca a longevidade e a saúde, a crescente prevenção de riscos à saúde e ao viver coloca em ação estratégias de governo para “vitalidade”. Tais estratégias propõem-se a estimular e intensificar a “vontade” de saúde/vida/felicidade; a observação, o acompanhamento, a medicalização e o controle do corpo/saúde da mulher grávida; a promoção da saúde e da vida/morte dos não-nascidos; e o uso das tecnologias biomédicas, por exemplo. Essas questões, articuladas à temática do aborto, moveram-me a investigar as “verdades” direcionadas ao “governo" dos corpos e da vida da mulher grávida e de seu “filho”. Considerar as maneiras pelas quais a subjetividade vem se tornando objeto de certas estratégias e procedimentos de governo e também o lugar de destaque da mídia enquanto instância que integra os processos constitutivos de nossas subjetividades ao veicular “verdades” torna relevante a análise das reportagens que tratam sobre o aborto. Tomei como corpus de análise as reportagens dos jornais Zero Hora (ZH), de Porto Alegre/RS, e Folha de São Paulo, de São Paulo/SP, publicadas ao longo dos anos de 2007, 2008, 2009, 2010, 2011 e 2012. A partir das vertentes pós-estruturalistas dos Estudos Culturais, da noção de governamento para Michel Foucault e de vitalidade para Nikolas Rose, busquei conhecer as estratégias biopolíticas voltadas ao governo das condutas e investigar como elas operavam, a fim de compreender e dar visibilidade aos diversos níveis de atuação do biopoder. Para isso, problematizei: algumas transformações que vêm ocorrendo nas formas como se lida e fala de práticas ligadas ao aborto e à vida/morte; as implicações dessas noções no governo dos corpos para a vitalidade e na produção e determinação de “verdades” que constituem as subjetividades e éticas em relação ao aborto e ao viver/morrer; por fim, a possibilidade de relacionar essas formas de governo à eugenia. As análises levaram-me a pensar, entre outras coisas, que, nessa relação de governo entrecruzada por discursos de mercado, consumo, prevenção de riscos e promoção de vida/saúde, se ajustam e afirmam as construções, limitações e transformações de sujeito, julgamentos morais, estigmas e desigualdades sociais. Além disso, tratar do aborto significa lidar com uma “arena de significações” na qual estão em luta diversas instâncias – religiosas, políticas, médicas, legislativas, morais, mercadológicas e midiáticas. / In a society concerned with making live, which seeks for longevity and health, the growing prevention of risks to health and living triggers government strategies for ‘vitality’. Such strategies aim at stimulating and intensifying, for instance, a ‘desire’ for health/life/happiness; the observation, follow-up, medicalization and control of pregnant women’s body/health; the promotion of health and life/death of the unborn; and the use of biomedical technologies. Such issues, articulated with abortion, have caused me to investigate the ‘truths’ directed to the ‘government’ of pregnant women’s body and life as well as their ‘children’s’. The analysis of reports dealing with abortion are important if we consider the ways through which subjectivity has become an object of certain government strategies and procedures, besides having a remarkable place in the media, which integrates processes that constitute our subjectivities by spreading ‘truths’. The corpus of analysis of this study consists of reports taken from two newspapers: Zero Hora, from Porto Alegre/RS, and Folha de São Paulo, from São Paulo/SP. The reports analyzed were published in the years of 2007, 2008, 2009, 2010, 2011 and 2012. From post-structuralist lines of the Cultural Studies, Michel Foucault’s notion of government, and Nikolas Rose’s conception of vitality, I have both attempted to know the bio-political strategies intended to govern conducts, and investigated how they operated, in order to understand and bring visibility to the several levels of the bio-power action. I have problematized some changes that have occurred in the ways one deals with and talk about practices associated with abortion and life/death; the implications of such notions for both the government of bodies seeking for vitality and the production and determination of ‘truths’ that constitute subjectivities and ethics related to abortion and living/dying; finally, the possibility of relating such forms of government to eugenics. Among other things, the analyses have enabled me to think that subject constructions, limitations and transformations, moral judgments, stigmas and social inequalities have been adjusted and affirmed in this government relationship, intertwined with discourses of market, consumption, risk prevention and life/health promotion. Besides, addressing abortion means dealing with an ‘arena of significations’ in which several spaces are competing – religion, politics, medicine, law, moral, market and media.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-12-20T08:46:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Priscila Kiselar Mortelaro.pdf: 781184 bytes, checksum: acd55a6a307ed024697a54476ef3a94c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-20T08:46:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Priscila Kiselar Mortelaro.pdf: 781184 bytes, checksum: acd55a6a307ed024697a54476ef3a94c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-11 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / The central aim of this research is to identify the versions of voluntary abortion present in the legislative process through the analysis of two specific bills, which propose either decriminalization or criminalization of such procedure even in the cases already provided by law: bills number 882/2015 and 478/2007, respectively. To understand the conditions that enable the criminalization of the ending of pregnancy, we will make use of Foucault’s theory concerning biopolitics and the apparatus (“dispositif”) of sexuality, since it allows us to conceive the rise of the process which politicizes maternity from the perspective of the life-imperative. To reach the aforementioned aim, we employ the theoretical-methodological approach from the discursive psychology, developed by the Centre for Studies and Research of Discursive Practices in Quotidian: rights, risks and health” (Núcleo de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre Práticas Discursivas no Cotidiano: direitos, riscos e saúde - NUPRAD), also related to a constructionist attitude. In the first place, we carried out a systematization of legislative bills with regard to abortion proposed between 2007 and 2017. Next, an analysis of the justification of the two selected bills was made, searching for the voluntary abortion versions contained in them. Three versions were then identified: abortion as murder, abortion as a public health problem and abortion as a women’s right, which, in turn, involves the right to reproductive self-determination and the right to life. These versions establish between themselves oppositions, but also combine and complement each other, depending on their use / Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo central identificar as versões de aborto voluntário presentes no processo legislativo por meio da análise de dois projetos de lei específicos que têm por foco a descriminalização ou a criminalização da prática nos casos já previstos por lei: o PL 882/2015 e o PL 478/2007, respectivamente. Para entendermos as condições que possibilitam a criminalização da interrupção da gestação, utilizaremos as teorizações de Michel Foucault acerca da biopolítica e do dispositivo da sexualidade, uma vez que nos permitem compreender a emergência do processo de politização da maternidade a partir do imperativo da vida. Para atingir o objetivo de pesquisa, empregamos a abordagem teórico-metodológica da psicologia discursiva desenvolvida no Núcleo de Estudos sobre Práticas Discursivas no Cotidiano: direitos, riscos e saúde (NUPRAD), que se inscreve no âmbito de uma postura construcionista. Em um primeiro momento, realizamos uma sistematização dos projetos de lei concernentes ao aborto apresentados no período de 2007 a 2017. Em seguida, foi feita uma análise da justificativa dos dois projetos de lei selecionados, buscando as versões de aborto voluntário neles presentes. Três versões foram identificadas: o aborto como assassinato, o aborto como problema de saúde pública e o aborto como direito feminino que, por sua vez, contempla o direito à autodeterminação reprodutiva e o direito à vida. Versões que estabelecem entre si relações de oposição, mas também se associam e completam, dependendo de seu uso

Esta tese buscou explorar, por meio da análise das narrativas pró-direito ao aborto no Brasil, os níveis meso e macro do narrative policy framework (NPF), bem como testar as possíveis contribuições das técnicas de text mining para as análises de narrativas de políticas públicas. Foram analisados documentos pró-direito ao aborto elaborados por ativistas feministas entre 1976 e 1988 e documentos de organizações feministas, projetos de leis e documentos de políticas públicas sobre aborto referentes ao período de 1989 a 2016. Foi feita uma análise de conteúdo dos dois conjuntos de documentos usando o software OpenLogos. Os resultados da pesquisa revelam que as feministas fizeram uma escolha estratégica por uma narrativa de saúde pública de modo a expandir a coalizão pró-direito ao aborto por meio da inclusão de atores da área da saúde. A aliança com a saúde levou a conquistas para a coalizão, com a criação de serviços de aborto legal e a inclusão da anencefalia entre os casos em que o aborto é permitido. A narrativa de saúde pública foi, assim, institucionalizada, tornando-se tanto a principal narrativa da coalizão quanto a principal narrativa contida nos documentos de políticas públicas. Essa institucionalização é um objetivo da atuação das coalizões de militância, mas também impõe limites (constraints) à sua atuação futura, já que seu abandono pode colocar em risco a coalizão, ao mesmo tempo em que demandas futuras têm de ser elaboradas a partir da estrutura de políticas públicas já existente. A análise da institucionalização de narrativas é uma contribuição ao NPF, explorando seu nível macro, ainda menos desenvolvido. A tese revela ainda que as feministas, em resposta à percepção de derrota, buscaram contrair o escopo da disputa em torno do aborto, restringindo-a às áreas técnicas da saúde e ao Supremo Tribunal Federal, o que contraria as hipóteses do NPF. Por fim, a tese apresenta contribuições possíveis de técnicas de text mining para a análise de narrativas de políticas públicas. / framework (NPF) through an analysis of pro-abortion rights narratives in Brazil. It also sought to test possible applications of text mining techniques to policy narrative analyses. I analyzed pro-abortion rights documents from feminist activists from 1976 to 1988 and documents from feminist organizations, law proposals and policy documents regarding abortion from 1989 to 2016. I carried out a content analysis of these documents using the OpenLogos software. Results show that feminists strategically opted for a public health narrative so as to expand the pro-abortion rights advocacy coalition through the inclusion of actors from the health field. The alliance with health sectors led to victories for the coalition, with the creation of legal abortion services and the inclusion of anencephaly among the exceptions to the abortion ban. The public health narrative thus became institutionalized: it became both the main narrative used by the coalition and the main narrative contained in policy documents. Coalitions seek to have narratives institutionalized, but this also constrains future action: abandoning an institutionalized narrative may threaten the coalition, while any future demands must be formulated within the framework of exiting policies. This dissertation further reveals that feminists, in response to perceived losses, sought to contract the scope of the dispute surrounding abortion, restricting it to technical health areas and to the Supreme Court. This contradicts NPF hypotheses. Finally, the dissertation also presents possible applications of text mining techniques to policy narrative analyses.

O presente estudo tem por escopo investigar o conceito de pessoa moral, e as implicações éticas e jurídicas em considerá-lo como critério de análise nas discussões bioéticas referentes ao aborto, afastando-se, desta forma, do parâmetro estrito da vida biológica, que paira sobre os debates. Assim, o trabalho tem por fundamento metodológico uma abordagem interdisciplinar com predomínio do enfoque zetético-jurídico, valendo-se da inserção de filmes referentes ao assunto e da linguagem logopática do cinema como forma de expandir o objeto de conhecimento, o que colabora para a apreensão afetiva de uma questão humana que envolve em seu interior uma decisão pautada por um conflito éticojurídico. / This work has the aim of studying the concept of moral person, and its moral and legal implications as considering it as a criterion for analysis in bioethical discussions concerning abortion, deviating, in this way, of the strict parameter of biological life, that hovers upon the pleadings. Thus, this work has as methodological foundation an interdisciplinary approach with predominance of legal-zetetic focus, inserting movies related to this issue and logopatic language of cinema as a means of expanding knowledge matter, which helps us comprehend an affective sense of a human question intrinsically connected to a decision of an ethical-legal conflict.

A more conservative supreme court will likely have the chance to overrule Roe v. Wade. Many states have passed heartbeat laws that will probably be taken all the way to the supreme court, these cases will ask the supreme court to affirm fetal personhood, giving fetuses a constitutionally recognized right to due process and making abortion illegal. In this thesis, I will defend an expansion of protections for pregnant peoples through a socialized right to abortion.

The purpose of this research project was to determine if there was a significant difference between women who had unplanned pregnancies and the amount of information those women received about their pregnancy options regarding parenting, adoption, and abortion, and those who were not. Additionally, the level of information about pregnancy options, and whether it would reduce termination of pregnancies was examined. The aspects explored included the information available to clients and the decision making process for women who have experienced an unplanned pregnancy. The methods for this study involved using an anonymous survey via Survey Monkey. Additionally, this study examined the importance of clients being informed and the role information plays in the social work field. A detailed examination of the research which has been conducted in pregnancy options counseling and what that counseling consists of was conducted and discussed. An overview of "Woman’s Right to Know Laws" was also addressed and what theories have an impact on what woman experience during an unplanned pregnancy. Finally, an independent samples t-test was conducted to determine if there were significant differences between groups of women who had chosen to keep and parent their child, those who chose to have an abortion, and those who chose to relinquish their child for adoption and the amount of information they received about their pregnancy options. The study found a significant difference between women who chose to parent their children and women who iv chose to have an abortion in terms of the level of information they were provided about those options. The abortion group received significantly more information about abortion than the parenting group. This may be due to the type of information received being more about cost and recovery periods versus the actual abortion procedure and mental health concerns post-abortion. Based on the findings, most women know what they will do in the case of an unplanned pregnancy and only a significant intervention will change their course of action. Based on the findings, educating women about their pregnancy options will not change their decision to keep, abort or relinquish their child for adoption. Instead, prevention efforts are more effective in preventing abortion than providing them with information.